The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3: Medieval Japan

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SHUGO DAIMYO

239

district

and

indeed, were called "masters

the district" (gunshu) until

the

end of

the Sengoku period.

Like Settsu,

Aki was a

province with several divided districts.

The

bakufu attached great importance

to Aki as a

buffer zone between

the

renowned warrior family

western Japan,

the

Ouchi,

and the

forces

the

Yamana family. During

the

Nambokucho period

the

shugo

Aki Province

was a

member

of the

Takeda family,

the

great warrior

clan based east

Kamakura.

But at the end of the

Nambokucho

period,

as the

forces

the Ouchi

and

Yamana expanded,

the

province

was internally divided

in the

following

way.

First,

the

three central districts located near

the

head

Hiroshima

Bay

Sato, Anan,

and

Yamagata

were assigned

divided districts

the

Takeda family. Kamo District

and the

four islands

Nomi,

Kurahashi, Hidaka,

and

Gamagari, which made

up an

archipelago

near Anan District, went

to the

Ouchi;

the

remaining five districts

Sasei, Takamiya, Takada, Toyota,

and

Ahoku were given

to the

Yamana,

who

were designated

as the

official shugo;

and the

Takeda

family were named "masters

of the

district" (gunshu).

provinces

where

the

normal shugo system

was in

effect, such

division

was

rare.

Instead, there

was a

"half-province" shugo system

which

one

prov-

ince was divided nearly

half and two

shugo

were installed. This

half-

province shugo system

was put

into effect

in the

provinces

Bingo,

Tosa, Izumi,

Omi,

Kaga, Totomi, Suruga,

and

Hitachi. Except

for

Tosa

and

Izumi,

the

provinces were divided

in half,

either north

south

east

west, with

the

border running approximately through

the center.

In other words, insofar

as the

division

of the

office

shugo

was

territorial,

it was

only

variation

of the

divided-district shugo

sys-

tem.

In the

cases

Tosa (from

1400 to 1408

only)

and

Izumi,

however,

peculiar system was instituted whereby

the

province's mili-

tary administration

was

overseen simultaneously

by two

shugo.

It is

unclear

why

such

system

was

devised,

but in the

case

Izumi,

the

following explanation seems plausible:

The

northernmost area

of the

province

was the

great trade city

Sakai;

strict territorial division

would have resulted

in two

unbalanced districts,

one

urban

and one

agricultural. Moreover, twice during

the

Meitoku (1391)

and Oei

23 Imatani,

Muromachi

bakufu kaitai,

pp.

225-59.

24 Kishida Hiroshi

and

Akiyama Nobutaka,

eds.,

Hiroshima

ken shi, medieval

vol.

(Hiroshima:

Hiroshima kencho, 1984),

pp.

301-49; Kawamura Shoichi,

"Aki

Takedashi kankei monjo

mokuroku,"

pt. 1,

Geibi

chihoshi

kenkyu,

no. 108

(1975):

26-31.

25 Imatani,

Muromachi

bakufu kaitai,

pp.

225-59.

Imatani, Shugo

ryogoku,

pp.

216-45.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

240 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

(1399) disturbances, powerful

shugo,

using the city of Sakai as their

base,

rebelled against the bakufu, and so most likely the bakufu took

this into consideration when constructing the system.

The shugo's duties and

scope

of authority

The Kamakura

shugo's

scope of authority in normal times consisted

mainly of recruiting men for guard service and handling criminal

matters. The latter included police powers in cases of rebellion, mur-

der, night raiding, robbery, banditry, and piracy. But with the great

expansion of the

shugo's

power brought on by the Mongol invasions

and the proliferation of "evil bands" (akuto) in the late Kamakura

period, the office of

shugo

also took on many administrative duties.

For example, the

shugo

had to attend to such things as establishing and

maintaining an administrative office for the temples and shrines, as

well as for the post stops (lodgings).

The

shugo

of the Muromachi

period continued this trend, but they were also officially given various

powers that the Kamakura

shugo

had not had, such as sending an

envoy to the scene of

land dispute

(shisetsu

jungyoken),

enforcing the

law, allocating

hanzei,

and levying taxes.

The right of enforcement, also called the enforcement of land-

related verdicts, included carrying out the litigation procedures per-

taining to existing rights over real property

(shomu

sown, property

deliberations), forbidding the trespass on or seizure of the disputed

land, and then installing on the land the winner of

the

lawsuit, that is,

the person recognized by the bakufu as the land's rightful owner. This

last step was called

satashi

tsuku.

