Luscombe D., Riley-Smith J. The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 4: c. 1024-c. 1198, Part 2

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281 Poland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries

in it. He supported the Saxons in their rebellion against the king and he created

a diversion against the Czech Prince Vratislav, who belonged to Henry IV’s

followers. He also actively participated in the struggle over the Hungarian

throne, which was a reﬂection of this great European conﬂict. He opposed

Solomon, who was a supporter of the German party, and effectively backed

his rivals: B

eza in 1074; and he helped enthrone G

ela in 1060 and G

eza’s son,

Vladislav, in 1077.He fervently advocated Ruthenia’s rapprochement with the

western church, which was initiated by the Russian Prince Izyaslav, related

to the Piasts through his wife Gertrude (Boleslaw’s aunt). He introduced the

Gregorian ecclesiastical reforms in Poland, strengthening the organization of

the Polish church.

Boleslaw Szczodry’s support for the Gregorian party resulted in him being

granted a royal crown by the apostolic see, a title which was not to be achieved

by any Polish ruler for the next 220 years. None the less, he did not manage to

avoid internal conﬂicts in his realm, as Henry IV’s camp was bound to have

some supporters there. Boleslaw’s brother, Wladyslaw Herman, was likely to be

one of them, at least in the later stage of this ecclesiastical and political dispute,

as he married Vratislav’s daughter, Judith, in c. 1080 and then in 1089 a sister

of Henry IV himself, Judith Maria. The king’s dispute with Bishop Stanislaw

of Cracow overlapped with the obvious tensions reﬂecting the divisions of

contemporary Europe. Its background was left obscure by a chronicler close to

the times of Boleslaw; 100 years later a biased tradition attributed the conﬂict to

the king’s cruelty and the bishop’s attempts at appeasing it. Whatever the case,

Bishop Stanislaw was sentenced to death by dismemberment and executed. The

archbishop of Gniezno at the time may have participated in the trial. According

to the above mentioned tradition, the bishop was supposedly murdered at the

altar by the king himself. Such circumstances of death imposed on it the features

of martyrdom, important for the canonization of Bishop Stanislaw, which was

achieved in 1253.

If Boleslaw Szczodry had opponents as the proponent of the Gregorian

reforms and Gregorian political line, the severe punishment of the bishop of

Cracow, who must have had numerous family and political connections, was

bound to cause further opposition. It may have been the direct cause of the

rebellion against the king, which broke out in 1079 and forced him promptly to

leave the country with his family. He died in exile in unexplained circumstances,

and his son Mieszko, treacherously persuaded to return, was murdered.

Meanwhile Boleslaw Szczodry’s brother, Wladyslaw Herman, took over the

power in Poland. He was never to be so politically active as Boleslaw, although

his marriages seem to have opened various chances of political manoeuvres

to him. The revindication of Pomerania was the only concern in his external

policy, and he undertook some military steps in this direction. The internal

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282 jerzy wyrozumski

policy was controlled by his palatine Sieciech, who, according to an almost con-

temporary chronicler, more closely collaborated with Judith Maria, Wladyslaw

Herman’s wife, than with the king himself. His contemporaries accused him of

the merciless policy towards his opponents, who sought refuge in exile, mainly

in Bohemia, or were banished from the country. In this situation the conﬂict

within the very family of Wladyslaw Herman acquired a special signiﬁcance.

Wladyslaw Herman had a son Zbigniew from his obscure ﬁrst marriage.

When he married Judith of Bohemia and his son Boleslaw called the Wry-

mouthed (Krzywousty) was born, Zbigniew was put in wardship and then

promptly sent abroad. It was a common practice aimed at securing the throne

for the son from the new, more prestigious marriage. Sieciech’s political op-

ponets, however, took advantage of these circumstances. Zbigniew had become

for them a convenient pretender and they offered him their support. A bloody

contest for power followed, lasting from 1093 to 1099,asaresult of which

Sieciech had to leave the political stage and the country was divided among

the father and his two sons. Wladyslaw Herman retained Mazovia, his favourite

province, and held suzerainty over his sons; he made Plock his capital. His elder

son, Zbigniew, received the province of Wielkopolska (Greater Poland) with

Poznan and Gniezno, and possibly Kujawy (Kuyavia) as well. The younger

son, Boleslaw, received all of the south (Malopolska – Little Poland – and

Silesia), apart from the main castle-towns, such as Cracow, Wroclaw (Breslau)

and Sandomierz.

