Walbank F.W., Astin A.E., Frederiksen M.W., Ogilvie R.M. The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume 7, Part 1: The Hellenistic World
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THE POLIS TRANSFORMED AND REVITALIZED 3°7
vanities in portentous phrases. Yet
to
dismiss all assembly business thus
would be foolish, not just because decisions whom to honour, and how,
could carry major diplomatic consequences
but
also because
the
cities
did continue
to
concern themselves with much
the
same range
of
substantive business
as in
previous centuries. The running
of
festivals,
the administration
of
justice,
or the
guardianship
of
boundaries
(juridical
and
geographical) went
on
being normal preoccupations,
as
did the major worry of
all,
the corn supply and the means
of
financing
it.
Here the cities trod a delicate path. On the one side stood the reluctance
of the kings to allow the free movement of
corn,
so as to be able to use its
provision as aphilanthropon
30
* and
its
availability as
a
weapon. One may
recall
in
particular
the
bland phrases
of
Antigonus
to
Teos
c.
303:
Previously we were [unwilling] that [any] city should
be
given
the
right
to
import corn and that stocks of corn should be built
up,
[as we
did not wish the]
cities
to
spend unnecessarily large sums
of
money
for
this purpose; [we were
still reluctant] to do this now, as the tributary [territory] is near by, [so that if
there]
is
[need]
for
corn we believe
it
is easy to fetch [as much] as one wishes
from
[it].
310
On the other side stood the complementary complications of tapping the
resources
of
the rich,
via
loans
to the
state, liturgical magistracies,
or
foundations,
in
order
to
build
up a
corn-buying fund
and of
assigning
scarce public revenues
in
order
to
provide corn
in a
cheaper and more
regular way than the fluctuations
of
supply allowed.
311
It
may well have
been easiest,
as
it
is
certainly
the
best attested,
to
look rather
to
the
goodwill
of
non-citizens, including
the
shippers themselves,
and
to
accept
the
enhanced status within each city which their consequential
honours conferred.
(3)
In
two areas
of
public life, indeed, we can see cities taking
a
larger
role than formerly.
One was
medicine, where
the
spread
of
'public
physicians'
{iatroi demosioi
or
demosieuontes)
can be
documented
as men
paid
a
retainer by the state
to be
available, whatever fees they might
or
309
Cf. gifts to Cos from Philadelphia or Euergetes (Maiuri 1925.no.433:
(B
106)), with Sherwin-
White 1978,
99
n. 82: (D 146);
to
Athens from Lysimachus
(/G
n
2
.6j7=.57G 374=Austin
43,
11.
ioff.), Ptolemy
I
(Plut. Mor.
8JIE)
and
Ptolemy
II
(Shear 1978:
(c
62)
=
Austin 44,
11.
joff.),
Audoleon (IG n
2
.654—5), and Spartocus (IG n
2
.6)}=SIG 370);
to
Rhodes from all sides after the
227 earthquake (Polyb. v.88-90), from EumenesII
c.
i6o(Polyb. xxxi.31.1), and from Demetrius
I
in the same period or soon after (Diod. xxxi.36). Cleomenes' distributions from Cyrene in the 320s
were closely similar
in
form and function (Tod 196). See also
n.
127.
310
RC
i=SIG
344
=
Austin
40,
11.
80-5
(tr.
Austin).
Cf.
also
SIG
j02
=
/G
xn.8.ii6
=
Fraser
i960,
pp.
39ff.:
(B
76)
=
Austin 269 (Samothrace
in
Euergetes' time), and
in
general Heichelheim
1955,
87jff.:
(H 92),
and
Moretti 1977, 329: (H 147). That Seleucus
I
provided grain silos
for
Antioch, his own capital city,
is
hardly counter-evidence (Downey 1961, 72: (E 157)),
nor
with
Rostovtzeff (1910, 264
n.
1: (H 185)) should
we
see mercantilist considerations
as
applying.
311
Wilhelm 1932: (H 241); Heichelheim 1935, 8756".: (H 92); Hands 1968, ch.
7:
(H
86).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
jo8 8 CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FEATURES
might not then charge.
312
The second was education, where publicly
sponsored training both altered its focus and spread much further
through the age range than had been the case in the classical period.
313
As revealed by the re-invigorated Athenian
ephebeia
of the 330s
onwards,
314
let alone by the Spartan
agoge,
state preoccupations were
initially with military training and little else. This changed in two ways.
Firstly, as the need for citizen militias declined, ephebic institutions as
they spread outwards from Athens metamorphosed into sportive-
cultural associations for 18-19-year olds, voluntary in membership (and
therefore leisure-class) and eventually open even to non-citizens
315
—
a
development shared by the functionally similar groups of
neoi
(men in
their twenties).
316
Secondly, the intense public debate in fourth-century
Athens about the content of education yielded fruit in the form of the
transformation of the
gymnasion
away from being purely a social-athletic
club focussed on a
palaistra
towards being something far closer to a
recognizable secondary school for
paides
(i.e. boys of
12—17).
