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and the activities of individuals. Sociologists extended more general theoretical

frameworks already used widely in the discipline, such as functionalism and

symbolic interactionism, as foundations for development of what they hoped

would be general theories of aging. Individuals were the unit of analysis, predic-

tion centered around optimal and dysfunctional adjustment to old age (Hen-

dricks & Achenbaum, 1999), and social factors were taken for granted rather than

analyzed in the models (Hendricks, 1992).

Empirically testing the competing micro-level theories created something of a

growth industry in a spate of studies of aging individuals in the 1960s and 1970s;

disparate findings and rival theoretical frameworks encouraged more careful

theory building and launched increasingly sophisticated studies. As interest in

social gerontology grew, accompanied by a growing awareness of the demo-

graphic phenomenon of aging populations and public policies geared toward

meeting the needs of the elderly, sociologists recognized that exclusively micro-

level theories offered an incomplete picture of social aging. They expanded their

repertoire to develop meso-level (or middle-range) theories that explored the

linkages between individuals and society, and macro-level theories that specified

the structural relationships between society and individuals in the context of the

changing age structure of national populations. The three analytic levels of analy-

sis provided the foundations for the sociological study of aging, but more re-

cently, critical gerontology and life course studies have shown potential for

specifying linkages across levels of analysis. These overlapping critical and life

course theoretical orientations, combined with new methodological techniques

and the increasing availability of rich longitudinal data sets, show promise for

the continued centrality of sociological contributions in the study of aging (e.g.,

O’Rand & Campbell, 1999).

As discussed earlier, one useful way to think about theories of aging is to clas-

sify them by what each takes as its central puzzle: the subject of research interest

(individuals, relationships, institutions, or society) and the focus of each theory.

For example, micro-level theories of aging, such as disengagement theory, activity

theory, and continuity theory, center on the individual as the subject of interest

and explore the psychosocial and sociological factors that improve understanding

of variations in outcome for elderly individuals. Micro-level theories owe much to

theories of psychological development (see Chapters 2 and 3) for their conceptual

consistency and signal one family of sociological theories that bridge disciplines.

Meso-level theoretical approaches, such as subculture theory and exchange

theory, incorporate concepts that specify the relationships between individu-

als and social systems. For example, formation of subcultural groups of old

people can occur both through positive (e.g., similar interests, friendships)

and negative (e.g., exclusion from social participation) social processes. In con-

trast, exchange theory emphasizes relationships modeled after microeconomic

exchanges, characterizing the experiences and behaviors of aging individuals

as efforts to maximize their rewards and minimize costs. Meso-level theories

are, in one sense, bridging theories within the discipline (see Marshall, 1999),

encompassing at least some of the core conceptual categories of both micro-

and macro-level theories.

From a more structural vantage point, sociologists use macro-level theories to

understand aging at the societal level. Early macro-level studies of aging in-

cluded modernization theory and age stratification theory. As another manifes-

Sociological Approaches to Understanding Age and Aging 147

tation of sociology’s midcentury project of devising grand or totalizing theo-

ries, modernization offered a general theory explaining how the social condi-

tions experienced by elderly individuals changed as societies became less

dependent on agrarian economies and family-centered production and entered

the modern industrial age. By the late 1960s, attention to social inequalities had

become central concerns for sociologists. Age stratification theory built on more

general sociological theories of stratification (which focused on class and so-

cioeconomic variation), analyzing how age structures and how aging is struc-

tured by institutional arrangements in modern societies.

More recently, critical sociologists have used theories of power and inequality

to explore the experience of aging in modern societies. Some use a political econ-

omy framework to focus on social structural influences on aging, emphasizing

how old age is defined and treated as a result of social struggles arising from

power relationships (Estes, Linkins, & Binney, 1996; Phillipson, 1982; Street &

Quadagno, 1993). Others have used feminist theories to emphasize the gendered

nature of society generally, and aging individuals more specifically (Arber &

Ginn, 1991, 1995; Calasanti & Slevin, 2001; Ginn, Street, & Arber, 2001; Harring-

ton Meyer, 1996; McMullin, 1995). More sophisticated methodological techniques

and the availability of longitudinal data sets have also contributed to increasing

the use of life course perspectives to investigate the social relations of aging

across a number of theoretical approaches (see, e.g., Mortimer & Shanahan, 2003).