After Wladyslaw’s death in 1102,Mazovia went to Zbigniew, whereas the

three castle-towns so far excluded from Boleslaw’s power fell to him. Until

1106 the Polish territory had actually been divided into two duchies, prob-

ably independent from each other. Yet the two rulers’ interests were soon

to clash. According to the contemporary tradition connected with the court

of Boleslaw Krzywousty, Zbigniew, who maintained peaceful relations with

Pomerania, prevented Boleslaw from carrying out their father’s plans of the

revindication of Pomerania for Poland. He also tried to normalize the rela-

tions with Bohemia, while Boleslaw, whose territory directly bordered with

the Czechs, was subject to enmity on their part. The imputations against

Zbigniew were certainly not groundless, yet the main source of the original con-

ﬂict between the brothers lay in their different temperaments, aspirations and

political visions. The peacefully inclined Zbigniew and the bellicose Boleslaw

were bound to clash, especially as the latter appealed to the emerging warrior

class attracted by the legends of Pomeranian wealth.

In 1106 Boleslaw Krzywousty attacked his brother’s territory, drove him out

of Wielkopolska and allowed him to stay only in Mazovia ‘as a knight, not

as a prince’. Yet already in the following year Zbigniew was removed from

Mazovia and had to leave Poland. He found support with King Henry V

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283 Poland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries

of Germany, who started a military expedition against Poland in 1109.Yet

Boleslaw Krzywousty’s military skills, his skilful appealing to patriotic moods,

together with his alliance with Ruthenia, based on his marriage with Zbyslawa,

daughter of the prince of Kiev, and a temporary alliance with Hungary,

which involved a diversionary raid on Bohemia, provided Poland with sup-

port. The determined defence of Glogow, the serious defeat of the German

troops in the battle of Psie Pole near Wroclaw and the deﬁant attitude of

Boleslaw, who would not give up under Henry V’s threat of marching toward

Cracow, the capital at the time, contributed to the failure of the expedition.

Three years later Boleslaw allowed his brother to return, but, on the pretext

of his arrival having been too ostentatious, had him blinded, thus causing his

death.

Despite Boleslaw’s family ties through his mother with the Czech dynasty

of Przemyslids, his relations with Bohemia were tense. This was due to the

Czech attempts to win control over the Silesian frontier castle-towns (Racib

orz,

Kozle, Kamieniec), to Bohemia’s continuing vassal dependence on Germany,

with which Boleslaw was at war, and ﬁnally to Boleslaw’s attempt to interfere

in the disputes over the Bohemian throne. These conﬂicts ceased in 1114 and

the peace treaty with Bohemia was made in 1137.

The question of Pomerania took priority in Boleslaw Krzywousty’s pol-

icy. By 1106 he had already led several plundering raids into this province,

which Zbigniew must have been trying to hinder. After Zbigniew’s banish-

ment, he launched the plan of the conquest of Pomerania. In 1113 he won

deﬁnite control of the frontier castle-towns, Naklo and Wyszogrod; by 1119

he had subjugated Gdansk-Pomerania (Pommerellen), and he then conquered

western Pomerania, reaching R

ugen (Rugia) in 1123.In 1121 he imposed feudal

overlordship over Prince Warcislaw of western Pomerania; in 1124 he eased

the rigorous conditions of this suzerainty. Boleslaw Krzywousty’s undeniable

success was the second Christianization of Pomerania. The earlier attempts by

Poland in the late tenth century had no lasting effect, and the bishopric of

Kolobrzeg (Kolberg), founded in the year 1000, disappeared. The missionary

efforts of the hermit Bernard the Spaniard in 1123 did not succeed. The next

attempt was made under Boleslaw’s auspices by Bishop Otto of Bamberg. His

success encouraged him to form a new missionary expedition, which he led on

his own behalf in 1128. The posthumous achievement of Boleslaw Krzywousty

was the fact that his chaplain Wojciech (Adalbert) was to become the ﬁrst

bishop of the newly founded bishopric in Wolin, which was moved to Kamien

Pomorski in the second half of the twelfth century. The establishment of the

bishopric of Lubusz (Lebus), bordering on western Pomerania, in the 1120s

and the establishment or perhaps reestablishment of the bishopric of

Wtoctawek, neighbouring Gdansk-Pomerania, were likely to be linked to this

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284 jerzy wyrozumski

plan of Christianization. All these bishoprics were subordinate to the archbish-

opric of Gniezno.