Founded
and financed by gifts from kings
317
or private individuals,
318
supervised
by public officials whose role might be primarily financial-liturgical (the
gymnasiarchos,
or the
kosmetes
at Athens and some other towns)
319
or
primarily professional (thepaidonomos or
epfoebarchos),
320
and linked to the
life of the city by contests, prizes, and the participation of their members
in festivals, the
nev/stylegymnasion
became architecturally and culturally
the defining institution of Greek urban civilization, recognized as such
alike by those who wished to exploit its opportunities and by those who
saw in it a symbol of alien influence.
321
312
Cohn-Haft 1956: (H
36)
(with previous literature); Hands
1968,
133-9: (H 86); Benedum
1977:
(B46);
Sherwin-White
1978,
263-74:
(D
146);
SIG
5
28
= /Ci, no.
7
=
Austin 125; Habicht
1957, 233
no.
64: (B
8
I)
=
Austin
64.
313
Excellent synopsis
in
Moretti
1977, 469ff.: (H 127); cf.
also Ziebarth
1914: (H 250),
Forbes
T
933
:
(
H
^6),
Jones
1940,
220—6:
(A 2$),
Marrou
1965: (A 34),
Nilsson 195 5:
(H 152), and
Delorme
i960:
(H 46).
314
Ath. Pol. 42.,
Pelekidis
1962: (H 162),
Reinmuth
1973: (B 124).
315
In the
140s
at
Delos
(Insc.
Dilos.
i922ff.);
between 128/7
and
119/18
in
Athens (Pelekidis
1962,
1868T.:
(H 162),
Davies
1977-8,
119: (H 43)). See
Plates
vol., pi. 17;.
316
Forbes
1933: (H 66).
317
E.g.
Eumenes
II to
Rhodes
c. 160
(Polyb. xxxi.31.1)
and to
Delphi also
c. 160 (SIG
672
=
Austin
206,
with Daux
1936,
686-92:
(D
77), and
Hansen 1971,
292ff.: (E
122),
or
Mithridates
Vand Ptolemy
X at
Delos (Choix
99 and
124). Other references
in
Ziebarth 1914,
45ff, and 73-7:
(H
250),
and in
Holleaux
1924, 27-9:
(B92).
In
consequence royal cults were often located
in
gymnasia:
Robert 1925(3):
(B 130),
Delorme i960,
542ff.: (H 46),
Sherwin-White
1978,
135—6:
(D 146).
318
Most notably Eudemus
at
Miletus
in
200/199
an
^
Polythrus
at
Teos shortly afterwards
(SIG
577~8
=
Austin 119-20); Hands
1968,
120—7:
(H 86), for
other examples.
319
Oehler 1912: (H
I
5;);Delmorme i960,passim:
(H
46); Pelekidis
1962,
275-7: (H i62);Cormack
1977:
(B
59)
=
Austin
118,
with Bull. ipig.
1978, 274.
This last,
the law of
thegymnasiarchy
at
Beroea
between
167 and 148, is the
most informative single document,
but cf.
also OGIS
764
(honours
for a
gymnasiarch
at
Pergamum,
130s) and S[G 958
=Sokolowski
1969, no. 98:
(H
218)
(Coressus, third
century).
3
20
Roesch
1965,
231-3:
(D 83) (in
Boeotia).
321
Both best illustrated
by the
Jewish hellenizing movement
and the
Maccabean reaction.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
THE POLIS TRANSFORMED
AND
REVITALIZED
3°9
(4) There
was
also
a
complex change
in the
relationship
of men and
women, especially the wealthy, the intellectuals and the outsiders,
to the
polls.
For one thing, the boundaries
of
the,polis
became more permeable.
That Athens' envoys
to
Rome
in
15 5
were Carneades from Cyrene,
Diogenes from Seleuceia-on-the-Tigris,
and
Critolaus from Phaselis
322
would have been inconceivable before 300,
but by the
150s was merely
one
of
a
series
of
developments which included,
for
example,
the
sale
of
citizenship
for
fiscal
purposes,
323
the ever wider spread
of
potential dual
citizenship
via
proxeny grants
to
individuals
or
isopoliteia
treaties
between communities,
324
royal pressure
on
cities
to
confer citizen
or
semi-citizen status upon soldiers, residents,
or
courtiers,
325
and hon-
orary citizenships being lavished
on
successful athletes,
326
benefac-
tors,
327
and royal officials.
328
By and large, though the citizen/non-citizen
boundary still rigidly excluded slaves
and
non-Greeks,
329
and
though
attitudes
of
chauvinistic hostility towards neighbouring cities still
persisted here
and
there, especially
in
Crete (where
no one
king
had an
interest
in
damping down such squabbles),
330
nonetheless changed
attitudes
and
more receptive institutions
did
make
the
position
of the
foreigner that much easier.
322
Polyb.
