Adams Robyn, Cox Rosanna. Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture
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108 Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture
Despite a warning that she should ‘be no medeller in the causes of others’
the implicit expectation was that she would be well-placed to favour
family and friends.
42
In practice too women of the Privy Chamber were
the focus of suitors’ attentions because of their perceived intimacy with
the monarch, and approached to speak with or pass on letters to the
queen. Elizabeth Bourne implored ‘M[ist]r[e]s Morgan’ to ‘delyver me a
letter to good M[ist]r[es]s Blanche parry’, adding that she hoped she
would ‘entreat her most ernestlie to move her ma[jes]tie’.
43
Thomas
Edwardes described to Elizabeth Wolley the role of ‘mestrys Raclyffe’,
presumably Mary Radcliffe ‘Keeper of the Jewels’, in forwarding her letters
to the queen: ‘I rec[eive]d a l[ett]re directed to mestrys Raclcyffe who
impartinge theffecte thereof to the queene her Mag[es]
tie
commanded to
see the l[ett]res takinge greate paynes in reading’.
44
Furthermore, those
close to the queen were often present when suitors’ letters were read and
therefore well situated to support a letter by favouring a writer’s cause.
Bishop Thomas Bentham wrote to Katherine Ashley, an influential woman
of Elizabeth’s bedchamber, informing her that, ‘necessitye haithe com-
pelled me to wryte unto the Quens highnes a rud supplication whiche
I beseche you helpe to deliver yf nede shall requyre or els when it is
delivered to speak a good word to prosper yt’.
45
Frances, Countess of
Hertford informed her husband, ‘I delyvered your letter after I had rede
it to her maiesty’.
46
Women were thus at the heart of court networks,
integral to the patronage system and the promotion of suits.
The court was also an important hub for news. Being present at court
provided women access to news of national and international focus, either
by attending on the queen, or through contact with the many courtiers
and diplomats who thronged the court. Anne Talbot (née Herbert)
thought the court a place to ‘learn’ news ‘worthey the wrytynge’.
47
The
newsletters of several female courtiers survive, typically discussing similar
topics to men’s letters, such as the monarch’s health and moods, court
progresses, fluctuations in royal favour, aristocratic marriages, appoint-
ments to office, and military affairs. Frances Seymour (née Howard)
informed her husband the Earl of Hertford of the queen’s recent fall
from her horse, but assured him that the progress into Sussex would
go ahead as planned, but that there is no more talk of her going to
Wanstead, but instead to Nonsuch.
48
Margaret Arundel wrote to her
brother Francis Willoughby of the Earl of Leicester’s entertainment of the
court at Kenilworth.
49
Lady Elizabeth Wolley acted as a court commenta-
tor for her father and brother when they were based in Surrey.
50
Bess of
Hardwick’s female court correspondents provided her with intimate first-
hand accounts of the goings-on in the Privy Chamber.
51
Margaret Clifford’s
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James Daybell 109
court correspondence to her husband brims with gossip and rumour as
well as descriptions of events of national and international importance.
Her letters, however, are not indiscriminate in the news they relay; instead
the Countess of Cumberland’s concern was to provide information of
interest to her husband, himself a naval commander. One such letter
begins with details of business personal to the Cliffords: the countess’s
efforts to negotiate with Robert Cecil about Knaresborough Castle, and
Cecil’s attempt to move the queen concerning the earl of Cumberland’s
‘going to sea’. After an aside about the queen’s tendency to alter her
mind, the remainder of the letter reports on military matters: the fleet,
the campaign in France and appointments of commanders. The letters
of these individual women illustrate the ways in which women at court
were able to tap into intelligence networks and participate in the wider
geographical dissemination of news. News of this nature – the ups and
downs of royal favour and details of life at court and its inhabitants – was
also political capital within a patronage society.
Yet this recognition of the prominent roles that women of the
Elizabethan Privy Chamber played in the dispensing of royal patronage
has often been emphasized while excluding the very same women from
the realms of diplomacy and policy-making, arenas in which their male
counterpoints so conspicuously intervened in the reign of Henry VIII.