Boleslaw achieved another success in the area of ecclesiastical organization,

essential for the integrity of the state. It was during his reign that Norbert of

Xanten (later to be canonized), who was archbishop of Magdeburg, again put

forward Magdeburg’s claims to the Polish ecclesistical province. The archbish-

opric of Magdeburg had been established in the time of Otto I (968)inorder

to convert the Slavs across the German border. The plan did not originally

succeed since Poland under the rule of Mieszko I had managed to anticipate

it and to embrace Christianity (966) through the mediation of the Bohemian

court, from the bishopric of Regensburg and the archbishopric of Salzburg.

The skilful use made by Boleslaw Chrobry (the Brave) of the death of Bishop

Wojciech of Prague on his mission to Prussia (997) and his canonization by the

apostolic see combined with this ruler’s good relations with Otto III resulted in

Poland being granted its own archbishopric with a see in Gniezno, as mentioned

above. Magdeburg tried to impose its supremacy at least over the bishopric of

Poznan (Pozen). It actually resorted to forging some documents. Eventually in

1131 and in 1133,respectively, St Norbert managed to obtain two papal edicts of

Innocent II, subjugating the Polish ecclesiastical province to Magdeburg. By

the skilful withdrawal of his support for the pretender to the Hungarian throne,

who was opposing German political interests, Boleslaw Krzywousty won the

support of Emperor Lothar, who had good relations with the apostolic see, and

thanks to his help managed to achieve Innocent II’s withdrawal of the papal

edicts.

Boleslaw Krzywousty died in 1138.He left ﬁve sons: Wladyslaw from his

marriage with Princess Zbyslawa of Russia; Boleslaw called Kedzierzawy (the

Curly), Mieszko called the Old (Stary), Henryk and Kazimierz later named

the Just (Sprawiedliwy) from his marriage with the German princess Salomea.

Wishing to provide each of them with an appropriate appanage and at the

same time to ensure the unity of the state, he designed with the help of his

advisers a hereditary statute, often associated with the beginning of political

fragmentation of Poland, which was to prevail till the early fourteenth century.

Boleslaw Krzywousty’s hereditary statute has not been preserved and we have

to reconstruct its contents on the basis of the later tradition and allusions to

it in foreign sources. Yet it is so signiﬁcant both in its consequences and its

Slavonic relevance that one has to aim at its reconstruction. It has been the

subject of many conﬂicting interpretations.

This statute, erroneously called testament, had the character of a public

act and was pledged to by the nobles at an assembly; it may also have been

sanctioned by the apostolic see. It was probably written in c. 1133 when only one

of Boleslaw Krzywousty’s sons had come of age, two were minors, one might

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285 Poland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries

have been an infant and one was not yet born. Hence they could not have been

treated in exactly the same way. The statute provided for the supreme rule of

the grand duke (principate), which, according to the principle of seniority, was

to pass to the eldest of the Piast dynasty. Younger princes were to hold their

own appanages and owe allegiance to the senior prince, who was to possess the

highest attributes of public power over the entire Polish territory. The territorial

basis for the power of the grand duke consisted of the province of Cracow as well

as the dependent Gdansk-Pomerania and of suzerainty over western Pomerania

and several castle-towns on the route from Cracow to Pomerania, especially

Gniezno, the see of archbishop, who was appointed by the ruler in Poland

at the time. The dominion of the grand duke was not hereditary and was

not meant to be divided but to be ruled by the senior prince of the dynasty.

