
alcohol, while Catholics and
Jews
prove more tolerant. This also extends to ceremonies.
During Prohibition, wine for the Catholic Eucharist was a special category; in Protestant
communions, however, one may find grape juice substituted for wine.
Alcohol is viewed as a special danger for vulnerable, innocent youth, leading to legal
enalties for providing liquor to them. Nonetheless, the temptations of drinking are part
of teenage culture at schools and in social life. Various sweeter, fruitier and lighter
combinations—wine coolers, flavored wines, blush wines—even cater to younger
drinkers (or appeal to perceptions of a feminine market).
Imagery and marketing complicate any analysis of consumption or establishment of a
clear culture of consumption.
African American
neighborhood organizers, for example,
complain of bill-
oards and advertisements targeting young blacks with the glamour o
cigarettes and specialized niche brands of malt liquor. Liquor stores, especially if owned
y immigrant entrepreneurs, have become flashpoints of urban confrontation. Native
Americans, too, have faced long and eviscerating struggles with alcoholism and related
inherited conditions (Fetal Alcohol Syndrome) that mark the continuing impact o
alcohol as a weapon settlers used to undermine the tribes. In these cases, and others
across
class
and
gender
lines, while drinking itself may not be seen as a problem—and,
indeed, may be seen as a part of conviviality and sophistication—loss of control is treated
as a shameful condition. This affirms a general moral identification of alcohol with evil.
Media, sermons and other discourses may translate this judgment into images o
adolescents open to risky sexual behavior, decaying winos (generally shown as male),
abusive fathers or quiet, despairing housewives drinking behind closed doors. These
negative portraits are the stuff of Hollywood depictions of excessive use from, for
example, the
Lost Weekend
(1945) or
Days of Wine and Roses
(1962) to
Barfly
(1987)
and
Leaving Las Vegas
(1995). Nonetheless, Hollywood has shown its own American
schizophrenia as these searing portraits meet other images of sophistication or the
sociability of bars and celebration.
Television,
where
advertising
is limited to beer and
wine, has worked with the government to censor messages about alcohol and drugs
(especially in teen-directed shows). Yet, as in cigarette propaganda, condemnation is
undercut by talking frogs (Budweiser), sparkling images of wine and chit-chat, and off-
screen intertexts of stars and parties.
Celebrities
checking into the Betty Ford clinic to
“dry out” compete with images of good times, reinforcing America’s conflicting
attitudes.
Alcoholism in the United States is associated not only with health risks, but also with
abusive behaviors and accidents, especially when alcohol and
automobiles
mix. This has
spawned home-grown approaches to combating alcohol, like the
self-help
program o
Alcoholics Anonymous
. Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) and other grassroots
groups, meanwhile, have fought for more severe punishment of drunk drivers. These
campaigns have become complicated by both the general acceptance of the presence o
alcohol and debates over alcoholism as a disease or disability.
Outsiders in the US may be bewildered by the variety of controls on beverage sales.
Grocery stores in
Florida
and California sell wine and beer, but in Pennsylvania one
Encyclopedia of Contemporary American Culture 34