Adams J.T. Empire on the Seven Seas. The British Empire 1784-1939
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THE
BOER
WAR
England
the
drift
toward
imperialism
had
already
received
a
severe
set-back
when
the news
of
Jameson's
raid
on
the
Transvaal
confirmed
what
had
come to be
the
opinion
of an
influential
part
of the
British nation.
It
marked
dramatically
a
change
in
national
thought.
To understand
it
and
the
events
flowing
from it
we
have
to
go
back a
few
years
prior
to
the end of
the
previous chapter.
We
have
already
spoken
of the
character of
Paul
Kruger
and
of
the
Transvaal
Boers. Old "Oom
Paul"
was
a
dictator but there
was
a
good
deal of
opposition among
the more
progressive
of his
subjects,
though
in
general
the civilization
and
level
of
culture
were
still those of
the seventeenth
century.
The
whole
situation,
however,
had
been
changed
by
the
discovery
of
gold
in
1884.
an(i
in
1886
of
the
gold-field
of
the
Witwatersrand,
still
after
forty-
odd
years
of
exploitation
the
richest
gold
deposit
in
the
world.
It was
stated
only
the
other
day
(1939)
that
the
gold
still in
the
ground
there
exceeded
the
huge
hoard held
in
the United
States,
more
than half
the
mined
supply
of the
globe.
At once
the
gold
rush
brought
into
the
Transvaal a
huge
immi-
gration,
chiefly
of
British and Australians. The
government,
from
a
condition
of
bankruptcy, suddenly
became
wealthy
and in a
posi-
tion
to
equip
itself
for modern
war. The
simple
fanning
popula-
tion
of
the
seventeenth
century
found
itself
plunged
into the
power
politics
of the most
sordid and
imperialistic
financial
period
of the late nineteenth.
Briefly,
the
foreigners
had
in
a decade built
cities
Johannesburg
from a hamlet had
grown
to
100,000
by
1896
and
threatened all
the old
ways
of
life,
including
the
supremacy
of
Kruger,
shrewd,
narrow
and stubborn.
The Boers
themselves
were
supposed
to have
defeated
him
for
the
presidency
in
1893,
but
in
spite
of
the
belief
that there had
been a
deliberate
miscount
of votes he was declared
elected
by
a small
majority.
He was
still
in
power
and
able to
enforce
his
policies.
These had included not
allowing
any
votes,
even
in
municipal
elections,
to
the
foreigners
who had
made
the
wealth of
the
coun-
try,
and
who,
although
they
were
heavily
taxed at his
will,
were
allowed
no
voice
in
government.
Even their
children,
almost
wholly
British,
were
required
to
be
taught
only
in
the
Dutch
language
287
EMPIRE
ON THE
SEVEN
SEAS
in
the
schools
supported
by
British
industry
and
taxes. The
100,-
OOO
British
in the
almost
wholly
British-made
and
British-popu-
lated
city
of
Johannesburg
and
the thousands
elsewhere
in
the
country
were
in
the
hands
of
this
one
old
man,
whom
even
his
own
people
wished
to throw
over,
and
who
employed
Dutch and
Ger-
man
agents
to assist
him
in
making
the
most
of
the
wealth
the
British
had
developed.
These
conditions,
which
irked
the
more
progressive
Boers,
naturally
appeared
intolerable
to
the
British,
who
were
practically
not
allowed
to
become
even citizens and
were
merely
used
as
milch
cows.
Meanwhile,
stubborn
and
strong-willed
as
Kruger
was,
there
was
another
man
in South
Africa
who
was
equally
so. In
the his-
tory
of
empire
the
figure
of
Cecil
Rhodes
will
always
loom
large,
in
spite
of his
mistakes.
If
he
phrased
the
leading principle
of
what
should
guide
the
empire
building
of
his
day
as
"philan-
thropy
plus
5
per
cent" and
seemed at times to
be
wholly pos-
sessed
by
the
desire
to
acquire
the vast riches which
came
to be
his,
nevertheless
he
was
not
merely
acquisitive
but
the
dreamer
of vast
imperial
dreams.
Wealth
for
him
was
an
essential
lever
to
power,
not an end in itself.
Possibly
the main
flaw in his
thought
was that
with
that lever
he
could
accomplish
anything,
though
his
ambitions were
for
the
Empire
and
not
for
himself. In
his
somewhat
clumsy
way
he
fumbled
with
the belief
in
the
divine
mission
of the British
race,
and
devoted
himself and
his
wealth
to
forwarding
it.