The Kamakura bakufu at first would

appoint two warriors as emissaries to perform this function, but by the

end of the Kamakura period, or before 1330, the

shugo

with jurisdic-

tion over the land in question usually had the duty of enforcement.

The Muromachi bakufu also followed these procedures and generally

had the

shugo

implement the bakufu decisions regarding land lawsuits.

In a Muromachi bakufu decree in 1346, the right of enforcement was

added to the

shugo's

three basic duties.

The legal process itself was as follows: When a verdict was handed

down, the bakufu would usually issue it in the form of a shogunal

directive stating the verdict, that is, an edict of a judicial settlement.

27 Sato, ZdhoKamakura bakufu, pp. 250-2. 28 Ibid., p. 251.

29 Sato, Muromachi bakufu

shugo

seido,

vol. I, pp. 7-9.

30 Sato Shin'ichi and Ikeuchi Yoshisuke, Chusei hosei

shiryoshu,

vol. 2: Muromachi bakufu ho

(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1957), pp. 23-24.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

SHUGO DAIMYO 241

Next, the kanrei would receive it and issue an enforcement decree

ordering the shugo of the province where the land was located to take

care of the matter, that is, to enforce the verdict. The winner of the

lawsuit would then receive both the shogunal directive and the enforce-

ment decree at the bakufu's office of litigation, take them to the

shugo's Kyoto residence, and request that the land be returned to him.

If the shugo consented, he would issue an enforcement order to the

deputy

shugo

residing in the province, charging him with restoring the

land to the rightful party. The victorious litigant would then take this

document to his province, present it to the deputy shugo, and await

instructions. The deputy shugo would issue an order to turn over the

land to an aide or to a district-level official to enforce the verdict on the

land

itself.

When the land had been restored, a guarantee of receipt of

the land, that is, a document of reply, would be issued by the deputy

shugo's

aide and would take exactly the same route in reverse, up to the

highest official involved. Finally, all the documents would be handed

over to the successful litigant.

This process contained yet another layer of bureaucracy. Many dep-

uty

shugo,

as well as

shugo,

lived in Kyoto, and so in such cases another

enforcement edict would be issued from the deputy

shugo

to the junior

deputy shugo (koshugodai) residing in the province. It was also com-

mon for the shugo's scribe, who lived in Kyoto in the shugo's absence,

to issue an enforcement edict to the deputy shugo.

Such cases show

that the shugo's duty of enforcement, though originally only one part

of the bakufu's administration of justice, in fact gave the

shugo

a great

deal of room in which to maneuver. Many shugo refused to enforce

cases that they considered disadvantageous, and many

shugo

collected

large fees, known as "offerings," from successful litigants as compensa-

tion for this enforcement service.

Another new duty for the shugo was to allocate hanzei, literally "a

half-tax." This means giving to the warriors - the local supporters in

the Nambokucho disturbance - half of the nengu (rice tax) of the

shoen

and kokugaryo, for their military expenses. This policy was first put

into effect in 1352 when Takauji enforced it on the shoen of Omi,

Mino,

and Owari provinces. In the beginning it was to be limited to

one year, and only nengu income would be forfeited by the absentee

proprietor. What actually happened, however, was that once the war-

riors were granted hanzei, they developed a vested interest in the land

31 Sato,

Muromachi

bakufu

shugo

seido,

vol. I, pp. 8-9.

32 Sato, Shin'ichi,

Komonjogaku nyumon

(Tokyo: Hosei daigaku shuppankyoku, 1971), pp. 169-

70.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

242 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

and soon began to entertain designs on nearby lands of temples and

shrines as well. Thereafter, the hanzei decrees that the bakufu in-

tended to use to eradicate the warriors' incursions onto

shoen

met with

great resistance by the local warriors.

In 1368, the kanrei Hosokawa Yoriyuki issued the famous Can

hanzei

decree which recognized

hanzei

on regular

shoen

and exempted

only imperial lands, lands of the imperial regent houses, and consoli-

dated holdings of great temples and shrines. This decree was intended

to halt permanently the warriors' incursions into

shoen

by dividing not

the

nengu

but the land itself into the

shoen

proprietor's sector and the

local warrior's sector. This law was important in determining the basic

framework of landholding relationships in the Muromachi period.

Part of the

shoen

holdings of the aristocratic class were thereby pro-

tected and supported by the bakufu, but the rights and interests of the

shugo

and their vassals were also considerable. This decree thus began

the consolidation of territorial control by the

shugo

daimyo.