Combined with social constructionism (which explains how individuals and soci-

eties create social meanings of age through negotiation and discourse), critical

and life course orientations suggest a fertile research agenda for sociologists

studying aging, discussed in more detail at the end of this chapter.

This brief synopsis highlights just some of the varied ways sociologists study

age and aging in modern societies. Despite the theoretical ambitions of mid-

twentieth-century sociology for grand or all-encompassing theories of individu-

als and society, no single theory has emerged as adequate for fully predicting the

scope and range of variation of aging individuals’ relationships in society, or the

impact of changing age structures and aging populations on societies. Rather,

each family of sociological theories addresses a different level of analysis, a some-

what unique subject of interest, and focuses on different sets of relationships. Re-

searchers often test competing or complementary theories, developing better

explanations for experiences of aging. In the sections that follow, each theoretical

family is described in greater detail, with similarities, differences, and overlaps

in approaches highlighted and selected empirical findings based on theories pre-

sented in each section.

MICRO-LEVEL THEORIES

Micro-level sociological theories of aging focus on relatively intimate aspects of

individuals’ lives as social beings. As such, these sociological theories share much

with theories in other social science disciplines, particularly psychology and an-

thropology, although sociologists focus somewhat more on the social rather than

the exclusively psychological or cultural aspects of individual experiences. Al-

though the micro theories predict different outcomes of the normal aging pro-

cess, they all share a common component: an assumption of optimal aging, albeit

one expressed in very different ways.

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ISENGAGEMENT

HEORY

In Growing Old: The Process of Disengagement, Elaine Cumming and William Henry

(1961) described the first formal theory of aging. Unlike dominantly psychologi-

cal theories, the more sociological take in disengagement theory shifted the con-

ceptual focus from an exclusively individualistic one to relationships between

individuals and the social systems they experienced (Lynott & Passuth Lynott,

1996). Decreasing levels of interaction between aging individuals and others in

the social system (Cumming & Henry, 1961, p. 14) was regarded as a functional

adjustment, benefiting both the individual and society. Because death is in-

evitable, individual withdrawal was theorized to represent a natural process that

minimized disruption in the social system.

According to Cumming and Henry (1961), disengagement theory represented

a corrective to the widespread “implicit theory” of normal aging, which assumed

well-adjusted, satisfied, and happy individuals who remained active and socially

involved. In opposition to such unexamined assumptions, they offered a theory of

normal aging that involved a process of increasing and inevitable disengagement

of aged individuals from their social world. Individuals who recognize that they

have limited time left in their lives want to withdraw from many social interac-

tions. Disengagement can be initiated either by an aging person or by society; re-

gardless, the process becomes circular once initiated, weakening the norms of

behavior shaping interactions as social interaction drops off. Individuals reduce

the number and intensity of roles they play; society gives the individuals “per-

mission” to withdraw, reinforcing the process of disengagement. Optimal aging,

from a disengagement perspective, is aging in ways that are least disruptive both

for individuals and for society.

What distinguished disengagement theory from exclusively psychological the-

ories was its simultaneous focus on both the individual and the social system

(Lynott & Passuth Lynott, 1996). The reciprocal process of disengagement—indi-

viduals withdrawing participation, society anticipating declining engagement—

creates a functional outcome, permitting both the individual and the social system

to experience death with little disruption to society. The disengagement ap-

proach was consistent with functional sociological theories that emphasized the

smooth and efficient functioning of society and that interpreted individual activ-

ities within social systems as smoothing the way to socially functional outcomes

(Parsons, 1942, 1951).

Critiques centered on whether disengagement was sufficiently comprehen-

sive to represent a general theory of aging. Was disengagement a universal

process, occurring in all historical times and societies? Was it inevitable, hap-

pening to everyone? Was it an intrinsic and natural component of aging, rather

than a social process (Hochschild, 1975)? The next phase of psychosociological

theory development directly challenged disengagement as a general sociologi-

cal theory of aging.