For
a
while,
as
the
dominant
figure
in
the
Kimberley
diamond
fields,
in
mines,
as
Managing
Director
and
practical
dictator
of
the British
South
Africa
Company,
and
as
Premier of
Cape Colony,
he
moulded
the
destinies
of
the
south-
ern
part
of the vast
continent
through
which he
dreamed of
an
all-red
strip
from
the
Mediterranean
to
the
Cape
and of
his
Cape
to
Cairo
Railway,
British owned on
British soil.
When
the racial
question
was
acute
Rhodes
believed in
equality
between
the
Dutch and
British as
the
only
solution
and
formed an
alliance
with
Hofmeyer,
leader
of
the
Afrikander
Bund in
the
Cape Colony.
He
also took
an active
interest
in
education
and
the
fair
settlement of
the
native
problem.
In
Cape
Colony
not
only
288
THE
BOER
WAR
were
the
Dutch and
British
in
possession
of
equal
political
rights
but
the blacks
also
had
the franchise.
That
Colony
and
Natal
and
the
Orange
Free
State
united
during
his term
of
office
in
a
customs
union,
and
with the
development
of the
territory
under
control
of
his
South
Africa
Company,
named
Rhodesia
in
his
honor,,
he
hemmed
in
the backward Transvaal.
There
the
foreigners,
called
Uitlanders
by
the
Boers,
had
be-
come
desperate,
Rhodes
firmly
believed that
the future
of the
South
African
empire
which
he had
in
mind
could be
achieved
only
by
the
hearty
union of Dutch and
British
under
the
lead of
the
latter,
and
that
he himself was the
one
destined
to
accomplish
this
result.
Of
his
great
practical
ability
in
affairs
there can be no
question.
He had
also
many
of the
qualities
of
the
great
states-
man,
but
he
lacked
one
essential
patience.
He
was
always making
wills,
embodying
his
ideas
(of
which
the Foundation for the
Rhodes
Scholarships
was
one),
and was
haunted
by
the
thought
of
the
brevity
of
life.
It was
this
trait
which caused
him
to
make the
great
mistake of
his
life.
He
was
impatient
at
the
intransigence
of
the
Kruger
regime,
which
seemed to
be
blocking
his
plans.
The Uitlanders
planned
an
armed
rising against
the
Boer
Government to force
the
righting
of
their
grievances.
Rhodes
unfortunately
lent
himself
to
these
plans,
and his
friend
Doctor
Jameson,
administrator of
Rhodesia,
was to hold himself
in
readiness at
the
border
to
rush
in
to
the
help
of the Uitlanders when
they
rose in
Johannesburg
and Pretoria.
Aside from the madness
of
the scheme the
timing
went all
awry,
and
the
rising
did not take
place
as
planned.
In
spite
of
this and
a
countermanding
of orders
by
Rhodes,
Jameson
and
his
small
force crossed
the border
on
what
could
be
considered
only
as
a
feeble
and
unjustified
attack
by
British on
a
nominally
friendly
power.
The
force
was
ignominiously
routed,
captured
and
the leaders of
the
proposed
insurrection
arrested.
The
cards were now
in
old
Kruger's
hands.
Rhodes,
whose
im-
plication
was
beyond
question,
at
once
resigned
as Premier
of
the
Cape
and
his
political
career was
at
an
end,
as
well
as
his states-
manlike dream of
a
union of races.
The
Boers
of the Transvaal
289
EMPIRE
ON
THE
SEVEN
SEAS
again
rallied
around
their
President,
and
gained
the
sympathy
of
their fellow racial
elements
in the
Cape
and
the
Orange
Free
State.
Rhodes
went
to London to
face
a
Parliamentary
enquiry,
which
was handled
in
a
way
to
increase
Dutch
suspicions.
We
shall
speak
of
Anglo-German
relations
later
in this
chapter,
but
may
here
note
that
the
Kaiser sent
a
cablegram
to
Kruger
which the latter
inter-
preted
as
meaning
he
could
count
on
German
help.
The
Jameson
forces had been
defeated
January
2',
1896,
and the
conditions
rapidly
deteriorated
in the next
three
years.
