Langbein Hermann. People in Auschwitz

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hewould appear in person, and then ‘‘they will not die a relatively gentle death

with a rope around their necks but a much more painful one.’’

His inﬂated self-assurance triggered the proceedings that were brought

against him in Germany. On his return from Russia, he had himself celebrated

as a martyr on German television, and this drew attention to him for the ﬁrst

time. He also advertised in newspapers that hewas looking fora secretary ‘‘for

the continuation of my scientiﬁc work.’’

n Dr. Horst Schumann was Clauberg’s rival in conducting experiments in

Auschwitz. Like Clauberg, he was not a member of the ss but a Luftwaﬀe

physician who had so proven himself at the ﬁrst Nazi campaign of mass mur-

ders (under the cover name ‘‘Euthanasia,’’ for its victims were primarily men-

tally ill) that he was entrusted with sterilization experiments, even though

he had no specialized knowledge in this ﬁeld. While Clauberg tried to make

women sterile by means of injections, Schumann attempted to do so by radi-

ating their genitals; and he also experimented on men. After radiation he had

the uterus or the testicles of his victims removed, and he used these organs

to determine the degree of destruction after radiation treatments of diﬀerent

durations. Like Clauberg, hedid not carewhat happened tohis ‘‘rabbits’’ after-

ward. Schumann’s experiments and surgical procedures weakened his victims

more than Clauberg’s did, and thus their chances of staying alive were even

slighter.

Schumann was born in 1906 and grew up in what he characterized as a

‘‘nationalistic-conservative’’ home. At the age of fourteen he volunteered for

messenger duty at the civil war–like clashes in Saxony; then he became a ‘‘tra-

dition-bound’’ member of a dueling fraternity and early in 1930 joined the

nsdap.Hemetthe organizers of ‘‘Operation Euthanasia’’ bychance. A former

fellow student, also a physician, did not wish to participate in this killing

operation and suggested that those in charge contact Schumann, whom he

knew as a staunch Nazi. Schumann had no scruples.

As the directorof the killing facilities in Grafeneck and Sonnenstein, Schu-

mann had to turnon the gas after the patients had been taken to the gas cham-

ber and watch them die. He asked the mental patients who were scheduled to

die questions—‘‘in order to further my knowledge; after all, therewere things

to learn,’’ as he assured his judges in 1970. He freely admitted to the court

that he had no psychiatric trainingthat would have enabled him to judge men-

tal illnesses; and when he began his series of experiments in Auschwitz, he

did not know any more than that about radiation treatment. For this reason

Clauberg, the expert, described Schumann to his examining magistrate as a

criminal while not displaying any guilt feelings himself.

Schumann treated the inmates whom he employed as assistants well.Thus

344 n the jailers

he assured himself of the willing participation of Staszek Slezak, who took

care of his X-ray equipment, by promising to recommend his release. How-

ever, he did not take this promise as seriously as Clauberg did the promise

he gave to Dering, or else his inﬂuence was not as great as the professor’s.

Slezak remained in the camp, and after the completion of the experiments he

suﬀered the fate of bearers of secrets.

Emil Kaschub, who also conducted experiments on human beings in

Auschwitz, was not a member of the ss either. He came from Upper Silesia

and served in the Wehrmacht as an ensign (Fahnenjunker). Stern, a French law-

yer who was a nurse in the dormitory that housed Kaschub’s ‘‘rabbits,’’ has

described him as a twenty-seven-year-old medical student with an ‘‘attractive

appearance’’ who had been assigned to medical duty in Breslau. Kaschub was

not on the level of Schumann or Clauberg, and he did not stay in Auschwitz

as long as they did. His experiments lasted for only a few weeks. By means

of subcutaneous injections and ointments—Fejkiel remembers pus, sewage,

and unknown chemicals—Kaschub gave his test subjects cellulitis, which he

repeatedly photographed and lanced. The liquid drawn from the wound was

sent to Breslau. Fejkiel believes that these experiments were intended to ﬁnd

out how slackers managed to make themselves sick to escape service in the

Wehrmacht.