XXXIII.2.
Carneades was already a citizen
(Prosopographia
Attica 8257); we do not know
about the others.
323
M. Segre 1934, 267-8: (B 158); Robert,
Hellenica
1
(1940)
37-41;
Rostovtzeff 1953, in.1374
n. 71: (A 52); Robert 1967, 14-32: (B 147).
324
The
content, importance,
and
implications of each type of grant have been
the
subject
of
much
recent discussion.
For the
debate whether proxeny-grants were mere formalities
or
valuable
privileges
see
Wilhelm
1942,
11-86:
(B
i75);Huybrechs 1959:
(H
iO9);Klaffenbach 1966, 80-5: (B99);
Gschnitzer
1974,
629-730:
(H 84);
and
Gawantka
1975, J2ff.: (H 76),
with further references.
For
isopoliteia Gawantka 197 5, passim, whose distinction between
the
potentiality
of
such grants
and
their activation
I
follow.
325
Examples
are
numerous, such
as ISE
22
(isote/eia
to
soldiers
at
Rhamnus,
on the
initiative
of
Antigonus' general Apollodorus, 256/5),
0G1S
ZK)
=
SVA
492
=
Austin
182,11.
39-40 (citizenship
of Smyrna
for the
katoikoi
and
others
at
Magnesia, shortly after 243?),
SIG
543
=
/G
ix.2.5 \-]
= ILS
217:
cf. p. 268
above).
326
E.g. IG
II
2
.3779. Other examples
in
Robert
1939, 23off.:
(B
141),
and in
Robert
1967, I4ff.:
(" >47)-
327
E.g. SIG
354
=
Austin
112;
SIG
493=060;'*- 5o=Austin
ny, SEG i.}6} =
Austin
135;
and
many others.
328
E.g. RC
4)=IGLS
n83 =
Austin
176; L. and J.
Robert
1954,
2858".
no. 166: (E
94)=Austin 187;
0G1S
529
= /G
IV.I
=
Austin 209;
SIG
502
= IG
xn.8.i56
=
Fraser i960,
p.
39: (B
76)
=
Austin
269; and
many others.
329
Cf.
the
iJn^iXXr/ves
as
a
separate group
in
Olbia(J7G495
=
Maier 1959.no.
82:
(j
226)
=
Austin
97,1.
114),
Smyrna's caution
in
granting citizenship
' to the
other inhabitants
of
Magnesia
who
are
free
and
Greek' (OGIS
zi<)
= SVA
492
=
Austin
182, I. 45),
Miletus' grant
of
citizenship
to the
wives
of
Pidasans
if
they
are
Pidasans themselves
or are
noXtr'i&ts
of a
Greek city {Milet
m.
149,
I. 10),
or
the
careful grading
of
the rises
in
status accorded
in
Pergamum
in
133
(OGIS
338
=
Austin
211).
Emancipation
of
slaves
en
masse such
as
those
at
Rhodes during
the
siege
of
305/4 (Diod.
xx.
100.1) remained
as
rare
as
they
had
done during
the
classical period.
330
Cf. SIG
527
=
701.84,
no.
1
=SVA 584
=
Austin
91,11.
35ff.
(oath
of
Drerus
c. 220),
but one
may also take into account
the
obstinate continuance
as
separate entities
of
tiny towns such
as
Heraclea
by
Amorgos
(ISE 77,
with Moretti
ad loc).
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3IO 8 CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FEATURES
A second aspect
of
these relationships is also illustrated
by
Carneades
and
his
colleagues. Philosophers, professional men,
and
royal officials
had
to
learn
to
move with some ease
in and
between
the
world
of
their
own city
and the
environment (city
or
court) where they exercised their
talents. Their ranks will have been joined
by
those local politicians
whom wealth, ambition,
or
social pressures made into diplomats
and
envoys. For these last one thinks, for
example,
of Hegesias of Lampsacus
and
his
epic embassy
in
196/5
to
Lucius Flamininus
in
Greece,
to
Massilia
and
to
Rome,
331
or
of
the
repeated warm references
in
royal
letters
to
the envoys who put their city's case to a king. Such men were as
much hinges between king
and
city
as
were
the
officials whom they
appointed to posts in
or
near their own native cities
332
or
the intellectuals
and professionals
who
served
the
kings
as
diplomats
and
administra-
tors.
333
It
is these men, whether moving primarily in civic, professional,
military,
or
royal circles, who both provide a basis
for
traditional cliches
about Hellenistic cosmopolitanism and help
to put
them
in
perspective.
To the extent that we can indeed speak of them as
a
class,
for
whom more
than anyone else Stoic theories
of
kingship and world government were
pertinent, the cliches have substance, but
it
would be entirely misleading
to
see
such international
deracine's
as more than
a
tiny though influential
minority
in a
world which was still largely
a
long way behind them and
which still moved
in
unchanging
and
traditional locally focussed ways.
A third aspect
of
change
is
financial.