Through this

hanzei

decree the

shugo

were able to acquire enormous

amounts of

hanzei

lands, and in accordance with their right to allocate

them, they awarded them to favored local warriors and vassals.

1363,

Shogun Yoshiakira issued a directive stating that the custody,

that is, disposal, of

hanzei

lands was the right of the shugo.

This

enabled the

shugo

to organize large numbers of prominent peasants

into vassal bands.

The third duty assigned to the Muromachi

shugo

was taxation. The

tax on the harvest was paid by the peasants to the

shoen

proprietor.

Consequently, the

shugo

could not lay claim to the harvest tax or the

miscellaneous services tax outside those of their own directly con-

trolled lands. But there was the precedent of the Kamakura

shugo's

collecting provincewide uniform taxes for the bakufu, with the authori-

zation of the imperial court.

This was a tax on temple and shrine

buildings, which was called a rice tax, replacing the corvee, as well as a

rice tax for an imperial ceremony, the

daijoe.

Both seem to have been

instituted in the Insei period (late eleventh through late twelfth centu-

ries).

The proceeds from the first rice tax went ot the periodic rebuild-

ing of the Ise Shrine, and the second rice tax was used for the em-

peror's installation ceremony.

33 Sato Shin'ichi, Nambokucho

doran, in vol. 9 oiNihon no

rekishi

(Tokyo: Chuo koronsha,

1965).

PP- 328-9- 34 Ibid-, PP- 396-7-

35 Sato, Zoho Kamakura bakufu, p. 251. 36

Szxb,

Muromachi bakufu shugo

seido,

vol. 1, p. 38.

37 Ishii Susumu, "Kamakura bakufu to ritsuryo kokka - kokuga to no kankei o chushin to

shite," in Ishimoda Sho and Sato Shin'ichi, eds., Chusei no ho to kokka (Tokyo: Tokyo

daigaku shuppankai, i960), pp. 135-221.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

SHUGO DAIMYO 243

The Muromachi bakufu continued this taxation procedure, securing

imperial edicts and directives from the retired emperor and then order-

ing the shugo to collect the various taxes.

Such taxes were levied on

assets;

one, called tansen, was based on land accumulation, and another,

called

munabechisen,

was assessed in proportion to the number of posts

in one's house. The cadastral register used as the basis for the

tansen

levy

was called the otabumi or

sudencho,

a comprehensive register of paddy

fields compiled in the early Kamakura period.

But this registry had

not been kept up to date and therefore did not include lands later

brought under cultivation. The

shugo

were required to submit only the

income from the lands, listed in the otabumi, but they still taxed all

cultivated land and pocketed the excess. In addition, the district or

tansen officials of the shugo routinely entered shoen lands for on-site

inspections. The

shoen

proprietors resented this and would often pay a

large fee to the official in return for exemption from the inspection. In

these ways the income of the shugo and his officials grew very large.

Thus the shugo manipulated the bakufu's tansen collection orders

and at the same time imposed on the peasants a new tax to cover

provincial administrative costs.

Japanese scholars refer to this addi-

tional tax as shugo tansen. This was the tax that the shugo, without

clearly stating its purpose, converted into a permanent, yearly collec-

tion of one hundred mon per tan of land. This took place roughly

around the mid-fifteenth century. The establishment of the shugo

tansen was in fact a system of tax collection that varied depending on

locale and individual shugo. This tax was similar to rent for land and

marked a new phase in the expansion of

shugo

authority, which now

pervaded the entire province, including

shoen

lands, kokujin lands, and

lands of the provincial governor's office.

In addition to the tansen and

munabechisen,

another important shugo

tax took the form of labor. To cover the costs of the shugo's duties in

his capacity as the provincial military and police authority, the shugo

could generally impose the necessary taxes on the villages in his prov-

ince.

These taxes are referred to collectively as shugoyaku.*

Of these,

the heaviest was the corvee, which may have originated in the war-

rior's practice of commandeering peasants to transport provisions and

build defenses during the Nambokucho disturbance. But from the late

38 Sato, Muromachi bakufu shugo seido, pp. 9—10.

39 Ishii Susumu, Nihon

chusei

kokkashi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970), pp. 118-200.

40 Momose Kesao, "Tansen ko," in Hogetsu Keigo sensei kanreki kinenkai, ed., Nihon shakai

keizaishi kenkyu, medieval vol. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1967), pp. 1-34.