After Kaschub had once again photographed a victim and plainly put the

patient, who had a high fever, in agony, he said to his assistant Stern, ‘‘Believe

me, I felt as lousy as you did, but I had to do it.’’ That also diﬀerentiated the

little ensign from the professor and the Luftwaﬀe oﬃcer, who certainly did

not have to do ‘‘it’’ and who were never overheard making similar remarks.

n A medical man who diﬀered from other camp physicians in many respects

also used his stay in Auschwitz for experiments with the ‘‘available human

material.’’ Johann Paul Kremer was ﬁfty-nine years old when he was ordered

in 1942 to go to Auschwitz during the break between semesters, and thus he

was of a diﬀerent generation than most other ss physicians. Since 1935 he had

been a professor of anatomy at the University of Münster, and he was the only

university professor who worked in an extermination camp. Kremer’s diary

contains his reactions to what went on in Auschwitz.

According to this diary, Kremer participated in fourteen selections at the

ramp and thesubsequent gassings.When hewasassigned to a ‘‘special action’’

for the ﬁrst time (on September 2, his third day in Auschwitz), he noted in

his diary: ‘‘By comparison, Dante’s Inferno almost seems like a comedy to me.’’

Three days later he called a selection in the women’s camp ‘‘the most hor-

rible of all horrors’’ and agreed with his colleague Thilo, who characterized

Auschwitz as the ‘‘anus mundi.’’ On October 12, after he had attended his tenth

Physicians in the ss n 345

selection and gassing, Kremer wrote: ‘‘A horrendous scene in front of the last

bunker (Hössler).’’ Almost ﬁve years later Kremer interpreted this terse note

for an examining magistrate in Cracow: ‘‘I remember that Hössler tried to

squeeze the entire group (of 600 Dutchmen) into one bunker. He managed to

do so, with the exception of one man, and Hössler shot that man with his pis-

tol.’’ Six days later Kremeragain noted ‘‘horrendous scenes’’ in his diary.Three

young, healthy Dutchwomen who begged for their lives outside the bunker

were shot on the spot.

Kremer’s diary aﬀords us an insight into the conduct of a university pro-

fessor on the threshold of old age who obviously did not feel good about the

mass murders.However, his feelingsofdisgustcould not have been thatgreat,

for right after Kremer’s terse reports about extermination campaigns he gave

detailed descriptions of various meals.

Kremer qualiﬁed for a university lectureship with a postdoctoral thesis

titled ‘‘Über die Veränderungen des Muskelgewebes im Hungerzustande’’

(Changes in the muscular tissues of starving people). In another treatise that

was published shortly before his posting to Auschwitz, he described changes

in the cells of cold-blooded animals after experimental starvation.The ss gar-

rison physician learned of this research, and ‘‘he said that I could use for my

investigations fresh, living material from inmates who were being killed by

injections of phenol,’’ according to Kremer’s testimony years later. One can

imagine that Kremer did not have to be urged to do so.

This is Kremer’s testimony given in Polish captivity:

If I was interested in someone because of an advanced process of starva-

tion, I ordered the medic to reserve the patient for me and notify me when

he was going to be killed by means of a phenol injection. On that day the

patient chosen by mewas taken to the block and put on the dissecting table

while hewas still alive. I steppedup to him and asked him about detailsthat

were of interest for my investigation—for example, his weight before his

imprisonment, the weight loss in the camp, any medicine taken recently,

and so on. After I had obtained this information, the medic came and killed

the patient by injecting him in the cardiac area. I never gave lethal injec-

tions myself. I waited at a certain distance from the dissecting table with

prepared containers. Right after the patient had died from the injection,

inmate physicians removed parts of his liver and pancreas. I put these in

the receptacles, which contained a preservative liquid. In some cases I had

photographs made of the patients who were going to be killed so speci-

mens could be taken from their bodies for me. I took the specimens and

the photos to my apartment in Münster.

346 n the jailers

Alaconic entry in Kremer’s diary refersto thispractice: ‘‘Today I ﬁxed fresh,

living material from a human liver, spleen, and pancreas.’’ There are a number

of similar entries.

The Polish inmate physicianWladyslaw Fejkiel reports that one day Kremer

requested two starving inmates for research purposes. Fejkiel did not hesi-

tate to pick out two patients, for Kremer’s academic rank was known in the

camp and Fejkiel did not believe that a university professor was capable of a

criminal initiative. Later he learned that the women were killed and dissected.

Kremer did not use his brief stay in Auschwitz only for his scientiﬁc work.