As
politically,
so
also
economically the polis could
not do
without
its
wealthy members,
for
whatever gifts (with strings attached) might come from kings,
and
whatever taxes
had to go to
kings, most public finance
was
still raised
and spent locally. Regular revenues came inter alia from court fees,
customs
or
harbour dues, market dues, trading licences, monopolies
of
salt
or
money-changing, rentals from fisheries
and
other state property,
taxes
on
slaves, domestic animals, foodstuffs, gardens,
or
bee-hives, and
(in Asia Minor)
the
sales
of
priesthoods,
334
many
of
these taxes being
farmed
out to the
inevitably unpopular tax-farmers.
335
Often enough,
it
331
SIC
59i
=
Frisch
1978, no.
4:
(B
79)
=
Austin
155.
332
Demetrius
of
Phalerum most conspicuously,
but
also Apollodorus
of
Otryna
(ISE
22)
and
Dicaearchus
of
Thria
(ISE
25)
in
Attica, Epinicus
of
Samothrace (Bakalakis and Scranton 1939: (B
4;),
with Bull.
epig.
1939, 298, Bengtson 1964-7, m.183
n.
1:
(A
6), and Fraser i960, 8
n.
30:
(B
76)),
Hagemonidas
of
Dyme
(ISE
56-7), Callicrates
of
Samos (Hauben 1970:
(F
198)),
and
Peisis
of
Thespiae
(ISE 71).
333
Besides Cephisodorus
of
Apamea
(n. 10,
above),
cf.
Stratius
the
physician with Eumenes
II
(Polyb. xxx.2.1)
or
Apollophanes
the
physician with Antiochus
III
(Polyb. v.56.1).
334
The two most informative documents are
SEC
11.579
=
Pleket 1964. no. 22:
(B
u8)=J.and
L.
Robert 1976: (B 151) (Teos, ateltia decree
for
new citizens c. 300), and
SIC
1000, with Rostovtzeff
1953,1.241
ff.:
(A 52), and Sherwin-White 1978, 229-35:
(D
146) (Cos,
c.
100).
In
general see Robert
1933: (B
135), Laumonier 1934,
36off.:
(B
104),
M.
Segre 1937: (B 160) (with Bull.
epig.
1938, 43),
Jones 1940, 241—50:
(AJJ),
Rostovtzeff
195
3, m.i374n. 71
and
1465
n.
22:
(A
52), and Preaux 1978,
11.43 5ff.:
(A 48).
335
On
whom
see W.
Schwahn, 'reXwvai', PWv.h (1934) cols. 418-25,
and
Herondas
vi.63ff.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
THE POLIS TRANSFORMED AND REVITALIZED 3 II
seems, these revenues were inadequate even
for
regular outgoings
on
misthos, public slaves,
the
upkeep
of
public buildings
and
services,
festival expenses, and tribute to a suzerain. The creation
of
public banks
on
the
model
of
the currently proliferating private banks
336
may have
helped administratively,
but
empty treasuries
are not far to
seek, with
consequential crises whenever extraordinary demands impinged, most
notably
for
major public buildings, fortifications,
the
purchase
of
corn
or
the
mounting
of
a
military expedition. Expedients were various.
Magistracies might
be
socially redefined
so
that
the
holder would
be
expected
to
pay some of
the
expenses of
his
area of administration:
337
he
would receive public praise and honours
for
doing so, since he thereby
displayed the key social quality
oiphilotimia
(conspicuous magnificence).
Or citizens and others could be invited
to
make loans to the state, which
the state might
or
might not be able
to
repay.
338
Or
citizens and others
could be invited
to
make outright voluntary gifts
to
the state
(epidoseis),
again in return for due public thanks and recognition.
339
Or a benefactor
might set aside a substantial sum of money, to be held in trust by the state
or private trustees with
fierce
stipulations against alienation or fraud, the
annual income from which
was
to be
used
for
specified public
or
charitable purposes.
340
These expedients all focus
on
the rich and on the
choices available
to
them
—
whether
to use
their resources entirely
on
conspicuous consumption within the household (thereby redistributing
such resources to the purveyors of foodstuffs, textiles, craftsman goods,
slaves, grave monuments, horses,
and
so
on),
341
or to
make some
resources available
to
the state in return
for
public honours. Plainly,
so
many rich were amenable
to
such appeals that most cities
did get by
without bankruptcy. What had altered was
not
so much the intensity of
local patriotism
as
internal power relationships, since
few
civic
assemblies were
now in
a
position
to
coerce rich inhabitants without
either losing'more than they gained
or
bringing down upon themselves
the attentions
of a
king
or his
strategos.
The fourth aspect of change concerned women,
342
where complex and
338
Ziebarth
1924: (H 251),
Bogaert
1968,
403-8:
(H
17).