41 Tanuma Mutsumi, "Kuden tansen to shugo ryogoku," Shoryobu kiyo, no. 17 (1965):

16-33.

42 Fukuda Ikuo, "Shugoyaku ko," in Nihon shakai keizaishi kenkyu, medieval vol., pp. 147-78.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

244 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

fourteenth century into the fifteenth, the corvee that the

shugo

de-

manded of the villages took a variety of forms, depending on the

services provided, number of days served, number of people, and so

on. In about 1360, the Akamatsu

shugo

pressed the following corvee

demands on the peasants of the Toji's

shoen,

Yano-no-sho, in Harima

Province: transport of plaster, lumber, and salt; long-term provision of

labor services as standard bearers, armor bearers (especially for trans-

porting baggage for travel), and porters between Kyoto and the prov-

inces;

and construction of defenses.

In 1388, peasants on the Toji's Tamba

shoen,

Oyama-no-sho, were

required to provide a very large amount of corvee to the

shugo,

amount-

ing to 263 people. When .such corvee was imposed, the

shugo

would

also require the

shoen

proprietor to pay incidental expenses for neces-

sary food and the like. The

shoen

proprietor then passed half of this

burden on to the peasants, whose burden became even heavier.

The

shugoyaku

burden was not limited to human labor but extended

even to livestock such as oxen and horses and to movable property like

boats.

Because it was necessary for the

shugo

to maintain constant con-

tact between their provincial office and Kyoto, they would often com-

mandeer horses belonging to the peasants, a practice called

temmayaku.

The horses were usually expropriated for only a few days and then

returned to the peasants, but in wartime when such measures were

imposed for military reasons, they inflicted serious harm on the peasant

families' productivity.

In provinces bordering the Inland Sea, fishing

villages' boats were apparently commandeered a number of times for

military reasons. There are even examples of peasants' everyday items,

like pots and pans, being appropriated by

shugo.

In villages like these,

peasants unable to endure such impositions often went through the

shoen

proprietor to complain to the bakufu of the

shugo's

lawlessness.

All of these developments reflected the fact that the authority of the

shugo

was increasing; their oppression of the

kokujin

and peasants was

intensifying; and the decentralization of authority in the provinces was

advancing.

Making the

office

of shugo

hereditary

In the first half of the Nambokucho period, in the areas where the

fighting was the most severe,

shugo

were frequently shifted about.

43 Sato, Nambokucho no doran, pp.

370-1.

44 Imatani, Shugo ryogoku, pp.

454-71.

45 Sato, Muromachi shugo seido, vol. 1, pp. 53, 220; Ogawa, Ashikaga ichimon, pp. 1-25; and

Sato,

Nambokucho no doran, pp. 378-80.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

SHUGO DAIMYO 245

From the time of the establishment of the bakufu until after the Oei

disturbance during Yoshimitsu's shogunate (from 1336 to 1400), there

were only thirteen provinces in which the office of

shugo

remained in

the same family: in Satsuma, the Shimazu family; Bungo, the Otomo;

Tosa, the Hosokawa; Awa and Sanuki, the Hosokawa; Suo, the Ouchi;

Mino,

the Toki; Hida, the Kyogoku; Kai, the Takeda; Suruga, the

Imagawa; Shimosa, the Chiba; Hitachi, the Satake; and Kozuke, the

Uesugi.

Two reasons that the

shugo

were so often moved about are probably

that in the Nambokucho disturbance, they were required to assume

military responsibilities where needed and also that the bakufu was

plagued by factionalism. In the Nambokucho period the bakufu leader-

ship divided into two large factions: one led by K6 no Moronao,

Ashikaga Tadayoshi, and Niki Yoshinaga and the other by Hata-

keyama Kunikiyo, Hosokawa Yoriyiiki, and Shiba Yoshimochi. Conse-

quently, dissension and political disturbances became chronic.

