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Efforts to frame the problem in terms of “illicit and criminal activity” have
created an area of sensitivity related to demand and use of small arms by insur-
gent groups. If international law development automatically labels this type of
demand in such terms, as a result of dominance of the state-centered paradigm,
the very credibility of international law may be at stake. “If international law is
applied against the interests of insurgents whom local people believe are their
legitimate rulers, then they may come to see international law as a threat to their
political aspirations.”
15
International terrorism
The field of international relations has traditionally been concerned with con-
flicts among state actors, rather than with the role nonstate actors may play
regarding international security. The problem of international terrorism therefore
poses a conceptual challenge. International terrorism is an international phenom-
enon, impacting on international security and stability, and therefore “falls
squarely within the domain of what IR should be able to explain and under-
stand.”
16
It also falls squarely within the domain of what IL should be able to
regulate and prevent.
Traditionally, IR has tended to focus on specific groups, particular ideologies,
or even particular strategies or threats of terror or violence. The realist school of
IR, refusing to admit that nonstate actors are endowed with independent agency
or power in international politics, suggests that the way to formulate policy is to
refocus on “rogue” states as the sponsors of violence through proxy nonstate
actors. The liberal IR school suggests a regulatory response, with international
organizations providing multilateral forums for coordinating state responses to
international terrorism. IL has focused on criminalizing particular acts of terror-
ism (such as piracy or hijacking) and punishing those who commit such acts. It
has been primarily a reactive and piecemeal approach. Only recently has IL
begun trying to focus on prevention and the links between terrorist groups and
transnational organized crime.
Given the limited success of the approaches discussed above, the case can be
made for analyzing international terrorism not only as a security threat, but also
as a political phenomenon. There is a common and identifiable pattern that non-
state actors adopt when mounting a violent challenge to the political status quo.
This pattern of transnational political mobilization coexists with an international
system of states. It is useful, therefore, to view the international system as a
single political space in which both state and nonstate actors interact and
respond to one another. Such an approach, which focuses on the processes of
transnational political mobilization, emphasizes “the need to promote stronger
institutional channels both within and beyond the state for nonstate actors to use
to articulate political grievances.”
17
By providing institutional channels and
legitimate avenues for the articulation of grievances, nonstate actors can be dis-
suaded and prevented from taking recourse to violence. Such institutions,
CLARENCE J. DIAS
284
including strong regional court systems (such as the European Court of Human
Rights) “provide a useful focus for a common research agenda that could be
pursued by both international relations and international law scholars.”
18
The George W. Bush administration’s doctrine of preemptive strike, as
applied in Iraq, poses a fundamental challenge to both IR and IL. The doctrine,
bluntly put, asserts America’s right to strike first in combating the peril posed by
terrorist networks and rogue states armed with weapons of mass destruction.
“Whether the new US policy attempts to carve out an amendment to the existing
rules that only applies to America, or indeed, whether the United States is
seeking to move outside the legal framework altogether by excepting itself from
these rules,” the Bush Doctrine poses a serious threat to the existing inter-
national law regulating the use of force and needs to be addressed seriously by
both IR and IL communities.
19
In the two other areas of international lawmaking examined by the SSRC
project, there is also evidence of constructive engagement between IR and IL.
Both the process and outcome that led to the UN’s Guiding Principles on
Internal Displacement (1998) reveal a softening of the rigidities that keep the
two disciplines apart. The process allowed for significant roles and contributions
from nonstate actors. The outcome was deliberately and strategically embodied
in the Guiding Principles – a “soft law” instrument.
20
Similarly, NGOs played a significant, some would say dominant, role in the
process that led to the adoption of the Rome Treaty, which created the Inter-
national Criminal Court. But at the end of the day, it was states, 139 of them,
that signed on to the treaty.
The establishment of the International Criminal Court represented a constitu-
tional moment for international law, whereby notions about the legality and
legitimacy (under international law) of the extraterritorial jurisdiction of states
were transformed into principles governing the exercise of criminal jurisdiction
by the international community as a whole.
21
Concepts embodied in the Rome Treaty, including universal (jus cogens)
crimes, universal jurisdiction, and complementarity, all challenge both IR and IL
scholars to do some fundamental rethinking, preferably together.
Bridging the international relations–international law
divide to confront current challenges and crises
Today international law is facing multiple crises:
• The global crisis of erosion of the rule of law. Some states, such as the Iraq
war’s so-called coalition of the willing, are flouting international law with
impunity and are willing to attack the UN if it tries to hold them to their
Charter obligations.
• The related crisis of unilateralism and exceptionalism.
FROM COMPETITION TO COMPLEMENTARITY
285
• The crisis of accountability, especially in the case of certain transnational
corporations and certain international organizations.
• The crisis of effectiveness, as a result of lack of implementation and inade-
quate enforcement of international law.
• The crisis of relevance. Increasing numbers of problems that are inter-
national in nature and therefore need international norms, standards, and
responses (such as trafficking, transborder pollution, etc.) are just not
covered, or are inadequately covered, by international law.
• The crisis of unmet needs. Indigenous people, minorities, internally dis-
placed people, and the disabled all need international law to recognize their
rights and international institutions to address their problems. Yet inter-
national lawmaking proceeds at a snail’s pace.
Now is the time for the IR and IL communities to bridge their divide and
address the multiple crises facing international law. Otherwise, not only will
international law become redundant, but the IR and IL communities will face the
threat of extinction as well. Now is not the time for staking and defending turf,
or for entrenchment of attitudes. Now is the time for crossing lines, building
bridges, and partnering. This SSRC project represents a promising start. But it
needs to be built upon, through partnering in research, conceptualization, theory
construction, lobbying, advocacy, and the spearheading of international law-
making initiatives.
Notes
1 Spiro, “Disaggregating U.S. Interests in International Law: Sketching a Theory of
Liberal Transnationalism,” Chapter 16 in this volume.
2 Ibid.
3 A. Chayes and A. Chayes, The New Sovereignty: Compliance with International Reg-
ulatory Agreements (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
4 Spiro, “Disaggregating U.S. Interests in International Law.”
5 Koh, “A World Drowning in Guns,” Chapter 4 in this volume.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 Deng, “The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement and the Development of
International Norms,” Chapter 9 in this volume.
9 T. Risse and K. Sikkink as cited in ibid.
10 Deng, “Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.”
11 Spiro, “Disaggregating U.S. Interests in International Law,” (citing Kenneth Abbott).
12 Koh, “A World Drowning in Guns.”
13 Muggah, “Moving Forward? Assessing Normative and Legal Progress in Dealing
with Small Arms,” Chapter 2 in this volume.
14 Ibid.
15 William Reno, “Small Arms, Violence, and the Course of Conflicts,” Chapter 3 in
this volume.
16 Adamson, “International Terrorism, Nonstate Actors, and Transnational Political
Mobilization: A Perspective from International Relations,” Chapter 5 in this volume.
17 Ibid.
CLARENCE J. DIAS
286
18 Ibid.
19 Simpson and Wheeler, “Preemption and Exception: International Law and the Revo-
lutionary Power,” Chapter 7 in this volume.
20 Deng, “Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement,” Chapter 9 in this volume.
21 Leila Sadat, “The International Criminal Court and Universal International Jurisdic-
tion: A Return to First Principles,” Chapter 11 in this volume.
FROM COMPETITION TO COMPLEMENTARITY
287
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