The
Dutch
had
now
been
largely
united
against,
and
not
with,
the
British.
Kruger
by
means of
his taxation
of the
British
people
and indus-
tries
in
the Transvaal
had
the
means
with
which
to arm
heavily
and
with
modern
weapons.
In
January,
1899,
about
2i,OOO
British
subjects
in that
country
petitioned
the
Queen
for a redress of their
grievances,
including
the lack of
equal
political
rights
for
all
white
men such
as existed
in
every
British
colony.
The
laxity
of
wording
of
the
Convention
of
London,
already
alluded
to,
now made itself felt.
Just
what
the
relations were
be-
tween
Britain
and the
Kruger government
had been
left
uncertain.
The British
Ministry
did
not
feel it
could interfere
with
the
do-
mestic
affairs
of
the
Transvaal
and
yet
was
unwilling
to
admit
Kruger's
entire
independence.
There
was a
deadlock.
Kruger,
be-
lieving
in
German
help
and
practically
certain
of
the
aid
of the
Free
State,
felt sure
he was
more
powerful
than the
British,
and
demanded in an
ultimatum that the
British
withdraw
all
armed
forces
from
the
neighborhood
of
the
Transvaal within
forty-eight
hours,
Britain
realized
that
it
had
blundered into
a
serious
war,
though
how
serious
it did
not
yet
recognize.
The
curtain had fallen
on the first
act of one of
the
most
disastrous
dramas in
the
history
of
the
Empire,
though
the mistakes
were
to
be
nobly
retrieved
before the
end.
In
spite
of
the
series of
Imperial
Conferences
the
real
strength
of
the
Empire
in
a
crisis was
still
unknown.
There
were the
United
Kingdom,
India,
and
a
group
of
globe-encircling
self-governing
Dominions and
other
colonies.
Otherwise
Great
Britain had
w'orked
herself
into a
position
of
complete
isolation. She
did not
290
BRITAIN'S
ISOLATION
have
a
friend
or
ally
in the
world.
What would the
loose
agglom-
eration of
"possessions"
scattered round
the earth mean
to
her?
Would
they prove
assets
or
liabilities in the then nebulous
consti-
tutional
and sentimental
relations
subsisting
and amid a
world
of
enemies?
Those
were
questions
to
which
the men
of
Britain
could find
no
sure
answer as
they
faced
the
situation,
and
we
may
pause
here
a
moment
to
trace
briefly
the causes
"of
Britain's
isolation*
II. BRITAIN'S
ISOLATION
These
were
partly
moral,
if
we can
still
use such
a word
in
speaking
of international
relations,
and
partly
political.
In
the
New World
Britain had
nothing
to
fear. There had
been,
as
we
have
seen,
a marked
reaction
in
the
United States from
the tem-
porary
asperity
of
the
Olney
Venezuelan
incident,
much
helped
by
the
obviously
friendly
attitude
of
England
in
the
Spanish-
American
War.
Anglo-American
relations
had
never
been
so
good
since
long
before the two
countries
had
separated
in
the
eighteenth
century.
But it
must
be recalled
that
if
a
quite
considerable
propor-
tion of
the
British
themselves,
with the
smell
of
the
Jameson
raid
still
in
their
nostrils,
regarded
the Boer
War as forced on
a
small
white
nation
merely
because
it stood in the
way
of
imperial
ad-
vance,
the
same
impression
might
much more
readily
be
made
on
nationals
of other
countries
who
thought
Britain
always ready
to
pay
more
attention to
the
"5
per
cent"
than
to
the
"philanthropy"
of
Rhodes'
phrase.
Americans
were
at
the
moment
going
through
a
certain
phase
of
self-righteousness
because
of their
having given
Cuba
to
the Cubans and
paid
$20,000,000
to
Spain
for the
Philip-
pines
and
Puerto
Rico in
spite
of
their
easy
victory
over
that
deca-
dent
nation.
There was a
feeling
across the
Atlantic that
England
was
playing
a
rather
dirty
game
and
that her
fight
against
the
Boers
was
a
sample
of
fin-de-siecle
commercial
imperialism
at
about
its
worst.
But there
was
nothing
to
fear
from America.
In
Europe
it
was
different. Britain has
for
long
had
to
play
a
difficult
dual role. From
one
standpoint
her
policy
must
be
that
of
an island
center
of a
world-flung empire
with
practically
no
pos-
291
EMPIRE
ON
THE
SEVEN SEAS
sessions
in
Europe.