This pedantic entry in his diary is dated October 16: ‘‘At noon today I sent oﬀ

the second package with a value of 300 Reichsmarks to Frau Wizemann (an

acquaintance in Münster) for safekeeping.’’ On the margin he added: ‘‘Soap,

soap ﬂakes, food.’’ In an entry of November 17 Kremer listed the more sub-

stantial contents of the ﬁfth package: ‘‘2 bottles of brandy from the co-op,

vitamin tablets and tonics, razor blades, soaps for washing and shaving, ther-

mometers, clippers, bottles of iodine, specimens in 96 percent alcohol, X-ray

pictures, cod-liver oil, writing utensils, compresses, perfumes, darning wool,

needles, toothpowder, etc. etc.’’ At a later date Kremer was asked where all

those items were from, and he glossed over his theft of possessions of mur-

dered inmates by saying: ‘‘The inmates stuﬀed my pockets. I could not ward

them oﬀ.’’

Nevertheless, Kremer was not among those who enjoyed staying in Ausch-

witz because of the unexpectedly great chances to enrich themselves. ‘‘I hope

to be in Prague soon. Here there is nothing to tempt me,’’ he wrote in a letter

from Auschwitz dated September 5, 1942.

Toward prisoners Kremer was neither imperious nor rude. He used the

formal Sie in addressing inmates—a rare exception. When he was doing selec-

tions in the inﬁrmary, the number of victims was usually smaller than when

Entress was selecting.

At the end of the semester break, Kremer returned to his university. ‘‘I

am almost ashamed of being a German,’’ he wrote in his diary a scant two

months after leaving Auschwitz. The reason for this remark was that Kremer

had not received the coveted chair for genetics. ‘‘Is there still an eternal jus-

tice, a providence, and a God without whose will not one hair falls from our

heads?’’ Kremerdid not write this question down because of thegas chambers

that he had seen; it was prompted by a bombardment of Münster in 1943.

The Americans marched into Münster, and the war was coming to an end.

Kremer conscientiously continued his diary; his last entry bears the date Au-

gust 11, 1945. Five days earlier he had been ordered to clear debris in Münster,

and he wrote indignantly: ‘‘A man has to endure this sort of thing because he

Physicians in the ss n 347

was an ss physician.’’ He evidently had completely repressed the ‘‘horrendous

scenes’’ of Auschwitz. Not a single remark after his departure from Ausch-

witz refers to the camp and the mass murders in which Kremer participated.

In fact, Kremer evidently did not even realize what he had recorded about his

actions in this diary. When he was informed in a British internment camp that

his diary had been found, he rejoiced because he believed that it contained

proof that he had been treated badly by the Nazi regime and could therefore

not be regarded as having been loyal to that regime.

The case of Kremer proves that even intellectually trained people are able

to repress guilt feelings completely. After he had been pardoned in Poland,

Kremer was sentenced in Münster to ten years in the penitentiary. The court’s

opinion was given by the presiding judge: ‘‘Kremer would be free of guilt even

today if circumstances over which he had no control had not placed him in

a situation that ultimately gave rise to these criminal acts. He became liable

to punishment because he did not resist and refuse.’’ He might have added:

because Kremer did not hesitate to participate even though he regarded mass

murder as something horrible—one need only consider the ‘‘fresh, living ma-

terial’’ and the packages of stolen property.

At the age of eighty-one, when he had already served his sentences, Kremer

was hauled into court once more. In Frankfurt he was supposed to testify, this

time as a witness, about a diary entry that said that many ss men were keen to

participate in campaigns of gassing because they received extra food rations

for it. The old man said with a gentle smile: ‘‘Oh, but this is humanly quite

understandable; it was wartime, and there was a shortage of cigarettes and

schnapps. If someone was addicted to tobacco...’’

n Dr. Hellmuth Vetter was another physician who used his stay in Auschwitz

to experiment on humans. Before he was posted to concentration camps as

an ss physician, he had been in the employ of the IG Works in Leverkusen. He

kept up that connection, and the BayerWorks regularly sent him new prepara-

tions that he was to test for theireﬀectiveness on inmates.The physician, who

wasborn in 1910 inThuringia,supervised these experiments,which he had not

been ordered to make, with great zeal and prohibited the administration of

other medicines to the patients in his series of experiments. He even returned

to Auschwitz after he had been transferred to Mauthausen-Gusen in order to

learn about thefurther results of his experiments. ‘‘After thecompletion of his

experiments hewas not interested in the fate of these patients,’’ said the nurse

Stanislaw Klodzinski. Vetter also conducted human experiments in Gusen.