CTIVITY

HEORY

Robert Havighurst formalized activity theory, the previously normative counter-

point to disengagement theory. Activity theory challenged the notion that elderly

individuals’ psychological or social needs were substantially different from those

of middle-aged adults, or that most individuals had a propensity to withdraw

Sociological Approaches to Understanding Age and Aging 149

from social life. Instead of disengagement, Havighurst and his colleagues (Hav-

ighurst, Neugarten, & Tobin, 1968) proposed that what was natural and normal

for most aging individuals was to remain active—at levels of activity similar to

those experienced in middle age—for as long as possible. When events beyond in-

dividual control intervened, such as a personal illness or frailty or when a family

member died, optimal aging as predicted by activity theory suggested that indi-

viduals would actively resist shrinkage of their social world. As individuals aged,

activity theory predicted they would use strategies that involved forging new so-

cial roles and relationships or intensifying existing ones to fill the gap rather

than disengaging.

ONTINUITY

HEORY

A distinctive theoretical contribution in its own right, continuity theory refined

elements of both disengagement and activity theories of aging to develop a more

encompassing theory that conceptualized normal life course experiences that in-

tersected with the adjustment processes of aging individuals. The theory identi-

fies key distinctions between internal and external continuities and aging

processes and between normal and pathological aging (Atchley, 1989, 1999). In-

ternal continuity reflects a variety of persistent individual experiences such as

temperament, emotion, experience, preference, disposition, and skills (Atchley,

1989, p. 184). External continuity reflects the capacity of individuals to call upon

the repertoire of skills, activities, roles, and relationships of middle age to suc-

cessfully extend them into old age. In the continuity framework, sustaining usual

activities and dispositions of middle-aged individuals into old age is the implicit

gold standard of normal aging. From the personality and social bases of middle

age, aging individuals readily incorporate change into their lives in ways that are

adaptive, both in terms of their individual personalities and of preservation of so-

cial support systems.

Normal aging, according to continuity theory, occurs in the absence of mental

or physical disease (Atchley, 1989, pp. 183–184) and distinguishes people who

age normally—by meeting their own income, housing, health, and social needs

(among others)—from others who age pathologically, by being so poor or dis-

abled that they cannot meet their own needs. Under the rubric of continuity the-

ory, disengagement can occur, but it is not the inevitable, functional process

envisioned by disengagement theorists. Continuity theory regards disengage-

ment as a process caused by a disruption in internal or external continuity,

setting the stage for pathological outcomes. Continuity theory regards disen-

gagement as a dysfunctional outcome, in contrast to the disengagement theory

of functional social withdrawal. Continuity theory emphasizes that a founda-

tion of earlier life experiences (skills, personality traits, dispositions, etc.) cre-

ates a repertoire of coping strategies that older individuals can call on to adapt

to age-related changing circumstances.

ONTRIBUTION OF

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The rather contrarian positions of disengagement and activity theories, combined

with additional refinements encompassed in continuity theory, fostered many

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studies designed to test which theory provided a better fit for general under-

standing of individual adjustment to aging. Evidence that normal aging meant re-

maining engaged in an active lifestyle well into old age mounted quickly,

providing empirical support for activity and continuity theories. For example, in

his study comparing the processes of individual aging in the United States and

Japan, Palmore (1975) found that Japanese traditions contributed to higher levels

of activity and involvement among Japanese elders, leading to better health and

satisfaction in old age. Another study (Lemon, Bengston, & Patterson, 1972), this

time of men and women in their 50s to 70s in California, showed that informal ac-

tivities performed with friends contributed to higher levels of life satisfaction

among older adults, but found no effect of formal (clubs, church) or solitary activ-

ities. Such findings helped to outline more specific contours of activity theory by

demonstrating that activity alone did not necessarily predict better outcomes for

older adults. Similar findings occurred in later studies of retirement communities

in the Midwest (Longino & Kart, 1982).