From
another,
owing
to
the
fact
that
she
is
only
twenty
miles
from
the
European
continent
she
must
be af-
fected
by
the
power
and
alignments
of the
great
nations
there
which
not
only
covet
her
outlying
possessions
but
are
such
close
neighbors
as
to
make a
thrust
at her
heart,
the home island
of
Great
Britain,
a
possibility.
How
great
that
threat is
at
present
is
indicated
by
the
fact
that the
British
Prime
Minister
takes his
daily
walk with a
gas
mask
slung
on
his
back.
Before the
present
generation
and
the
day
of
planes
and
aerial
bombs the
navy
could
hold the narrow
seas,
but
even
so the
Continental
powers
could
exert tremendous and
threatening
influence on
British
policy.
As
the
crisis
of the
Boer War
impended,
the
five
great powers
were
lined
up
in
the two
groups
of
the
Dual Alliance
France
and
Russia
and
the
Triple
Alliance
Germany,
Austria-Hungary
and
Italy,
Britain
was
wholly
isolated. She could
try
either
to re-
establish the concert of
Europe,
that is
the
six
great
powers
in-
terested
in
European
questions
working
together
by
the
method
of conference
and
peaceful
settlement of
disputes,
or
ally
herself
to
one
or
the other
group
as
seemed
most
promising.
Both methods
failed
and
the
only
alternative left
was
to
try
to
negotiate standing disputes
and
points
of
friction at
a
disadvantage.
Problems
in
Armenia,
Crete and
elsewhere showed
how difficult
that would
prove.
Russia was
thinking
of
a
push
toward
the Medi-
terranean
which would
give
her
a
"warm
water
35
port,
and Ger-
many
was
beginning
to dream of
both
naval
supremacy
and the
Drang
nach
Qsten
y
which would
allow her
to
control
the Near
East.
The
Berlin-Bagdad
Railway
plan
was an
ominous
portent.
Should
Russia
be
allowed
to
control
Constantinople
or
the
Ger-
mans
the
Persian
Gulf?
These were
merely
some
of
the
problems
which
deeply
affected
British
lines
of
communication.
Germany,
whom
practically
alone
British
policy
had
counted
on
to
maintain
her
position
in
Egypt,
was
becoming
restive.
The
Kaiser
was
thinking
in terms
of the
navy
and
overseas
empire.
In
the
middle of
1897
Admiral
von
Tirpitz
had
become Minister of
Marine
and lent
himself
whole-heartedly
to a
great
increase
in the
navy.
The
first
thing
picked
up
on
the
road
to
the
new
German
292
GERMANY AND
FRANCE
Empire
was
Kiao-Chow in
China.
Russia
followed
by
appropriat-
ing
Port Arthur
in
Manchuria. Britain
approached
the German
Emperor
for
an
alliance
under
terms of
strictest
secrecy,
and
the
Kaiser
promptly betrayed
the
negotiations
to
the Russian
Czar.
The
Czar,
however,
proposed
a
conference,
held
May
and
June,
1899,
to
which
all
governments
were
invited,
to
reduce
armaments
and
revise the
rules of
war.
Except possibly
Russia
no
nation
in
Europe really
wanted
limitation of
armaments,
and
Britain killed
the
proposal
of
the
United
States
for
immunity
of
private
property
on the
high
seas.
The
only
result
of
the
meeting
was
the
formation
of
the
Hague
Court of
International
Arbitration,
a
real
step,
though only
a
minor
one as
it has
since
proved,
in
the
direction
of
the
peaceful
settlement of international
disputes.
In
1940
"power
politics"
rule the world more
strongly
than even
in
1899.
In the
summer
of
1898,
Joseph
Chamberlain,
who
had
steadily
been
work-
ing
for a
German
alliance,
negotiated
a
treaty
with
that
country.
This
provided
that
Germany
should
be
allowed to secure a
large
part
of the
claims of
Portugal
to Africa should
Portugal
be
willing
to
dispose
of
them,
and in
turn she was
to
release
any
claims to the
Transvaal. When
in
November
of the
following year
the
Kaiser
came
to
Windsor for
the
birthday
of
his
grandmother,
Queen
Vic-
toria,
Chamberlain renewed
his
plea
for
an
alliance,
but
Bulow,
the
German
Chancellor,
suggested
a
triple
one to
include
Germany,
Britain
and the United
States.