52
Wright, for example, argued that with the removal of the Dry Stamp
from the Privy Chamber under Elizabeth, female Chamberers were
excluded from administrative duties. Once a ‘cockpit of faction’ the
Elizabethan Privy Chamber instead became a ‘cocoon’ for the queen,
a stable place of withdrawal from the welter of politics, a fundamental
assumption little challenged by later reassessments of the Elizabethan
court by Charlotte Merton and Joan Greenbaum Goldsmith.
53
More
recently this consensus has been ruptured by Natalie Mears who has con-
vincingly shown that gentlewomen of the Elizabethan Privy Chamber
were indeed involved in diplomatic relations and policy-making
activities, acting in ambassadorial capacities during the queen’s early
courtships and more widely operating as messengers and conduits for
information.
54
In particular, she ably demonstrates Lady Mary Sidney’s
involvement in Elizabeth’s marriage negotiations with the Spanish
ambassador for Archduke Charles in 1559, and the support of Eric XIV
of Sweden’s suit in 1562 by Katherine Ashley and Dorothy Broadbelte,
arguing that by providing ad hoc counsel such women were involved in
the central issues of Elizabeth’s reign.
The nature and significance of the kinds of roles played by female
members of the Elizabethan Privy Chamber are especially well-documented
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110 Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture
by the career of Mary, Lady Scudamore (née Shelton), who served as a
chamberer of the Privy Chamber, a place to which she was appointed
on 1 January 1571.
55
More is known about her than perhaps any other
woman of the Privy Chamber, not least because of the survival of an
important body of Scudamore papers among the ‘Duchess of Norfolk’s
deposit’ in the Chancery Exhibits at The National Archives.
56
Her influence
with the queen is suggested by a letter from Thomas, Earl of Sussex
calling her back to court after Lady Dorothy Stafford broke her leg in
a riding accident: ‘for I fear untill you come her majestie shall not in
the night have for the most part so good rest as she wyll take after
your comyng’.
57
This obvious close standing with Elizabeth polarized
opinion, her enemies jealously describing her as ‘a barbarous, brazen-
faced woman’, her friends as one of ‘a Trinity of Ladies’, which included
Blanch Parry and Anne, Countess of Warwick, who were ‘able to worke
miracles’.
58
George Boleyn, dean of Lichfield was scathing of her in
writing to the Earl of Shrewsbury: ‘yet is she one that is wonte to delaye
more then needes, and looseth many a tide for the takynge . . . there is
no sure confidence in her’, he warned the earl, adding:
But as her speeche is fayre & as smoothe as a reede, so do I beseche yor
ho[nour] to take this as a watche worde spoken vnder benedicite . . .
For women be waspish and will do a man more harme whan they be
angered than good whan they be quiet.
59
Political disquiet aside, she certainly received considerable financial
perquisites for her role as an intermediary, something that in itself may
have garnered censorious comments.
60
Her intercession for friends and
clients is apparent from the considerable correspondence that survives.
She wrote to Julius Caesar on behalf of her ‘good frend’ John Pettus
concerning his case in the Court of Requests; and in 1576 approached
Sir Bassingbourne Gawdy on behalf of Nicholas Fermor, a client of the
Earl of Leicester, for a place as under-sheriff of Norfolk should Gawdy
himself be appointed Sheriff.
61
Using her friendship with Mary and
Gilbert Talbot, in 1600 she forwarded one Peter Burrows to be chaplain
to the Earl of Shrewsbury.
62
It is also clear that her favour was widely sought: Charles Cornwallis
sought her advice on a suitable match for his niece; Eadith Beale sought
her mediation with the Queen for a suit that she wished brought
before her majesty; and Fulke Greville wished her to pass on a note
of his gratitude to the Queen.
63
Lady Scudamore also acted as a useful
conduit for two-way communication between the monarch and the
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James Daybell 111
nobility, and here again news proved a useful lubricant. In 1592, for
example, she wrote to her friends the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury,
informing them that the queen had been ‘highly contented’ with their
letter and ‘humble duties’, passing on the monarch’s plans to venture
on a progress during the next year, and her intention to the visit the
Shrewsburys en route.