The

first faction derived strength from the fact that they were concentrated

in the central Kinai region around Kyoto, an area in which

shugo

were

reappointed particularly often. The fate of the second faction, Tada-

yoshi's "bureaucratic" faction, can be ascertained from the fact that in

the Kanno disturbance from 1350 to 1352 they were entirely excluded

from appointments, whereas the

shugo

of Hosokawa Yoriyuki's faction

were moved about in great numbers. Apart from such major upris-

ings,

there were smaller uprisings of powerful shugo, like the Meitoku

(1391) and Oei (1399) disturbances. These were suppressed, and the

shugo

were reassigned. After the Oei disturbance, the

shugo

of twelve

provinces were rotated as follows: from the Shiba family to the

Ogasawara family in Shinano Province; from the Hatakeyama to the

Shiba in Owari; from the Niki to the Toki in Ise; from Imagawa

Sadayo to Imagawa Yasunori in the divided

shugo

office of Totomi and

Suruga; from the Ouchi to the Niki in Izumi; from the Kyogoku to the

Yamana in Iwami; from Ouchi Yoshihiro to Ouchi Hiroshige in Suo

and Nagato; from the Ouchi to the Hatakeyama in Kii; from a collat-

eral branch of the Hosokawa to the Yamana in Bingo; and from the

soryo

house of the Hosokawa to a collateral branch of the same family

in Tosa.

The Oei disturbance was the last large-scale movement of

shugo

the Muromachi bakufu. Subsequently, there were almost no extensive

46 Sato, Muromachi bakufu

shugo

seido,

vol. I, pp.

60-61.

47 Imatani, Shugo ryogoku, pp. 216-45.

246 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

reappointments of

shugo.

If the head of a

shugo

family died, a direct

heir or some close blood relative would nearly always inherit the office.

In this way, from the early fifteenth century on, the office of

shugo

became heritable, which enabled

shugo

to become well established in

an area.

In the past when the

shugo

were transferred every few years,

even when they made vassals of low-ranking warriors and prominent

peasants in their provinces, the lord-vassal relationship was necessar-

ily a weak one. But when the office of

shugo

was held continuously by

the same family, the most powerful warriors in a province became the

shugo's

permanent vassals, which allowed the

shugo

to dominate their

provinces in fact as well as in name. At about the same time, the

shugo's

vassals often assumed the duties of

a shoen

manager, a process

called

shugo-uke.*

Local affairs were such that without the coopera-

tion, direct or indirect of the

shugo's

vassals, even the proprietor's

control of the

shoen

could become precarious.

Thus in the fifteenth century, the term

kunikata,

which in the past

had referred to the provincial governor or the provincial office, came

to refer solely to the power of the

shugo.

In the late 1420s, when

Yoshimochi was shogun and the Muromachi bakufu was at the height

of its power, the

shugo

were positioned as follows (including the

shugo

of three or more divided provinces): the Hosokawa

shugo

controlled

the provinces of Izumi, Settsu, Tamba, Bitchu, Awaji, Sanuki, Awa,

and Tosa; the Yamana

shugo,

Tajima, Inaba, Hoki, Iwami, Bingo, and

Aki;

the Hatakeyama

shugo,

Kochi, Ise, Noto, Etchu, and Kii; the

Kyogoku

shugo,

Yamashiro, half of Omi, Hida, Izumo, and Oki; the

Ouchi

shugo,

Suo, Nagato, Chikuzen, and Buzen; the Shiba shugo,

Owari, Totomi, and Echizen; the Akamatsu shugo, Harima,

Mimasaka, and Bizen; and the Isshiki

shugo,

Mikawa, Wakasa, and

Tango.

The bakufu would alternate among three of the

shugo

houses, the

Hosokawa, Hatakeyama, and Shiba, for individuals to fill its office of

kanrei.

From the four houses of Kyogoku, Akamatsu, Yamana, and

Isshiki, along with the Toki, the

shugo

of Mino, would be chosen the

head of the

samurai-dokoro.

When Yoshimochi was shogun, the

three kanrei houses plus the Yamana, Akamatsu, and Isshiki houses

constituted the bakufu's ruling council. They were senior statesmen

who made pronouncements on important government matters in re-

sponse to the shogun's questions. Among the six daimyo were par-

48 Sato, Nambokucho no doran, pp. 378-80. 49 Ibid., pp. 367-70.

50 Ogawa, Ashikaga ichimon, pp. 753-65.

51 Haga, Muromachi bakufu

samurai

dokoro,

pp. 77-98.

SHUGO DAIMYO 247

ticularly experienced shugo called shukuro (elders); they were deeply

trusted by the shogun, and their power exceeded that of the kanrei.

The Muromachi bakufu's so-called coalition government {rengo

seiken) of

shugo

daimyo is a reference to these powerful members of

the bakufu's ruling council who ran the government through this

balance of power.

The

governing structure

of the ryogoku

After the Nambokucho disturbance, the shugo changed from military

commander to provincial administrator. The bakufu required the

official shugo - the current heads of the shugo houses - to take up

residence in Kyoto, the shogun's home base. In particular, the power-

ful shugo who made up the governing council of elders were required

to live in Kyoto, barring some great crisis in their own domains.