337
'Socially' rather than legally:
the
absence
of
any such stipulation
in
the
gymnasiarchy
law
of
Beroea
(n. 319
above)
is
noticeable. Since
it
is
incomplete, such
a
stipulation
may
have stood
on
side
A,
but
note that
the
money
for
the
weapons which
the
gymnasiarch
was
to
provide
at
the
Hermaea
'shall come from
the
existing revenues' (11. 59-60).
338
For the
first contingency
cf.
OCIS 46
=
Pleket
1964, no. 26: (B
I
i8)
=
Austin
100
(Halicar-
nassus, third century);
for
the
second,
ISE
130
(Tstria,
c.
200—150); uncertain which,
SIG
544
=
/G
vn.4263
=
Maier
1959, no. 26:
(j
226)
=
Austin
101
(Oropus, third century).
339
See nn. 230-2 above.
«»
See nn. 387-8 below.
341
Hellenistic elegant living
as a
whole,
in
contrast
to
studies
of
single institutions
or
single
artefact types, is a sadly understudied subject, in spite of scattered luminous remarks by Rostovtzeff
and
of
party pieces such
as
Athenaeus' description from Hippolochus
of
the banquet given
by
Caranus (iv.i28cff.);
cf.
however, Schneider 1969, 11.3-69
and
208—21:
(A
56).
342
Macurdy 1932: (i4i);Preaux 1959;
(H
174); Schneider 1967,1.78-117:
(A
56); Vatin 1970:
(H
230);
Pomeroy 1976: (H 170).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
312 8 CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FEATURES
contrasting trends
are
visible.
For all the
abilities
and
political
importance of some Hellenistic queens, and
in
spite of the occasional
appearance of women making
epidoseis
or loans to the state,
343
receiving
thanks and honours
in
public decrees,
344
or contributing creatively
to
intellectual and artistic life,
345
most women remained almost totally
confined to the private and household domain. As in the classical period,
they remained the transmitters of citizen status and rights without being
able
to
exercise their privileges themselves, and
in
Greece and
in all
Greek-style documents from Egypt women continued
to
need their
oldest adult male agnates
to act as
their guardian-representatives
(kyrioi)
346
in
all transactions
of
consequence. Yet there were signs
of
emancipation. Just as the convergence between magistracy and liturgy
allowed gods to be named
as
magistrates (the implication being that the
expenses of the office for the year were met from temple funds), so too
women very occasionally appear as magistrates, no doubt for the same
financial reasons.
347
Moreover,
for
much
of
the everyday business
of
existence and getting a living (contracts, sales, leases), the presence and
authority of a male kyrios could be de facto purely nominal. Again, the
legal format of marriage developed variations. In its classical Athenian
form marriage was
a
relationship between two men, the husband and
father of
the
bride, created by pledge
{engye)
and treating her solely as the
object and transmitter of rights, transferred from one
kyrios
to another
with the father retaining some residual rights
for
the bride's own
protection. Egyptian evidence
in
contrast shows marriage first
as a
formal written contract between the husband and the parents
of
the
bride, then as a relationship involving two contracts, one involving the
bride's father but the other the spouses alone, and
finally
as
a
relationship
wherein the spouses are the only contractual parties.
348
Prima facie, the
emancipation involved is substantial, but qualifications are needed. The
expectations which the contracts spell out remain unequal: marriages
without contract
{agraphos gamos)
are well attested
in
Egypt and are
presumed
to
represent
the
older Greek style;
349
marriage
by
engye
certainly continued unchanged
in
Greece;
350
and the use
of
contracts
343
Cf.
Nicarete
at
Thespiae
(n. 216
above),
and
Preaux
1959, 159
n.
2: (H 174).
344
Pleket 1969,
no. 3:
(B 119), with Bull. epig. 1968, 444-5 (Archippe
at
Cyme, second century)
and
6
(Polygnota
at
Delphi,
86
B.C.);
1G
ix.2.62 (Aristodama
of
Smyrna
at
Lamia).
345
Examples listed
by
Schneider
1967,
1.94?.:
(A ;6), and
Pomeroy
1977: (H 171)
(women
as
members
of
the
guilds
of
technitai).
346
Taubenschlag
1938: (F 370),
Preaux
1959,
140ft".:
(H 174).
*•'
Pleket 1969, nos.
2:
(B
119), with Bull. epig. 1963,
170
(Apollonis
at
Istria, second century)
and
5
(
=
/.
Priem
208;
Phyle
at
Priene, first century).
348
For
this progression
cf. P.
Eleph.
1
(311: translation
in
Pomeroy
1976,
127-8:
(H
170));
P.
Tebt.
in.81;
(228) and 974
(early second century);
P.
Freib. in.26
and
29-30 (179);
and
P.
Ciss.
2
(173)
and
P.
Tebt.
104,
with Preaux
1959.
i47ff.:
(H 174), and
Vatin
1970, ch. 4: (H 230).
349
Montevecchi
1936: (F 361),
Wolff
1939: (H 226),
Modrzejewski
1956: (F 355).