However, just as a universal theory of functional disengagement proved empir-

ically suspect, so too did activity theory founder as a general theory of aging. As

continuity theory recognizes (although not without problems of its own), people

grow old in myriad ways, influenced by social conditions, culture, and their own

experiences and personalities.

The best way to think about the contributions of micro-level theories to evidence-

based outcomes may be twofold: to appreciate the impetus they provided to more

careful theorizing and empirical refinements to establish patterns of individual

aging and adjustment, and to regard them as guiding frameworks for three poten-

tial pathways of adjustment in old age. Some individuals disengage, either by dis-

tancing themselves from others or by coming to terms with a smaller social world as

very old age ensues and individuals become aware that time is finite (Johnson &

Barer, 1992). Some individuals remain very active into old age, often acquiring new

roles and activities, and at times become fiercely engaged with their social world

(Savishinsky, 2000). Yet others tread a path to old age that represents the continua-

tion of their social selves at earlier times in life—at least when good fortune pre-

serves their mental and physical health and they have the resources in reserve to

permit continuation—with very active and adaptive individuals continuing to re-

main so in old age, while individuals whose personalities or circumstances under-

mined their capacity to continue at the pace and complexity of their middle-age

experiences participate in lower levels of activity and social engagement as they age.

Differences in styles and timing of adjustment, focus on the conditions within

which adjustment occur, and attention to the coping mechanisms individuals use to

adapt to aging represent important contributions by micro-level sociological theo-

ries of aging.

Although the three approaches to micro-level theory differ in their assump-

tions of optimal aging, each shares a common concern for individual adjustment

and provides rich intellectual fodder for ensuing studies based on the other mi-

crotheoretical frameworks. In small-scale studies, each theory usefully con-

tributes to advancing at least partial explanations of the psychosocial processes of

adjustment that aging individuals make. Within particular segments of aging

populations, individuals whose dominant adjustment to aging is to disengage, to

actively adapt, or to continue along a life course trajectory with skills and re-

sources acquired earlier in life can be analyzed using conceptual tools from these

microtheoretical frameworks.

Sociological Approaches to Understanding Age and Aging 151

Each micro-level theory also implies interventions that would be helpful to op-

timize individuals’ aging experiences in theoretically consistent ways. For disen-

gagement theory, identifying practices that foster gradual individual withdrawal

from most social relations would be appropriate. In keeping with activity theory

assumptions, creating broad-based interventions that provide opportunities for

individuals to replace lost roles with new ones would be important; these reflect

many of the practices that encourage senior participation in community activi-

ties, outgrowths of policies enacted by federal, state, and local governments.

From a continuity perspective, interventions that help individuals acquire the

coping skill set that enables them to sustain levels of activity and engagement at

middle-aged levels into old age or that minimize the physical and resource limita-

tions that undermine internal and external continuity would be important.

If aging and old age represent problems to be solved, however, many sociolo-

gists regard interventions targeted exclusively or mainly at individuals as inade-

quate. Psychosocial theories of aging are most appropriate for informing potential

clinical or policy interventions at the individual level. Addressing issues of aging

in a broader social context requires linkages between individuals and the social

system. Researchers who explicitly incorporated such relationships into different

theoretical models mounted the most serious challenges to the primacy of indi-

vidually based theories for understanding the social implications of aging.

MESO-LEVEL THEORIES

Psychosocial explanations of aging that used disengagement, activity, and conti-

nuity theories provide important insights into personal adjustment in old

age. One major critique of micro-level theories was that they attributed problems

of aging to individual adjustment rather than to broader social structures

(Townsend, 1981). Despite incorporating sociological concepts into such indi-

vidualistic psychosocial theories, many other sociologists regarded the lack of

attention to the more social aspects of aging and old age as another shortcoming.