Thus,

the person actually managing affairs in the domain itself was

the shugo's deputy, or shugodai. In the case of powerful shugo houses

that controlled two or more provinces, even the deputy shugo was

required to reside in Kyoto. In such cases a proxy of the deputy

shugo,

called the junior deputy shugo (koshugodai), was installed in

the province. (The deputy shugo might be seen as corresponding to

the early modern Edo-period karo of the various han, whereas the

junior deputy shugo was like the early modern kokaro.)

Many of the

shugo living in Kyoto lacked knowledge and ability, and so they often

employed officials as scribes and bureaucrats who actually handled

the administrative matters. In regard to the shugo's duty of enforcing

the bakufu's land decisions, the enforcement decree was actually

issued by the shugo's scribe, with the shugo himself simply adding his

signature. Even an individual like Hatakeyama Mitsuie, who served

as kanrei under Shogun Yoshinori and was the greatest of the elders

(shukuro),

admitted in his diary that he did not completely under-

stand administrative documents.

In nearly all cases in which the office of

shugo

was territorially di-

vided, it was done on a district basis. Therefore, within the divided

province, the

shugo

daimyo's administration was probably also divided

by district. The

shugo

was the successor of the provincial governor of the

52 Imatani,

Muromachi

bakufu kaitai, pp.

70—91.

53 Tanuma Mutsumi, "Muromachi bakufu, shugo, kokujin," in Iwanami koza Nihon rekiski,

vol. 7 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1976), pp. 1-50.

54 Imatani, Shugo

ryogoku,

pp. 121-39, 307-45.

55 Tokyo daigaku shiryo hensanjo, ed., Dai Nihon kokiroku kennaiki, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Iwanami

shoten, 1963), p. 91. '

248 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

ancient

ritsuryo

system, and just as the provincial governor had gov-

erned through the district official

(gunji),

so too the

shugo's

domainal

organization was the successor to the provincial office

(kokuga).

Research on provincial offices in the Heian period, however, reveals

that starting in about the tenth or eleventh century, the position of

district official, which had had great power in the

ritsuryo

provincial

administration, lost power because the provincial office took direct

control of the district, and gradually the district official became only

an agent for the provincial office. Thus by the Kamakura period in

most provinces the district officials of the

ritsuryo

system had become

mere shadows of their former selves, and in some provinces this office

had disappeared completely. In southern Kyushu, however, where the

office continued to exist both in name and in reality, the district offi-

cials became vassals of the Kamakura bakufu and were organized into

the

shugo's

administrative office, ultimately being transferred into the

governing organization of the divided province.

But in other parts of

Japan the

shugo

had sole authority, and they set up their own military

and administrative organizations in the provinces.

Omi is believed to be the first place where the

shugo

set up a govern-

ing organization based on the district. In an enforcement decree of the

Rokuhara tandai dated 1284, the official title "deputy

shugo

of Asai

District" appears; again, a

shugo

land receipt dated 1285 contains the

expression

"shugo

envoy of Asai District." Thus it would appear that

envoys of the

shugo

were installed in each district in Omi from that

time on.

In the Nambokucho period, in several other provinces the

shugo's

enforcement envoy carried the title "district envoy" and exer-

cised local governing authority resembling that of the district official

under the former ritsuryo system. In 1400 a district magistrate ap-

peared in Yamashiro Province. In the mid-fifteenth century the same

office was called district deputy, and in nearly all provinces those

shugo

vassals who held this official title were given important responsibili-

ties.

Usually it was the district deputy who delivered to the local

officials the document of enforcement issued under the bakufu's judi-

cial authority. The district official's authority was most apparent in the

central Kinai provinces, such as Settsu, Kawachi, Yamashiro, Tamba..

Omi, and Harima.

56 Yoshie Akio, "Kokuga shihai no tenkai," in Iwanami koza Nihon rekishi, vol. 4 (Tokyo:

Iwanami shoten, 1976), pp. 43-80.

57 Tanaka Kenji, "Kamakura bakufu no Osumi-no-kuni shihai ni tsuite no ichi kosatsu,"

Kyushu shigaku, nos. 65 and 67 (1977, 1979): 1-22 and 1-18, respectively.

58 Imatani, Muromachi bakufu kaitai, pp. 225-59.

59 Imatani, Shugo

ryogoku,

pp.

18-71.