350
Vatin
1970,
145ff.:
(H 230).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
THE POLIS TRANSFORMED AND REVITALIZED 313
may have been
due
to
the
specific circumstances
of
a
colonial context
where relatives might be distant, spouses be of different cities, and social
constraints less effective,
so
that
a
contract gave both parties more
effective security. Most fundamental qualification
of
all,
women's
control over the basic decisions whether to marry or not, and whether
to
procreate
or
not,
can
at
best have been patchy and precarious:
351
most
women will have
had
no
effective choice.
(5) There were two areas
of
life from which the cities withdrew,
at
least
in part. One, from the aggressive
or
large-scale deployment
of
military
force, needs little elaboration
in a
context
of
lack
of
financial
reserves,
the development
of
professional armies,
and the
scale
of
royal
precautions against irredentist movements such as the Lamian War.
The
withdrawal was not complete,
for
Rhodes and Athens maintained naval
squadrons
of
a sort, Aetolia
and
Achaea
had
armies
of
quality, Crete's
internal wars were endemic, garrison duties
and
the
manning
of
city
defences are well attested, and some Pontic cities had
to
maintain forces
in order
to
repel incursions from
the
hinterland.
352
It is
noticeable,
however, that such efforts as were made
to
keep military forces
in
good
order applied particularly
to
cavalry
-
another symptom
of
altered
power relationships
-
and that emergency calls
for
infantry could find
a
leader reduced
to
calling
for
volunteers.
353
It
is as
much against this
background
as
against that
of
the presence
of
suzerain powers that
we
should see the growing resort
to
arbitration by a third power as a means
of resolving territorial disputes without recourse
to
war.
354
Like
the
closely related practices
of
adopting a law or lawcode from elsewhere
or
of inviting foreign (and therefore more impartial) judges to preside over
a city's own courts and to sort out a backlog of legal disputes,
355
and like
them sometimes instigated by a king,
356
such expedients, as alternatives
to violence, came more and more to consolidate into custom and to give
substance
to
the
old
dream that
war
between Greeks
was
civil
war.
351
Unmarried free women, though attested,
are
rare,
and
methods
of
contraception were often
medically unsound
(K.
Hopkins, 'Contraception
in
the
Roman Empire', CSSH
8
(1965) iZ4-;i;
Pomeroy
1976.
166-8:
(H
170).
352
E.g.
ISE
131
=
Austin 98 (Istria, 200-150), with Pippidi
1963: (D
164), Pippidi 1971,
86,
89:
(D
166),
and
Moretti
ad
loc.
353
Thus
e.g.
Sotas
at
Priene against
the
Gauls
in
the
270s {OGIS
765,11.
196°.)
or
Agathocles
at
Istria against
the
Thracians
(ISE
131,11.
4off.).
The
emphasis
on
cavalry
is
noticeable
at
Athens
(cf.
ISE\6,ICu
2
.1264,5£G
xxi.43 5
and
j26,withHabicht i96i:(B82)andKroll
19771(11123)),
but
also
at Argos, with their loan
of
100 tal. from Rhodes
at the
turn
of
the fourth
and
third centuries
for the
reconstruction
of
the
walls
and for the
cavalry (Maier
1959, no.
33:
(j
226)
=
ISE 40).
354
Sonne
1888: (H 219);
Raeder
1912: (H 179);
Tod
1913: (H
226);
Tod
1932,
39—68:
(H 227);
Marshall
1980,
6330". (bibliographical surveys,
627
n. 1 and
633
n.
24): (H
136).
355
Hitzig 1907(2), 236—243:
(H 103);
Robert
1924: (B 127);
Robert 1925(1):
(B 128);
Robert
1925(2):
(B
129);
Robert
1926:
(B
131);
Robert
1927, io2ff.:
(B
132);
Robert
1928, i63ff.:
(B
133);
Larsen
1945,
249-55: (B
103);
Robert 1973: (B
149).
Cf.
also
n. 230
above.
338
E.g.
SIC
426
(a
Teian
at
Bargylia
at the
instigation
of
Antiochus
I) or
OGIS
43
(Coans
at
Naxos
at the
instigation
of
the
Ptolemaic nesiarch Bacchon).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
314 8 CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FEATURES
The second partial withdrawal
lay in the
area
of
religion
and
association.
357
The late archaic and classical periods had seen strenuous
efforts
by
many Greek states
to
bring
all
cults, whether foreign
or
indigenous, into
a
single national framework
of
reference wherein cults
were publicly recognized and
at
least
in
part publicly financed, priests
were public officials
or
under some public control,
and
amalgamated
calendars
of
sacrifices imposed order
and
controlled innovation. Such
efforts were probably not uniformly successful, but they represented the
direction
of
flow: even major innovations such
as the
spread
of
Asclepius-worship
or
the tentative creation
of
hero-cults
of
living men
were accommodated within
the
religious framework
of
the city. This
flow certainly continued
to be
one
of
the
major components
of
Hellenistic religious expression. Codifications
of
existing cult practice
attested
all
over Greece
358
take
the
series
on
from classical Athens
and
her demes. Potentially disruptive cults such
as
that
of
Dionysus were
publicly recognized
and
regulated,
359
gods were given
new
functions
within civic space,
360
and
especially after epiphanies,
not
infrequently
reported
in the
period, new
or
existing deities were accommodated
in
city cult and accorded the appropriate honours and festivals.