When he had to answer for his actions before a military court in Nuremberg,

documents were presented that indicated fortydeaths among seventy-ﬁve per-

348 n the jailers

sons who were treated with a new experimental drug in one of his series of

experiments.

After Vetter had been sentenced to death, he wrote his brother and asked

him to locate me: ‘‘Herr Langbein can conﬁrm that I tried to save people wher-

ever I could. I regarded Jews as human beings and patients, and I treated them

accordingly.’’ He counted on my advocacy because he remembered that he had

fulﬁlled many of my requests concerning patients in Dachau, where we ﬁrst

met, and that he had sought conversations with me that did not relate to duty.

He seemed to have repressed the fact that I knew that most of his ‘‘rabbits’’ in

Auschwitz were Jews. According to Sonja Fischmann, when Vetter was once

shown moldy bread that had been distributed, he responded that ‘‘mold is

healthy.’’

n Theself-assured and corpulent Dr.Viktor Capesius, a pharmacist, is hard to

classify. He, too, did more than merely carry out orders. He came from Sieben-

bürgen, where he was born in 1907. His schoolmate Karlheinz Schulery, who

became a clergyman and whom Capesius sent for as a witness for the defense

at the Frankfurt trial, testiﬁed verbosely that Capesius came from a very reli-

gious and social-minded family that had done much good. Like many other

ethnic Germans from Romania, Capesius joined the ss in 1943. Since he had

been a representative of the Bayer Works in Romania, the ss employed him as

a pharmacist.

The defense attorneys assured the Frankfurt court that Capesius was not

a convinced Nazi, and they were believable. They tried to prove their case by

pointing out that the defendant’s wife was Jewish. Evidently Capesius man-

aged to conceal this ‘‘defect’’ from the leadership of the ss in distant Sieben-

bürgen.

After the death of his predecessor, Capesius became the manager of the

ss pharmacy in Auschwitz in early 1944. Like every other ss leader in the

oﬃce of the ssgarrison physician, Capesius was fromtime totime assigned to

ramp duty when the transports fromHungary were selected.This put him into

an unprecedented situation. As a representative of the Bayer Works, he was

personally acquainted with the physicians and pharmacists of Siebenbürgen,

which was part of Hungary at that time. Many of them were Jews; and when

they saw him again at the ramp, these perplexed people begged him for help.

Capesius spoke Hungarian with them: ‘‘He was extraordinarily gemütlich, very

amiable and jovial. He said that anyone who was tired should go to the other

side; they would be sent to a rest camp where everything would be ﬁne and

dandy, and they would be reunited with therelatives fromwhom theyhad been

separated at the ﬁrst selection in Auschwitz. Many people voluntarily went to

Physicians in the ss n 349

the other side, entire columns of ﬁve went there.’’ This is how Marianna Adam

remembers Capesius. With his friendly persuasion, Capesius facilitated the

selection; the victims voluntarily joined the group of those destined to die.

However, the selection was not the most important thing for Capesius at

the ramp. Tadeusz Szewczyk, who worked in the ss pharmacy, has described

his boss’s return from the ramp.

One day at noon Dr. Capesius drove up in the Sanka (Sanitätskraftwagen, am-

bulance) and ordered us to take some suitcases out of the vehicle. There

were about ﬁfteen leather suitcases of diﬀerent sizes. I was assigned to sort

the contents, and Dr. Capesius stayed with me. The suitcases contained

clothes, shirts, cosmetics, money, razors, and similar items. Dr. Capesius

put the better clothes and all the money in the better suitcases. The other

things were taken to the attic for general sorting. He immediately put the

foreign money in his cashbox but left the German money in the suitcase.

Jewelry, watches, and the like he also put there and in his pockets.

Szewczyk conﬁrms that Capesius was not stingy at this sorting: ‘‘He distrib-

uted food among the inmates.’’

The storeroom of the ss pharmacy was located in the attic.Wilhelm Prokop

describes what he had to witness there:

One time Dr. Capesius inspected the attic and I had to be his guide. I

showed him all the suitcases containing medications. On the way back

Capesius noticed on the right side cases ﬁlled with dental prostheses, den-

tures, and the like. Bone fragments and gums were still attached to some

of them; everything was already decaying, and there was a terrible stench.