After Boleslaw Krzywousty’s death (1138), each of his adult sons received his

own hereditary duchy; the eldest son Wladyslaw Silesia, Boleslaw Kedzierzawy

(the Curly) Mazovia and Mieszko Stary (the Old) Wielkopolska, possibly with

a part of Kujawy. By the introduction of certain revisions into the original

statute, Henryk received the area of Sandomierz, extracted from the province

of Cracow, but only for life. It implied that in case of his death it was to

return to the dominion of Cracow. Boleslaw’s youngest son, Kazimierz, did

not receive his own appanage because on his father’s death he was only an

infant or might even have been born posthumously. Hence he remained under

his mother’s care, who received as her widow’s portion a substantial province

in central Poland with the main castle-towns of Leczyca and Sieradz, extracted

from the dominion of the grand duke.

The hereditary order broke down quite soon after Boleslaw Krzywousty’s

death as a result of a family dispute between the senior prince Wladyslaw, born

of a Russian mother, and his junior stepbrothers, born of a German mother.

Wladyslaw’s wife, Agnes of the Austrian house of Babenberg, was not popular.

The conﬂict, which was imminent already in 1141, led to a civil war and to the

banishment of Boleslaw Krzywousty’s eldest son in 1146.Yet neither the prin-

ciple of seniority nor the ‘principate’ associated with it was abolished, which

guaranteed Polish political unity. The power of the grand duke was taken over

by Boleslaw Kedzierzawy, the next son of Krzywousty according to the seniority

principle. The junior princes’ position was strengthened by the support of the

archbishop of Gniezno, the head of the Polish church. Emperor Conrad III sup-

ported the exiled Wladyslaw and actually organized an expedition to Poland,

but on receiving a promise of allegiance on the part of the victorious Polish

princes, he turned back from the Odra (1146). The international situation at the

moment was clearly auspicious for the junior princes. It involved preparations

for a crusade to the Holy Land and simultaneous plans for a crusade against

the European pagans, Obodrits and Prussians, resisting Christianization. The

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286 jerzy wyrozumski

Polish princes supported these plans. In 1147 Mieszko took part in a Saxon

expedition against the Obodrits and Boleslaw Kedzierzawy, together with the

Russian princes, participated in an expedition against the Prussians. But the

political consequence was that Poland ultimately lost her inﬂuence in western

Pomerania.

Soon, with the changing situation in Europe, the apostolic see supported the

claims of the exiled Prince Wladyslaw. The papal legate Guido on his arrival in

Poland pronounced the excommunication on the junior princes, and cast an

interdict on the country. He called upon the secular power, the empire, to en-

force Wladyslaw’s rights, and, with papal support, Emperor Frederick Bar-

barossa launched a campaign against Poland, reaching Poznan; at Krzyszkowo

he received from Boleslaw Kedzierzawy a pledge of fealty and a promise to

restore his exiled brother Wladyslaw.

Boleslaw Kedzierzawy did not fulﬁl the conditions, and Wladyslaw called

the Exile (Wygnaniec) died in 1159. The question of the restoration of his three

sons emerged. In 1163 they were received by Boleslaw, this time at the em-

peror’s request, and established in Silesia, which they had inherited from their

father. Probably they ruled this province jointly. In 1166 Boleslaw Krzywousty’s

son Henryk, who held the province of Sandomierz for life, died without an

heir. The province was divided among the three remaining sons of Boleslaw

Krzywousty. The eldest son Boleslaw Kedzierzawy, who was the grand duke,

incorporated the largest part of his brother’s dominion into the duchy of

Cracow, which was the basis of his power; the younger son Mieszko, duke of

Wielkopolska, seized an unidentiﬁed fragment, and the youngest, Kazimierz,

a single castellany (Wislica).

Grand Duke Boleslaw Kedzierzawy died in 1173. The Cracow power elite

tried to replace him with Kazimierz, neglecting Mieszko, the eldest of the

dynasty, and undeniably trying to break the principle of seniority established

by Boleslaw Krzywousty’s statute. Mieszko managed to control the situation

and to get hold of Cracow. Distrusting the inhabitants, however, he brought

with him his own ofﬁcials. This was to become a source of trouble.

In c. 1177 the whole country was shaken by the rebellion of the younger sons.