361
The two
best known instances are the Delphic
Soteria,
founded after the epiphany
of Apollo and other deities against the Gauls in zjy,
362
and the festival of
Artemis Leucophryene
at
Magnesia, ultimately founded
in
202 after her
epiphany
in
221/20.
363
It is
not
chance that
in
both cases
the
state
authorities had good reasons
of
their own
to
promote such commemor-
ations.
The
same
was
true
for the
foundations
of
festivals involving
contests (athletic
or
musical), the effective promotion
of
which usually
stemmed from the initiative of a city,
364
required recognition from other
cities
and
rulers
as
' equivalent
to
the Olympian'
or
' Pythian' Games
if
they were
to
have more than regional significance, required such
recognition
to
be
widespread
if
they were
to
be
effective
or
attract
357
A
proper account
of
Hellenistic religious developments
is
quite impracticable,
but is
fortunately the less necessary in view of Stewart's exemplary recent survey (Stewart 1977:
(H
221)).
See also Festugiere 1972:
(H
58); Schneider 1969,11.765—959:
(A
56);Nilsson 1974 (first section-: (H
154);
and
Preaux 1978, 11.637-60, with bibliography
at
1.72—4:
(A 48).
358
See
Sokolowski 1955, Sokolowski 1962,
and
Sokolowski 1969,passim:
(H
216—8).
359
E.g.
Sokolowski 1955,
no.
48: (H 216) (Miletus, 276/5), with Quandt 1913: (H 177)
and
Nilsson 1957: (H 153).
360
E.g. Sokolowski 1962, no. 45:
(H
2i7)
=
/J"H
59 (Apollo Actius as federal god of Acarnania,
c. 216).
361
E.g. RC
67
(Zeus Sabazius at Pergamum,
13
5
B.C.). Other examples are listed by Pfister 1924,
298-300: (H
163).
362
For the
problems involved see now Nachtergael 1977, 2091?.: (E 113).
363
/.
Magnesia i6=SIG
557,
with
SIG
695 and
Dunand 1978:
(H
52).
364
But not always: Alexander and some kings did the same (references
in
Moretti 1977, 492: (H
148)),
as even did the occasional individual like Agathinus
on
Arcesine (IG xn.Suppl. 330, second
century).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
THE POLIS TRANSFORMED
AND
REVITALIZED
3 I
5
competitors,
and
were promoted
for
solidly rational reasons
of
trade,
revenue, and prestige as much as
to
honour the god. The strength of the
city-orientation
of
this custom is shown by the way
in
which kings who
promoted such festivals
had
to
behave like cities, appealing
for
recognition
in
exactly the same way.
365
Finally,
it
was also above all
the
cities
who
took
the
formal initiative
in
instituting cults
in
honour
of
kings and royal families:
366
whether the king was honoured as
'
founder'
(in many colonies, appropriately enough), as 'saviour' (like Antigonus
and Demetrius
in
Athens),
or
as
'benefactor',
the
ideas involved
all
fitted with surprising ease, after the initial shock of the 320s, into Greek
conceptual structures
of
the honours appropriate
to
god
or
hero,
367
all
the more since
the
kings (after Alexander
at
least) carefully avoided
requiring
proskynesis,
performing miracles
or
invoking divine status
while addressing Greeks.
VIII. THE LIMITS OF THE POLIS
Thus
far,
then,
the
flow
of
traditional religiosity could
be
contained
comfortably within
the
city-state frame
of
reference, perhaps even
receiving some added impetus when, after
the
Roman takeover
of
Greece and western Asia Minor, such civic ceremonials took on the new
role
of
symbolizing local
or
national identities
and
were revived
or
re-
ordered accordingly.
368
Yet
plainly that
was
not the
whole story,
for
other currents
of
religious experience were moving
in
different
directions.
I
single
out
three
of
the stronger ones.
First and foremost, Greek gods had their
limits.
For all the attractions
(to Greeks)
of
the
interpretatio Graeca
of
foreign gods,
the
initial
acceptance
of
Jews
or
Brahmins
as
'philosophers',
the
gradual
and
partial hellenization
of
some Anatolian and Syrian deities,
or
the export
of Greek gods
to
the
new colonial cities,
the
basic fact came
to
be
that
Greeks abroad were
not
numerous enough,
and
their religious culture
not effervescent enough,
for
Greek gods
to
prevail
in
the
long
run.