Capesius asked me what that was, and I told him that those cases belonged

to the dental clinic. Capesius walked up to the suitcases, squatted next to

them, and rummaged around in the stinking stuﬀ. He pulled out a pros-

thesis and held it up as if he were assessing its value.

Prokop noticed how the contents of these suitcases diminished daily. Ca-

pesius threatened him with death if he talked about this.

The Pole Jan Sikorski,who as a camp-wise foreman in the ss pharmacy had

the best opportunities to get at all the valuable things that wound up there,

testiﬁed as followsbeforethe Frankfurt judges: ‘‘Dr. Capesius was no friend of

the inmates, but he was not as much of a bandit as the others. He did not care

about supplying the camp with medications. But because the war was coming

to an end, he protected himself by being friendly to many inmates. Once he

said to me: ‘Now I am an oﬃcer, and you are inmates. In two months this may

already be reversed.’’’

Sikorsky told me about the lengths to which Capesius went to gratify his

350 n the jailers

desires. One time he was looking for a diamond brooch and promised Sikor-

ski twelve bottles of schnapps if he ‘‘organized’’ one for him. Sikorski gave

Capesius the desired brooch within the timethey had agreed on, and Capesius

handed him the schnapps. Because Sikorski did not want to take the risk

of smuggling twelve bottles into the camp, he induced his boss to carry the

schnapps into the camp for him. Capesius, who held the rank of ss major

(Sturmbannführer), was of course not checked when he entered the camp. Once

inside, he turned the bottles over to his business partner.

Capesius knew how to get along. His subordinate Kurt Jurasek, who fre-

quently traveled to Oranienburg as a courier, brought ‘‘little gifts’’ from Ca-

pesius to his superiors. I have never been able to see any evidence of friendli-

ness in this manager of the ss pharmacy; all I saw was arrogance. To be sure,

I was not able to be of use to him in ‘‘organizing.’’

The Frankfurt judges, who were very careful in the formulation of their

opinion, summed up by stating that Capesius ‘‘enriched himself to an extent

that was bound to attract attention even in Auschwitz, where people did not

exactly act conscientiously in that regard.’’

n Capesius’s compatriot Dr. Fritz Klein must also be numbered among the

type of physician who developed initiatives of his own in the extermination,

although Klein was diﬀerent from those discussed above. There was an age

diﬀerence, Klein was born in 1888, and until age ﬁfty-four he was a general

practitioner in a small town in Siebenbürgen. While his colleagues gave one

the impression that the ss uniform made them feel exalted and validated,

Klein did not ﬁt into his uniform.

He was a convinced anti-Semite. Ella Lingens remembers a conversation

with him that she was able to have because as the only German inmate physi-

cian she had more privileges than others. Once she pointed to the obligation

of every physician to protect the life of every human being. Klein responded

that it was reverence for human life that prompted him to remove an inﬂamed

appendix from a diseased body. Klein concluded this comparison by saying

that the Jews constituted an inﬂamed appendix in Europe.

Manca Svalbova has not forgotten Klein’s order to replace Jewish nurses in

the inﬁrmary of the women’s camp with ‘‘Aryan’’ women. Only Jewish female

physicians were allowed to stay. When on one occasion a German Jewish

woman who had been selected begged him for her life, Klein replied: ‘‘You are

old enough to die.What the others can do, you can do, too.’’ Judith Sternberg-

Newman remembers this response.

His behavior at campaigns of murder was not like the customary behavior

of others.Thenurse Janusz Mlynarski heard in themain campthat Klein yelled

at the supervising ss man when physically feeble prisoners were once again

Physicians in the ss n 351

being loaded on trucks on their way to the gas chambers: ‘‘How can you pack

the trucks like this? These are human beings and not sardines!’’ Of course,

Klein could have no doubts about the destination of this ride.

During a visit to the hkb of thewomen’s camp, an inmate physician called

Klein’s attention to the fact that some patients needed another two or three

days’ rest, whereupon Klein very politely ordered ﬁve to eight days of bed rest

for these convalescents. Two days later trucks appeared in front of the hkb

and all patients who had been laid up for more than ﬁve days had to board the

trucks that followed the familiar route to the gas chambers.This happened in

October 1944, when the end of the war was already clearly in sight.