64
Moreover, it is clear that the queen used Lady
Scudamore as a go-between. Indeed, she was a personal messenger for
Elizabeth on numerous occasions. In 1588 she delivered a message
conveying the queen’s opinions on foreign policy to James Croft, the
Gentleman Pensioner, on occasion of his accompanying his father, Sir
James, on his peace commission to the Netherlands.
65
Between 1584
and 1585, she mediated with the Queen on the repayment of family
debts by George Goring; and in 1602 communicated to Henry Clare
the queen’s promise that he be awarded the surveyorship of the Tower
on the death of the office’s current incumbent.
66
What this illustrates is
not only the varied complexity of Lady Scudamore’s roles, but also more
broadly the ways in which women of the Privy Chamber undertook
quasi-ambassadorial responsibilities. Royal favour and intimacy of this
sort, as David Starkey has shown, had important symbolic resonance,
allowing female body servants legitimately charged to do the queen’s
business to act with the charisma of royal authority.
67
Catholic women’s networks
Finally, outside of the charmed circles of the court, women were active
participants in the underground Catholic networks that developed
during Elizabeth’s reign. While Catholic men had to conform publicly
or outwardly to Anglicanism, recusant women, as several studies have
shown, fostered a private, household-based Catholicism and were pivo-
tal in sustaining a traditional Catholic faith.
68
Operating within the
locus of the household, women were perhaps able to operate more freely
than their male counterparts, without arousing suspicion. In the same
way, clandestine letters disguised and addressed in women’s hands
passed without notice of the authorities. In Catholic circles, women
were certainly active in hiding priests and conducting clandestine cor-
respondences.
69
The recusant Elizabeth Vaux (née Roper), for example,
harboured the Jesuit priests John Gerard and Henry Garnett.
70
Through
her correspondence she also sought to foster a spirit of survival among
other Catholic families, writing a letter of comfort to the recusant
Agnes, Lady Wenman (d. 1617) assuring her that there would soon be
‘toleration for religion’. The letter was of particular interest in that was
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112 Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture
intercepted by the authorities and led to Lady Wenman twice being
examined. In her own examination, Elizabeth Vaux admitted to writ-
ing to Lady Wenman saying that ‘Tottenham would turn French’; and
Agnes’s husband, Sir Richard Wenman’s response was to condemn the
communication, accusing Elizabeth Vaux of trying to pervert his wife.
71
Elizabeth Vaux was later embroiled in the Gunpowder Plot and wrote to
her father Sir John Roper amazed at the accusations, saying that there
was nothing in her letters that would implicate her; the letter itself as
well as one of her father’s was delivered by Thomas Race, a London
Porter who was questioned for his own part in carrying the missives.
72
Catholic women it appears could be instrumental in conveying clandes-
tine letters throughout Europe, connecting priests operating in England
with Rome and providing channels of communication for English recu-
sants; and Nadine Akkerman shows elsewhere in this volume the ways in
which the mail system of Alexandrine of Taxis was used by the Catholic
league.
73
John Gerard mentions in his autobiography receiving daily
news letters from Elizabeth Vaux.
74
Another well-known recusant, her
sister-in-law, Anne Vaux, daughter of William Vaux, third Baron Vaux
of Harrowden, established a line of communication with Henry Garnett,
arranging for letters to be passed to him through his gaoler during his
imprisonment in the Tower in the aftermath of the gunpowder plot.
The letters themselves were outwardly innocuous, dealing with everyday
matters such as his spectacles, but contained secret messages written in
invisible ink (made using orange juice) at the bottom of the page.
75
They
aroused suspicions, however, not only because of the size of the paper
on which they were written, but also because the insignificance of their
contents appeared strikingly odd. The letters were therefore examined
and utilized as evidence in Garnett’s trial. Anne Vaux also corresponded
with Guy Fawkes, whom she sheltered at her house in Enfield Chase; her
letters to him too were intercepted.
76
Indeed, much of what we know
about these epistolary activities survives because it fell into the hands of
the prosecuting authorities, partly because of the notoriety of the corre-
spondents. Gender in these instances did little to allow women to evade
surveillance, yet presumably there was much covert correspondence that
we know very little about simply because it successfully travelled under
the radar.