One way they addressed both individual and social system concerns was by de-

veloping meso-level theories of aging that linked the two together. Meso-level

theories emphasize the quotidian relationships between individuals and the so-

cial systems they routinely experience. By explicitly incorporating the relation-

ship between the individual and the social system into theories, sociologists

moved beyond a predominantly individualistic focus into more socially oriented

and, some would argue, sociological studies of aging. Among the examples of

meso-level theories sociologists have used to frame their research on aging are

theories of an aged subculture development and exchange theory. Each con-

tributed in its own way to theory building that specified linkages between indi-

viduals and society in sociological research on aging.

UBCULTURE

HEORY

One vein of sociological investigation in the late 1950s and early 1960s focused on

the theoretical foundations and empirical expression of identifiable subcultures,

such as beatniks or particular racial/ethnic groups, within mainstream society. In

common with activity and disengagement theories, the aged-as-subculture theory

also focused on role changes in later life. In contrast to the focus of activity and dis-

engagement theories on the social psychological, the aged-as-subculture theory

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built on more general sociological theories of subcultural development to understand

the relationship between old people and society. Subculture theorists identified two

conditions that explained subculture formation. First, shared circumstances (inter-

ests, problems, concerns, friendships, etc.) could lead to a common “insider” identity.

When this occurred, it created a sense of belonging for members of a cohesive sub-

cultural group who regarded themselves as being distinctive in some way from

broader society. Second, subculture formation could be catalyzed when the larger so-

ciety excluded particular groups, such as members of racial or ethnic minority

groups or the poor, from full social participation (Arnold, 1970). In those cases, sub-

culture group formation represented an adaptation by disenfranchised groups in re-

sponse to exclusion from broader society. Sometimes both conditions for subculture

formation operated in tandem, making the virtue of shared identity a necessity

when social exclusion occurred (Arnold, 1970).

Elderly people, according to Arnold Rose (1964, p. 47), simultaneously experi-

enced an affinity for one another due to shared circumstances, including physical

limitations and “common role changes and...common generational experiences.”

Further, as a group, elderly people were often excluded from social participation

by younger people. Rose theorized that in the United States, diminishing social

status often accompanied aging. Loss of status could in turn lead to isolation from

younger people and to the experience of a shared common bond with older indi-

viduals. Theoretically, these twin processes created the conditions for an aged

subculture. Mirroring social hierarchies in mainstream culture, within aged sub-

cultures sociologically important hierarchies were theoretically possible, particu-

larly distinctions based on good fortune combined with physical and mental

health (p. 49).

Although the idea that any group as diverse as older people would form a sin-

gle subculture based on age may appear naive (especially given other lifelong

sources of affiliation such as family ties, hobbies, or religious identity), subcul-

ture theory makes important conceptual contributions to analyzing old people’s

experiences and lifestyles in age-segregated settings like assisted living facilities

or retirement communities. For example, Arlie Hochschild’s (1978) study of aged

residents in a small California apartment building confirmed the hypothesis that

health and good luck contributed to status rankings among subcultures of the

aged. Unlucky residents, the “poor dears” Hochschild identified as occupying the

bottom of the informal status hierarchy, had experienced the greatest losses in

their social networks and the poorest health (p. 73). Given the growth of retire-

ment communities and the assisted living industry, research on the subcultures

of such aged communities has a theoretical tradition it can call on for the concep-

tual framework to advance additional studies of an increasingly common social

phenomenon related to population aging.

In recent years, the idea that elderly people constitute an aged subculture due

to their exclusion by younger people has given way to concern in some quarters

that an aged subculture has the political clout to disadvantage younger citizens.

Assertions that elderly people are a politically powerful age group that gets more

than its fair share of resources from modern welfare states, a ubiquitous media

characterization of elderly people in the United States, shares much in common

with subculture theory. Rather than being excluded and marginalized, however,

this more recent variant of the aged-as-subculture hypothesis emphasizes that

age is a common bond that creates monolithic political preferences among elderly

Sociological Approaches to Understanding Age and Aging 153

citizens and inspires their coordinated and bloclike political behavior. Although

researchers have challenged the logic of monolithic age interests (Binstock &

Quadagno, 2001; Street, 1993, 1997) and find scant empirical support for aged in-

dividuals exerting undue political influence or having political agendas much

different from other age groups (Binstock & Quadagno, 2001; Street & Cossman,

2006a, 2006b), the stereotype of politically powerful elderly people often por-

trayed in the media owes much of its persuasive capacity to informal working hy-

potheses that elderly people actually do form an aged subculture.