Igor Bistric, a clerk in the hkb of the main camp, once asked Dr. Klein to

remove the name of a Hungarian Jew from the selection list. Klein refused,

and the selected man, a deputy in the Hungarian parliament whose name was

also Klein, had to go to the gas chamber. Bistric remembers that ‘‘afterward

Dr. Klein did not dare to look me in the eye.’’

On May 15, 1945, Dr. Erwin Valentin, who worked in the same hkb as

Bistric, testiﬁed on the basis of his fresh memory that Klein selected a four-

teen-year-old Jewish lad even though there was nothing wrong with him. Val-

entin had operated on a carbuncle on his neck but had alreadycertiﬁed that he

was ﬁt forwork.When the boy screamed and moaned that hewas quite healthy

and wanted to live, Klein is reported to have declared amid hand-rubbing and

stroking that the boy would not go to the chimney but be taken to another

inﬁrmary, where things would be much nicer.

Some Jews, to be sure, got to know another side of Klein. Olga Lengyel de-

scribes him as the only ss man whom she never heard raise his voice. Once

the senior camp warden selected 315 women and locked them up in a bar-

racks where they had to wait for the ss physician’s ﬁnal decision as to who

would be sent to the gas chamber. Lengyel, a medical student who worked as

a nurse, had to accompany the camp physician on his way to this barracks.

She attempted to explain to Klein that among those selected there were some

who were still able to work, but Klein did not react to her requests. When he

reached the camp, he looked at the unfortunate women and chased some of

them out with the remark that they were quite healthy and only malingerers.

He thereby reduced by thirty-one the number of those who were soon to be

forced to board the trucks.

One time Lengyel was supposed to kneel by way of punishment. Klein sent

for her under some pretext and thus spared her this punishment. When, on

another occasion, she called Klein’s attention to the inhabitants of one block

who had to stand lined up outside in the rain for hours, Klein did not answer

but immediately went there and ordered thewomen to go inside.That Lengyel

had such experiences with Klein may be due to the fact that she was from the

352 n the jailers

same area of Siebenbürgen as the ss physician and that they spoke Hungarian

with each other. More than once Lengyel observed Klein at selections when

he sent hundreds to the gas chamber. She came up with the designation ‘‘civil

murderer’’ for him.

Eduard de Wind has not forgotten that Klein once removed his name from

a list of inmates who were to be assigned to the penal company. He did this at

the request of de Wind’s wife, who was also in the camp. To be sure, shortly

before this Klein had not only given deWind’s block elder a whipping but also

removed him from his post because he had refused to beat a sick Jew. DeWind

and his wife were from Holland, and so they did not share a homeland with

Klein.

Jehuda Bacon,whowas laid up in the children’s block of theTheresienstadt

family camp, testiﬁed that Klein was interested in the children housed there

and sometimes came close to playing with them. He got them a soccer ball

and behaved ‘‘almost like an uncle.’’

Klein once asked me to type up a play that he had written, to do this in my

free time and make some carbon copies. I have forgotten the details of this

play, but I do remember that it was a very ineptly written blood-and-soil drama

set in Klein’s homeland, one in which the Germans were depicted as an elite

with a mysterious connection to their people. Pawek Reinke, the manager of

the inmate oﬃce in the main camp, had to ﬁnd rhymes for Klein’s poems,

in which he extolled the good things the Nazis were doing for his homeland.

Dr. Fejkiel observed that Klein always had a picture of Hitler with him.

Accordingto Olga Lengyel, Klein was under no illusions about the outcome

of the war. Once he rode his bicycle to the women’s camp and complained

that he had been deprived of his service car because of a gasoline shortage.

He concluded by saying that the war would soon be over and that he was sure

that neither those women nor any other inmates were going to do anything

for him after the end of the war.

Like many others in Auschwitz, Klein liked to indulge in alcohol. His com-

patriot Capesius, who was at the source, claimed that he provided him with

plentyof alcohol. In the ﬁnal phaseKlein was transferred to the Bergen-Belsen

camp, where he was arrested by the British and with others brought before

their militarycourt in Lüneburg.When hewas asked about the methods of ex-

termination, all he said was this: ‘‘Of course, I did not approve of thegassings,

but I did not protest, either, for that would have been senseless. You can’t

protest when you’re in the army. Participating in the selection was no plea-

sure.’’

n Physicians who stolidly carried out orders without doing more than that

but did not help the prisoners, either, remained colorless; there is relatively

Physicians in the ss n 353