Nevertheless, Catholic women operating through the household
were a central component in clandestine Catholic networks that
stretched across Europe, with some women able to wield influence at
a more public, diplomatic level. During Mary Queen of Scots’ impris-
onment in England, her female attendants played a pivotal role in
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James Daybell 113
having correspondence secretly conveyed and were a vital conduit
for news, keeping her abreast of events outside the confines of the
walls that incarcerated her.
77
Jane, Duchess of Feria and her husband
provided Philip II of Spain with invaluable intelligence concerning
England and its queen, which was gathered through the duchess’s
network of kin.
78
After the abortive northern uprising in 1569, Anne,
Countess of Northumberland enjoyed some influence as a high profile
Catholic exile on the continent. Based in Mechelen from 1571 (and
later in Brussels, Liège and Luxembourg) the countess maintained
a corres pondence with other Catholics who had fled Elizabethan
England in the aftermath of the Papal Bull against the Queen.
79
At this
time she wrote to the soldier and exile Sir Thomas Stucely encourag-
ing him to persevere in his causes against Queen Elizabeth at a point
when he was encouraging Spanish and Papal support for an expedition
to Ireland.
80
Evidence that she conducted diplomatic correspondence
in multiple languages comes in the guise of a letter from Nicholas
Sanders, in which he recommended to her service one Mr Fenn for
writing letters in Latin to the Pope or the King of Spain (from whom
she received a monthly pension), and one Dr Knott for correspondence
in Italian and French.
81
She also appears to have waged an epistolary
campaign for foreign intervention in Scotland to aid Mary, Queen of
Scots. According to John Lee the Pope sent a letter to the countess in
April 1572 informing her that he would be sending 10,000 crowns to
be sent to Scotland.
82
While her husband remained alive north of the
border she acted as a conduit for news of current events in Europe, and
mobilized efforts to secure his release from his Scottish captors.
83
In
July 1572, for example, a month before her husband was beheaded the
countess wrote to the French king to be a means to Queen Elizabeth.
84
Her diplomatic initiatives continued after the loss of her husband. The
dowager countess was in regular contact with the Catholic exile William
Cotton during the mid 1570s; her letters which dealt with events in
France, Spain and the Netherlands were at least partly written in cipher,
with symbols used to disguise the identities of people and places, and
were considered important enough for the English state to intercept
and attempt to decipher them.
85
In early 1577 she moved Don John of
Austria to intervene in Scotland in favour of Mary, encouraging him to
marry the Scottish queen.
86
Thus, in exile this Catholic noblewoman
working through powerful contacts sought at the very highest level to
encourage foreign intervention in the British Isles, while simultane-
ously maintaining lines of communication with various conspirators
among her fellow recusant exiles.
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114 Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture
Conclusion
Cumulatively these three different areas of focus – on women and news
networks, the court and Catholic communications – build up a vivid
picture of the range of ways in which women were able to operate and
exert influence in the realm of diplomacy and intelligence. Clearly tra-
ditional narratives must now incorporate the various roles and complex
activities played in these arenas by early modern women. One of the
strongest themes to emerge from this analysis, however, is the way in
which all these women appear to have worked through family and kin-
ship networks, often acting as a key part of co-ordinated family patronage
strategies, operating to complement the actions of male relatives, and
even drawing on distinctly female networks.
87
Lady Rich interceded
diplomatically for her brother; women of the Privy Chamber sent news
to and operated on behalf of husbands and other family members; and
it was through her own kin that the Duchess of Feria obtained English
intelligence that was relayed to Spain. News gathering and letter-writing
were important, informal social functions central to oiling the wheels
of social networks and keeping open lines of communication. News and
intelligence were invaluable commodities that provided women signifi-
cant political capital. Social standing and positions at court similarly
brought influence, as women close to the monarch and those related
to powerful officials and noblemen were viewed as significant political
intermediaries, useful conduits to power. Gender was also in some ways
an advantage, one that sometimes allowed women to operate below
the radar of surveillance, and that under a female monarch structurally
allowed them access to the kinds of intelligence and information denied
to men because of their own gender. Moreover, it is clear that women
during Elizabeth’s reign were at the heart of political and diplomatic events,
intervening in matters of domestic and foreign policy; they were used in
quasi-ambassadorial and diplomatic activities by the queen; and by virtue
of their religion were drawn into Catholic plots and conspiracies.
