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a climate of fear seem to be generally agreed. When acts like hijacking or hostage-taking are done
for personal reasons or gain, they are regarded as terrorism because of the fear it produces in those
directly or indirectly affected. The victims are not concerned with the motives of the terrorist, just
that they might die. Following the murder of Israeli athletes by Black September at the 1972 Munich
Olympic Games, UNGA Resolution 3034 ( ) established an Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism.
But that and later UNGA resolutions included wording that suggested that national liberation
movements (NLMs)
11
might be justified in using terrorism because of the violence and repression
of colonial, occupying and racist regimes, and that these ‘underlying causes’ merited equal attention.
Hence the hackneyed saying, ‘one person’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter’.
The law of armed conflict prohibits members of an armed force deliberately attacking civilians or
committing acts of terror. But resistance to occupation is not prohibited by international law, and
‘organised resistance movements’, belonging to a party to the conflict, are recognised by the Geneva
Conventions, provided they fulfil certain conditions and conduct operations in accordance with the
law of armed conflict. This category was enlarged by Additional Protocol to the Geneva
Conventions to cover also irregular forces, such as members of NLMs, who do not identify
themselves by distinguishing marks, provided they are under proper command and carry arms
openly when attacking or when visible to the enemy while deploying to attack.
12
Thus terrorists are
unlikely to be covered, their secretive organisation and modus operandi (exemplified by the suicide-
bomber) being such as not to bring them within the scope of the law of armed conflict, so remaining
subject to ordinary criminal law.
13
In 1987, Syria proposed an international conference to define terrorism, which has never been
convened. But a slight advance was made in 1994 with a UN Declaration on Terrorism (UNGA Res.
49/60), which included the following statements:
11. See p. 14 above.
12. See p. 253 above.
13. The UK reservation to Articles 1(4) and 96(3) of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions is to
the effect that the UK would only consider itself bound by a declaration of adherence to the Protocol (see
Article 96(3)) made by a body that has been expressly recognised by the UK as genuinely representing a
people engaged in a liberation conflict: see UKTS (1999) 29. See also p. 286 below on the links between
the terrorism conventions and the law of armed conflict, and C. Greenwood, ‘War, Terrorism and
International Law’ (2003) Current Legal Problems 505.