XCHANGE

HEORY

Exchange theory involves the importation of concepts originated in microeconom-

ics to the sociological study of relations between individuals in modern societies

(Blau, 1961). Importing exchange theory into social gerontology permitted re-

searchers to analyze how aging individuals maximized their rewards and mini-

mized the costs of their social interactions (Dowd, 1975, 1980). Because the ability

to benefit from an exchange depends on the resources an individual brings or is

perceived to bring to an exchange, Dowd reasoned that most older adults had fewer

resources—whether information, skills, strength, or endurance—than did younger

individuals, and were thus disadvantaged in terms of what they could exchange.

Exchanges (whether regarded as transactions or interactions) between young and

old, decrease in the face of unequal resources between the two age groups—an-

other potential explanation for disengagement among the elderly (Dowd, 1975).

A substantial body of literature contradicts exchange theory, noting the impor-

tance of “nonrational” exchanges such as love, altruism, and kindness that may

trump what otherwise seem to be “unequal” exchanges (Passuth & Bengston,

1996; Silverstein, 2006). While exchange theory evaluates trading in “spot” trans-

actions, ones that happen in the moment and where most elderly people appear to

be disadvantages, another critique of exchange theory notes the dynamic and in-

tergenerational aspects of exchange, particularly within families (Attias-Donfut

& Arber, 2000; Lewis, 1990). In fact, in most families until very old age ensues, re-

source transfers tend to be from parent to child, and not vice versa (Attias-Donfut

& Arber, 2000; Lewis, 1990).

ONTRIBUTION OF

ESO

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HEORIES

Meso-level theories offer one way to extend the reach of sociological research be-

yond predominantly individual accounts to consider the ways individuals are

linked in relationships and social groups. Aged-as-subculture theory under-

scores that, even when older individuals may perceive themselves and behave in

ways that are inconsistent with subculture formation, some parts of society may

yet regard elderly people as having subcultural characteristics. Exchange theory

reminds scholars and practitioners that individuals often take into account con-

cepts such as “trading” and “exchanging” in relationships where issues of time,

money, and concern come into play (Silverstein, 2006). When resources are scarce,

as they often are for vulnerable elders, having little to exchange may lead to social

exclusion, particularly if older persons withdraw from interactions or fail to seek

help they need because they perceive an inability to fulfill reciprocity norms.

Conditions of exchange, whether within families or in other relational circum-

stances, never occur independent of context. Choices are made within “social

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structures, political economies, and cultural contexts that constrain or enhance

opportunities and incentives to engage in transfer behavior” (p. 175).

Concerns about the structures of intergenerational transfers and relationships,

the role societies play in constraining and enabling human agency during life-

times, and the social and political construction of old age are central concerns for

macro-level theories of aging.

MACRO-LEVEL THEORIES

Micro- and meso-level sociological theories make essential contributions to the

study of aging. How well the theories fit particular research problems depends on

the unit of analysis and the social process researchers are seeking to explain.

Micro- and meso-level theories, however, cannot account for changes in the pro-

cess of aging or the experiences of older people from the perspective of the broad

sweep of history and rapid social change. Sociologists developed macro-level the-

ories that framed processes of aging and the experiences of elderly people in the

historical processes and structures of societies that impacted aging individuals

and populations. Early macro-level theories, such as modernization and age strat-

ification theory, created the foundation for structural analyses of the processes of

aging in modern societies. As such, they emphasized how structural elements of

societies contributed to an explanation of aging processes and mirrored domi-

nant concerns in sociology that focused on understanding large-scale social

change and processes and outcomes of social stratification. More recent develop-

ments in macro-level theories, particularly contributions from political economy

theories and feminist research, build on the early foundations of structural

analysis to extend the explanatory power of these theories.