This was
unpopular
in
England,
and
any
statesman
who understood the
isolationist
sentiment in the
United
States with
regard
to
Europe
would have realized that
it
could
not
have
been
accepted
in
America. Chamberlain
backed the
proposal
in
speeches,
only
to
be turned
down
and snubbed
by
Germany.
III. GERMANY
AND
FRANCE
Tirpitz
secured,
for
the
Kaiser,
the
passage
of a
bill in
the
Reichstag
doubling
the
scale
of
naval increase
of
two
years
earlier.
It was
only
the
incident
of
the
Boxer Rebellion
in
China,
where
Germany
was
somewhat at the
mercy
of
Britain,
that
kept
the
293
EMPIRE
ON THE SEVEN SEAS
German
Government
from
giving encouragement
to
Kruger
when
he
visited
that
country
and France
in
search of aid in
the
Boer
War.
The
old Boer
had been
officially
received
by
the
President
of
France,
but
the
Kaiser refused
him the
same
honor.
Meanwhile,
affairs
otherwise
had not
been
going
well with the French Re-
public,
one
of
the
largest
empires
in the world
and
within
sight
of
the
cliffs
of
Dover.
That
country,
as
we
have
noted,
had deserted
Britain
at a
critical
moment
in
Egyptian
affairs,
leaving
the British
in
the
lurch
and
refusing
to
accept
any
responsibility
for
maintaining
order
in
the
country
of the
Nile,
and
since then
had
played
the
part
of
dog
in
the
manger
and had
steadily
opposed
the
hegemony
of
Britain
in
Egypt.
It
was
this
which
had
forced
England
into the
arms
of
Germany.
Egypt
had,
as
we
have
also
seen,
formerly
claimed
the
Sudan,
but had had to
abandon
it
owing
to
the
failure of
its
finances
and armed
forces.
Lord
Cromer's marvellous
administrative achievement
at last
made it
possible
not
only
to
reconquer
it
but
to re-establish order
in
it.
The
importance
of the
huge region
is
evidenced
by
the
fact
that
more
than
half
the
length
of the
Nile,
which
alone
sustains
the
life of
Egypt,
is included
in
it. The
fanatical
Mahdist
natives
had
brought
about
there
both
a
state
of
anarchy
and
a
resumption
of
the atrocious
slave trade with the
farther interior.
After
most
careful
preparation,
Sir
Herbert
Kitchener,
later
Lord
Kitchener
of
Khartoum,
Sirdar of the
Egyptian Army,
waged
a
two
and a
half
years'
campaign
with
final
victory
at
Omdurman,
not
far
from the
city
which
gave
him his title. In
spite
of
the
fact
that
Britain
alone
had
remade
Egypt,
the
international
status of
that
country
was
still
complex
and
subject
to
dispute.
This was not
true
of the
Sudan,
which
was
subject
solely
to
joint
British and
Egyptian
rule and
control.
However,
some
French
explorers
had
penetrated
to
a
point,
Fashoda,
on
the
Nile
even
higher up
the
river
than
Khartoum,
and
France,
just
at
the time
when
relations
between
the
two
countries
were
strained
by
the
avowed
British
sympathy
for
Captain
Dreyfus,
chose
the
moment
to
put
in
a
claim
to
territory
which
was
disallowed.
The
"Fashoda
incident
3
'
of
294
END
OF THE BOER WAR
1898
was
part
of
the
European
background
to
the
Boer
War
and
the
isolation
of
Britain at
the time.
IV.
END OF
THE BOER
WAR
That
war,
to
which we
may
now
return,
began
in
October,
1
899,
and
was
one of
the
most critical
in
which
the
Empire
has been
engaged
overseas.
Everything
had
played
into the
hands
of
Kruger.
The
British,
as has
so
often
happened,
were
wholly
un-
prepared,
and
had
merely
drifted
into
the
conflict.
The Boers
in-
vaded
British
territory
and laid
siege
at
once to the
cities
of
Mafeking, Kimberley
and
Ladysmith.
In one month the
forces
directed to the
relief
of each were defeated.
The
imperial optimism
of
a decade
before
gave
place
to
deepest
gloom.