Notes and references
1. James Daybell (2004) ‘“Suche newes as on the Quenes hye wayes we have
mett”: The News Networks of Elizabeth Talbot, countess of Shrewsbury
(c.1527–1608)’, in James Daybell, ed., Women and Politics in Early Modern
England (Aldershot: Ashgate), pp. 114–31; Marcus Nevitt (1999) ‘Women in
the Business of Revolutionary News: Elizabeth Alkin, “Parliament Joan”, and
the Commonwealth Newsbook’, in Joad Raymond, ed., News, Newspapers,
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James Daybell 115
and Society in Early Modern Britain (London: Frank Cass), pp. 84–108; idem
(2006) Women and the Pamphlet Culture of Revolutionary England, 1640–1660
(Aldershot: Ashgate).
2. The classic account is Garrett Mattingly (1955; 1965) Renaissance Diplo-
macy (Harmondsworth: Penguin). See also, Malcolm R. Thorpe and A.J. Slavin
(1994) eds, Politics, Religion & Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe: Essays in
Honor of Delamar Jensen (Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies, 27) (Kirksville,
MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1994); Gary M. Bell (1998)
‘Tudor-Stuart Diplomatic History and the Henrician Experience’ in Charles
Carlton, Robert L. Woods, Mary L. Robertson and Joseph S. Block, eds, State,
Sovereigns & Society in Early Modern England: Essays in Honour of A.J. Slavin
(Stroud: Sutton), pp. 25–43; Daniela Frigo (2000) ed., Politics and Diplomacy in
Early Modern Italy: The Structure of Diplomatic Practice, 1450–1800 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press).
3. Daybell ‘Suche newes’.
4. Tricia Bracher (2004) ‘Esther Inglis and the English Succession Crisis of
1599’, in Daybell, ed., Women and Politics, pp. 132–46.
5. Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, Cecil MS, 123 fol. 132, 119 fol. 65, 197
fol. 41, p. 1144; Historical Manuscripts Commission (1883–1973), Calendar
of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable The Marquess of Salisbury, Preserved
at Hatfield House Hertfordshire, 24 vols., 19, pp. 386–7; William Richardson
(2004) ‘Phelippes, Thomas’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford:
Oxford University Press).
6. James Daybell (2004) ‘Introduction: Rethinking Women and Politics in
Early Modern England’ in Daybell, ed., Women and Politics, pp. 1–20
(pp. 1–2).
7. Barbara J. Harris (1990) ‘Women and Politics in Early Tudor England’,
Historical Journal, 33, 259–81; Sharon Kettering (1989) ‘The Patronage Power
of Early Modern French Noblewomen’, Historical Journal, 32, 4, 817–41.
8. The National Archives, PRO, SP15/18/29, SP15/18/45, SP15/18/52 (see also
SP12/14/36); British Library, Additional MS, 25079, fol. 59; BL, Add. MS, 6177,
fol. 65.
9. James Daybell (2006) Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England (Oxford: Oxford
University Press), p. 153.
10. Alison D. Wall (1981) ‘An Account of the Essex Revolt, February 1601’, Bulletin
of the Institute of Historical Research, 54, 131–3.
11. TNA, PRO SP46/71/223, 224, 226, 228.
12. Kendal Record Office, WD/Hoth/Box 44.
13. On newsletters see Richard Cust (1986) ‘News and Politics in Early
Seventeenth-Century England’, Past & Present, 112, 60–90 (pp. 62–3); F.J.
Levy (1982) ‘How Information Spread Among the Gentry, 1550–1640’, The
Journal of British Studies, XXI, 2, 11–34 (pp. 20–3); idem (1999) ‘The Decorum
of News’, in Joad Raymond (ed.), News, Newspapers, and Society in Early Modern
Britain (London: Frank Cass), pp. 12–38; Ian Atherton, ‘The Itch Grown a
Disease: Manuscript Transmission of News in the Seventeenth Century’, in
Raymond (ed.), News, Newspapers, and Society, pp. 39–65.