ODERNIZATION

HEORY

One way sociologists sought to understand the effects of widespread social

change on older people was by researching aging and old age in the context of

modernization. From a theoretical perspective, modernization identifies large-

scale social change and historical processes, such as technological advances and

changes in modes of production, as the creators of new roles and statuses for peo-

ple (including older people) and their families. Modernization theory explains

how specific social and technological changes create particular social and cul-

tural effects for older people (and others) as societies modernize over time (Street

& Parham, 2002). The jumping-off point for modernization theory is the assump-

tion that there was a golden age of the aged: preindustrial societies where elderly

people were revered for their wisdom.

Modernization theory was formalized by sociologists Donald Cowgill and

Lowell Holmes (1972). They regarded the shift from traditional farm and craft

production within families to mainly industrial production in factories as an

overarching modernizing process that diminished the status of older people.

Later theoretical refinements (Cowgill, 1974) identified four specific aspects of

modernizing societies that led to declines in the status of older people: health

technology, economic and industrial technology, urbanization, and education.

Advances in medical practice and public health improved health and increased

longevity, but with some negative effects for older people. In some traditional soci-

eties, older members controlled family production, but longer modern lives created

more labor market competition, with industrial employers preferring younger,

Sociological Approaches to Understanding Age and Aging 155

stronger workers who possessed new occupational skills. This forced older workers

out of the labor market, causing loss of income, prestige, and honor, contributing to

a decline in the status of older people. Advances in economic and industrial technol-

ogy created new occupations; formerly valued traditional skills and knowledge held

by older family members became outdated. As younger people moved to cities for

factory jobs, societies experienced urbanization. This process relegated older people

to less prestigious and increasingly obsolete jobs or left them behind in rural areas,

undermining the relations of the traditional extended family and increasing social

and spatial distance between the young and the old. Increased literacy rates, new

emphasis on scientific over traditional forms of knowledge, and education targeted

toward children created knowledge gaps among family members of different gener-

ations. Skills and traditional knowledge that previously contributed to the high sta-

tus of older people were rendered irrelevant by developments in science and

technology. Intergenerational relations were fundamentally altered, to the detri-

ment of older people.

The general model of the relationship between modernization and aging pre-

dicts a linear relationship between the degree of modernization and the status of

older people in particular societies. According to the theory, modernization

would inevitably affect the entire social structure of societies, including the posi-

tion customarily held by their elderly communities, regardless of when or where

it occurred. Soon after Cowgill and Holmes’s (1972) original work, Palmore and

Manton (1974) tested modernization theory using data from 31 countries. Their

findings suggested refinements to the theory, including taking the phase of mod-

ernization into account when exploring status changes among older people. They

found that early in modernization older people’s social status was relatively

lower, but that the status decline leveled off and sometimes rose after a period of

modernization, suggesting nonlinear change in response to modernization.

Critics of modernization theory observed that the theory was based on faulty

assumptions about the historical status of older people, both representing an

oversimplification of the effects of modernization and ignoring important varia-

tions arising from cultural experiences, family forms, and social statuses other

than age. British historian Peter Laslett (1976) led the challenge to modernization

theory, which he argued portrayed and formalized an assumed mythical “world

we have lost.” Laslett identified four specific problems related to the “golden age

of the aged” myth: (1) poorly specified processes connecting the social outcomes

of aging to modernization; (2) an assumption that traditional societies held older

people in universal high regard; (3) whether traditional societies had specified

and valued economic roles for most older people; and (4) the belief that older indi-

viduals lived in multigenerational households, cared for by their relatives. Other

scholars supported elements of Laslett’s critique. U.S. social historians Achen-

baum (1978) and Fischer (1977) agreed that the status of the aged had declined

over time, but they claimed that the decline began long before modernization and

industrialization could have been the cause. They regarded cultural factors, not

the social and economic changes emphasized in modernization theory, as most

influential in determining the social position of older people in U.S. society.

Quadagno (1982) observed that historical evidence showed significant variation

in the treatment of older people both across and within different societies and

over time. Historically, older people were not always universally revered. She

found that modernization had both positive and negative effects on older people

(Quadagno, 1982).