France,
Germany
and
other
leading European
powers
were
hostile. The
Empire
had
not
been
tested,
and
Britain was
being
defeated
by
the
despised
Boer
farmers
whom
they
had
considered
as
dangerous
foes.
They
were, however,
magnificent
fighting
material
under
the conditions
under
which the
war was
fought.
Nevertheless,
the
British
fleet still
held the
seas,
and
the answer
of
the
Empire
to the
need
of
the
Mother
Country
came
like
a
bugle
blast
to
arouse both her
and the
world. Canadian
and
Australian
troops
first rallied
to
the cause.
The
strength
of
the
imperial
ties became
apparent.
The
Boer advance had also
spent
itself,
notable
as
it
had
been.
In
England,
where
an
easy victory
had
been
expected,
men's
faces
became
set,
and
the British settled
down
to the
job.
Kitchener
and
'Roberts
were
placed
in
high
command. How
intense the
anxiety
had
been was
shown
by
the
marching
crowds
in
English
cities
and
towns
the
night
the
word
came
of
the relief
of
Mafeking
by
a
force under
the lead
of
Baden-Powell,
later
founder
of
the
Boy
Scout
movement in
the
world. More
important
military
events
were
happening,
but
Mafeking
had become
a
symbol
and the
in-
tense revulsion
of
feeling
when it was saved
gave
rise to
a
new
word in the
language,
"mafficking,"
to
express
the
extravagant
and
quite
un-British
behavior
of
the
crowds
celebrating
the
event,
though
the
Oxford
Dictionary,
with
more accustomed
British
restraint,
states
that
the
word
is
no
longer
used!
295
EMPIRE
ON THE
SEVEN
SEAS
The
details
of the
campaigns,
which
lasted
some two
and
a
half
years
more,
need
not
concern
us* The
Boers
put
up
a
magnificent
fight.
Roberts
and
Kitchener,
in command
of
the
greatest
British
forces
Britain
had
ever
put
in
the
field,
swept
across
the Boer
states.
The
Presidents
of both
asked
for
peace
but
none
was
granted.
Kruger
finally
fled
to
Europe
and
the
British
annexed
both
the
Transvaal
and
the
Orange
Free State.
Britain,
however,
had
become
sobered.
The raw
imperialism
of
the i88o's
and
90'$
had
passed.
The
real
defeat
of
the
Boers
was
followed
by
a
period
of
guerrilla
warfare
before
the
final
peace
came.
Rhodes,
a
dying
man,
said,
"You
think
you
have beaten
the
Dutch!
It is not so. ...
What
is beaten
is
Krugerism,
a
corrupt
and
evil
government,
no more
Dutch
in essence than
English.
No!
The
Dutch are
as
vigorous
and
unconquered
today
as
they
have
ever
beenj
the
country
is still as
much
theirs as
yours,
and
you
will
have
to
live and
work with them hereafter as in the
past."
1
Finally,
May
31, 1902,
the
Boers
accepted
the
peace
treaty
of
Vereeniging
and
became British
subjects.
Few
treaties,
if
any,
have
ever
been so
generous
to
the
vanquished,
and if that of
Versailles
could have been
negotiated
in
the same
spirit
the
world would
have
been
spared
the
possible
destruction of
its
Western civiliza-
tion. The
people incorporated
into the
Empire
were
granted
not
only
full
guarantees
of
liberty
and
civil
rights,
self-government,
and
safety
of their
property,
but also
a
grant
of
3,000,000
to
re-
establish
their farms.
With
all
the dark
spots
which
can
be
pointed
to
in
the
growth
of the British
Empire,
and
they
are
many
as
we
are all
human,
I
doubt
if
any
other
nation
in
history
would
have
made
such terms
after
such
a
struggle.
Thereafter
both
races
were
to have
equal rights
and that is
all
that
Britain
gained, though
the
statesmanship
of
the next
few
years
was to win
her also
the
loyalty
of
her
late
enemies.
The
Union
of
South Africa
belongs
to
the
next
chapter,
but
we
may
here note
that
the
Boer
leaders,
Botha
and
Smuts,
came
to
the fore
in
effecting
a
real
and
lasting
peace
of
hearts and
not
merely
of
arms. The
long
story
of South
Africa
which
we
have
touched
upon
iQuoted
by
G.
M.
Trevelyan,
British
History
to
the
Nineteenth
Century* 1922,
p.
421.
296