14. BL, Add. MS, 12506 fol. 231.
15. Vivienne Larminie (2001) ‘Fighting for Family in a Patronage Society: The
Epistolary Armoury of Anne Newdigate (1574–1618)’, in James Daybell, ed.,
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116 Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture
Early Modern Women’s Letter Writing, 1450–1700 (Basingstoke: Palgrave – now
Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 94–108 (pp. 96–7).
16. Cecil MS, 32, fol. 48, 80 fol. 9, 84, fol. 75, 86, fol. 12, 91, fol. 105, 92, fol. 1,
99, fol. 114, 135, fols. 129 and 150, 250, fol. 16.
17. Cecil MS, 78 fol. 69, 179 fol. 97.
18. Daybell, Women Letter-Writers, ch. 9.
19. BL, Add. MS, 12506, fols. 185, 49; Cecil MS, 88, fol. 98.
20. BL, Harleian MS, 6997, fol. 164; (1888) HMC, Calendar of the Manuscripts of
the Most Hon. the Marquis of Salisbury, Preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
(London: HMSO), 2, p. 173.
21. On Elizabeth Russell see, Felicity Heal (1996) ‘Reputation and Honour in
Court and Country: Lady Elizabeth Russell and Sir Thomas Hoby’, Transactions
of the Royal Historical Society, pp. 161–78; Pamela Priestland (2004) ‘Russell,
Elizabeth, Lady Russell’, ODNB.
22. Elizabeth Farber (1977) ‘The Letters of Lady Elizabeth Russell (1540–1609)’
(Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University).
23. TNA, PRO SP15/13/10.
24. Cecil MS, 175, fol. 92.
25. Cecil MS, 176, fol. 88.
26. Cecil MS, 179, fol. 92.
27. Cecil MS, 63, fol. 7, 59, fol. 93, 41, fol. 74; TNA, PRO SP12/44/37, PRO
SP12/77/11; Cecil MS 25, fol. 51.
28. Cecil MS, 18, fol. 51. Paul E.J. Hammer (1999) The Polarisation of Elizabethan
Politics: The Political Career of Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, 1585–1597
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 91.
29. Cecil MS, 18, fol. 51. Code names used in the correspondence, which
were added in Burghley’s own hand include: Lady Rich (‘Ryalta’), Essex
(‘Ernestus’), Lord Rich (‘Richardo’), James VI (‘Victor’), Jean Hotman
(‘Orlando’), Richard Douglas (‘Robert Dalle’), Queen Elizabeth (‘Pallas’),
Henry Constable (‘Sconsolato’). Writing to her servant Madame Jeanne
Hotman she referred to a reply for the ‘disguised prince’, a passing allusion
to her correspondence with James VI (‘je vous ay enuoie vne reponce pour
le prince cache, ce cela qui est san supscription’): Haarlem, Teylers Stichting,
Hotman Letters, No. 44, 11 Sept [1589].
30. In addition to her letters, a portrait of Lady Rich (possibly by Nicholas Hilliard)
was conveyed to James by Henry Constable: R.C. Strong (1959) ‘Queen
Elizabeth, the earl of Essex and Nicholas Hilliard’, Burlington Magazine 101,
145–6; Hammer, Polarisation of Elizabethan Politics, p. 91; H.R. Woudhuysen
(1996) Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558–1640 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press), pp. 289–90; D.B. Smith (1916–17) ‘Jean de Villiers
Hotman’, Scottish Historical Review, 14, 147–66; HMC, Salisbury, 3, p. 438;
Cecil MS, 18 fol. 51; P.J. Blok (ed.) (1911) Correspondance Inedite de Robert
Dudley, Comte de Leycester, et de François et Jean Hotman (Archives du Musée
Teyler, 12/2, Haarlem).
31. Haarlem, Teylers Stichting, Hotman Letters, No. 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46;
G. Ungerer (ed.) (1974) A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: The Correspondence of
Antonio Pérez’s Exile, 2 vols (London: Tamesis Books), vol. 1, No. 41, 42, 44,
45, 48, 50, 51.
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10.1057/9780230298125 - Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture, Edited by Robyn Adams and Rosanna Cox
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