Boleslaw Krzywousty’s youngest son Kazimierz took arms against his brother

and Grand Duke Mieszko Stary, the Silesian junior prince Mieszko Platonogi

against his elder brother Boleslaw Wysoki, and Mieszko Stary’s son Odon, based

in Wielkopolska, against his own father. Kazimierz entered an alliance with the

Silesian senior prince and together they found an ally in Odon. Grand Duke

Mieszko had to leave Poland and returned only after several years. Kazimierz

took over the power of grand duke. In order to win over the Silesian junior

prince, he gave him the western part of the province of Cracow. His brother

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287 Poland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries

gave him the castellany of Raciborz, and in this way a new duchy emerged,

to which in 1201 Opole was added. Its ruler, Mieszko Platonogi, started a new

line of the Piasts (of Opole and Raciborz). Boleslaw Wysoki began the line of

the Silesian Paists. The fate of Konrad, the third son of Wladyslaw the Exile,

remains obscure. He may have ruled over Glogow for a short time.

In 1180 Kazimierz named the Just (Sprawiedliwy) called a general meeting in

Leczyca (central Poland). It is known that it was attended at least by all the bish-

ops including the archbishop of Gniezno. The meeting recognized Kazimierz

as the grand duke. The recognition by the papacy followed; Kazimierz may

also have been recognized by the emperor Frederick Barbarossa. It would have

implied that Kazimierz at least formally accepted the emperor’s suzerainty.

Thus the principle of seniority was broken, but the ‘principate’ was preserved.

When Mieszko Stary returned in 1181,he had to accept the new status quo.

In the 1990she attempted to regain the throne three times. He managed to

recapture it brieﬂy in 1191 when the lords of Cracow rebelled against Kazimierz

because of his acquiescence towards the empire. Yet after Kazimierz’s death in

1194, when Mieszko arrived in Cracow, he was severely defeated in the military

confrontation with the grand-ducal power elite. In c. 1197 he managed to win

control over Cracow in collaboration with Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy’s widow,

Helena, who together with the palatine and the bishop of Cracow held the

regency over the province during the minority of her sons, Leszek and Konrad.

However, he was again expelled, to return again shortly before his death in

1202.

Although a ﬁerce supporter of the principles of his father’s hereditary statute,

Mieszko Stary contributed to its abolition. When he returned to Cracow in

c. 1197,he pledged to make Leszek, Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy’s son, still a minor

at the time, his successor. Thus he agreed to the abolition of the ‘seniorate’

and to the actual transformation of uninhereditable grand-ducal dominion

into a hereditary province of Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy’s line. It resulted in the

legal disintegration of the unity of Poland, actually already fragmented, which

entered the next century as a group of independent Piast principalities. There

remained a sense of dynastical bond among the ‘natural lords’ of Poland as the

Piasts viewed themselves and were recognized to be, as well as the common

tradition of ‘the Poland of the Boleslaws’ (Boleslaw Chrobry, Boleslaw Szczodry

and Boleslaw Krzywousty) and a common ecclesiastical organization.

Summing up this epoch politically, one has to note a fact with lasting

implications for Poland, the subjugation of western Pomerania ﬁrst by the

Henry the Lion in 1164, and then in 1181 by Frederick Barbarossa. Another

political factor with long-term consequences was Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy’s

inﬂuence over Halicz and Vladimir Ruthenia, which gradually strengthened

288 jerzy wyrozumski

and led to the incorporation of this part of Ruthenia to Poland in the fourteenth

century.

In spite of the unfavourable political developments after Boleslaw

Krzywousty’s death in 1138, the country developed properly both economi-

cally and culturally. The system of closed economy based on productive and

various services within the princely estate was extended by a new form of set-

tlement of the lease-holding type; there appeared foreign settlers: Walloons,

Flemings and soon also Germans, though mainly in the west of Poland. The

existence of numerous trade settlements, conﬁrmed by various sources, testi-

ﬁes to the growth of exchange. The role of money increased, and during the

reign of Mieszko Stary (the Old) his mint issued numerous coins with Hebrew

inscriptions.

After a short period under the inﬂuence of the Carolingian-Ottonian style,

Romanesque architecture developed, which required a new art of working

stone. The works of art were products of collaboration between foreign masters

and local artisans. Among these are the bronze doors of Gniezno Cathedral from

the second half of the twelfth century, which depict the life and martyrdom of

St Wojciech (Adalbert). Similar doors made in Magdeburg for the cathedral of

Plock unfortunately never reached their destination, but decorated the church

of St Sophia in Great Novgorod in Ruthenia, where they found their way via

Sweden. The magniﬁcent ﬂoor of the collegiate church in Wislica, depicting

three praying ﬁgures; the tympana of St Mary’s church in Wroclaw (na Piasku),

the collegiate church in Tuma near Leczyca and the church of the Norbertine

nuns in Strzelno; and the beautifully sculptured columns of the same church,

prove that Poland was assimilating western European artistic styles rapidly in

this period.

It is also noteworthy that writing became widespread at the time. At the time

of Boleslaw Chrobry at least two lives of St Wojciech (Adalbert) were written

as well as the life of the Five Martyr Brothers by Bruno of Querfurt; annals

were also kept. These were all written by foreigners. But already in the eleventh

century Mieszko II’s daughter and Kazimierz Odnowieciel’s sister, Gertrude,

wrote a series of prayers, some of them highly personal. In the early twelfth

century an anonymous visitor from western Europe wrote the ﬁrst chronicle of

Poland, recording for the future generations the deeds of Boleslaw Krzywousty

and the tradition of his court. In the mid-twelfth century another visitor named

Maurus described in rhyme the deeds of Piotr Wlostowic, magnate and ﬁrst

lord of the state during the reign of that prince, and of his son Wladyslaw.

According to an inventory from 1110, the cathedral of Cracow possessed quite

a considerable library. Liturgical books were to be found in the possession of

other cathedrals. Documents were becoming more common, though mostly

charters of endowment for the church. In the second half of the twelfth century,

289 Poland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries

and perhaps even earlier, travelling for study abroad began. Educated at one

of the oldest universities, Wincenty Kadlubek, the chancellor to Kazimierz

Sprawiedliwy, and later the bishop of Cracow, proved to be a talented and

learned writer. In the thirteenth century he was to write a chronicle of Poland,

which was a major work of literature.

chapter 11

SCANDINAVIA IN THE ELEVENTH

AND TWELFTH CENTURIES

Peter Sawyer

in the eleventh century the northern and central parts of the Scandinavian

peninsula were occupied by a people who are often called Lapps but who called

themselves Saami. They were ethnically distinct from the Scandinavians who

lived in the coastal regions and southern part of the peninsula and in Denmark,

but centuries of contact and intermarriage had resulted in some assimilation

of these two peoples. The Saami, who spoke a form of Finnish, supported

themselves mainly by hunting, trapping and ﬁshing. Despite their isolation

many Saami were forced to render part of their catch, in particular furs, to

their Scandinavian neighbours. The Scandinavians spoke various dialects of

a common Germanic language known as Old Nordic. At the beginning of

the eleventh century they were predominantly pastoral farmers but 200 years

later there had been a huge extension of arable cultivation at the expense of

woodland and pasture in many parts of Scandinavia.

Contemporaries distinguished four main groups of Scandinavians: Danes,

otar, Svear and Norwegians or Northmen (a name that foreigners some-

times used to describe all Scandinavians). These collective names were used

for the inhabitants of distinct regions. The Danes occupied Jutland and the

neighbouring islands but their territory was considered to include areas that

they had long dominated in what is now the west coast and southern part of

Sweden. The G

otar (Old Norse Gauti, Latin Gothi) occupied the plains of cen-

tral southern Sweden, separated from Danish territory by forest. Lake V

attern

divided the east from the west G

otar (Modern Swedish

Ostg

otar, V

astg

otar)after

whom the medieval provinces of

Osterg

otland and V

asterg

otland were named.

The most recent general accounts of medieval Scandinavian history are Helle (2003)Sawyer and

Sawyer (1993 and 2002). The exhibition catalogue Roesdahl and Wilson (1992)covers most aspects

of Scandinavian history in this period; the book also has an up-to-date bibliography. For more detailed

discussions see: for Denmark, Sawyer (2002) and Fenger (2002); for Iceland, Thorsteinsson (1985)

and Byock (1988); for Norway, Andersen (1977), Helle (1974) and Krag (2000) for Sweden, Sawyer

(1991a).

290