Rather, their spread eastwards was just one part
of
a
gradual process
of
385
Cf. ISE 7;,
recognition
of
the
Ptolemaieia
by the
Delphic Amphictyony
in
266/5,
an
d
^G
390=Austin 218,
its
recognitions. 280
by the
league
of
the Islanders.
Or
the
dossier
of
documents
concerning
the
reorganization
of
the
Nikepboria
at
Pergamum
in
18
2/1
(RC
49
(Iasus?);
RC
jo
with
Sherwin-White
1978, 132
n.
265: (D 146)
(Cos);
SIG
(>z^
= IG
ix
2
.i.i79 (Aetolia);
SIG
630
(Amphictyony), with Robert
1930, 332ff.:
(B
134);
M.
Segre
1948: (H 207);
Klaffenbach
1950: (E
126);
Hansen 1971, 448?.: (E
122)
(but for the
era-date
C. P.
Jones
1974: (E
125)).
388
Habicht
1970,
37-126
and
253-62:
(1 29),
sets
out
the
very considerable evidence;
and see
above,
ch. 3, pp.
87-96.
387
Nock 1930, 44B.:
(1 55);
Robert
1945,
Z2ff.:
(B
142);
Nock 1951,
I27ff.: (1 j6);
Cerfaux
and
Tondriau 1957:
(1
18);
Taeger 1957:
(1
78);
Fraser
1972, i.2i3ff.:
(A
15);
Nilsson 1974,
ii.i32ff.:
(H
1J4);
Stewart
1977,
562fF.:
(H 221).
388
Some examples
in
Stewart
1977, 527: (H 221).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
3 l6 8 CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FEATURES
inter-penetration,
as
non-Greek populations
and
returning mercenaries
in
a
corresponding movement brought their own gods with them along
the major routes
of
communication.
The
latter process,
of
course,
was
long established and usually caused few tensions when the imported cult
served only the cult's own nationals. Resentments were more likely once
the cult gained adherents among
the
local population,
and the
fact that
they
did is
evidence that some non-Greek gods
or
religious ideas might
be meeting psychological and spiritual needs better than
the
traditional
cults
and
gods.
The
spread
of
Sarapis,
369
and
even more
of
Isis,
are
classic cases
in
point, though the latter
in
particular is hardly surprising
in view
of
the
heady combination
of
antiquity, exoticism, intensity,
morality, superiority
to
Fate, confession, penitence, and miracles which
Isis offered
to her
devotees.
370
Not
that the miracles attributed
to
Isis
in
the numerous surviving aretalogies
371
were unique
to
her; no
docu-
ments from the Hellenistic world are more revealing of the world
of
the
individual of the
menupeupk,
and of his
or
her basic fears, preoccupations
and irrational hopes, than
the
dossiers
of
miracle cures recorded
as
having been wrought
in the
sanctuaries
of
Asclepius
at
Cos
or
Epidaurus.
372
All are aspects
of
the
growing importance of the notion of
salvation, whether
it
be interpreted
in
the literal sense
of
salvation from
death
or
disease,
or in
the
more contemplative sense
of
serenity
and
freedom from
the
anxieties
of
mundane preoccupations which
con-
temporary Stoic and Epicurean theories were
at
one
in
providing, albeit
by very different intellectual routes.
Such anxieties
are
above
all
personal,
and one can see, as
a
second
current,
a
continued, perhaps enhanced, interest
in
forms
of
action
which centred on the individual rather than on the collective action, and
preoccupation with collective interests, which necessarily characterized
all public religion.
373
Granted,
not all
such phenomena were new
in the
369
For the spread
of
Sarapis, and
for
the diffusion of cults by returning mercenaries, see Fraser
i960:
(F 171) and Fraser 1967: (F 172), with Nilsson 1974, 11.119ff.: (H
I
54) and
J. E.
Stambaugh,
Sarapis under the early Ptolemies, Leiden, 1972. Opposition
to
him
at
Delos
is
attested c. 200
(IG
xi.4.1299
=
SIG663
=
J£GXXIV.IIJ8=
Engelmann
1975:(H
5S)
=
Austin
131,
with Bruneau 1973:
(B
187) (Bull.
epig.
1974, 393)), and cf. also SIG 664
=
Choix 77
=
lnsc.
Delos
1510
=
Sherk 1969, no.
5:
(B
163),
for
political complications c.
164
involving Rome.
370
The
bibliography
on the
spread
of
Isis
is
endless.
See
particularly
Schneider
1969,
n.84off.:
(A
;6);
Witt
1971: (H 243);
and
Nilsson
1974, 11.119?.
an
d
614S.:
(H 154),
among
many
others.
371
Assembled
by
Peek 1930:^ 161);
for
additions
and
amendments
see
Nilsson 1974,11.626
n. 5:
(H
154),
and
Grandjean
1975: (H 83).
The
oldest extant texts appear
to be
that from Cyme (Peek
1930,
12off.,
republished
in IG
xn.Suppl.,
p.
98,
perhaps Augustan period)
and
that from Maronea
(first century
B.C.,
Grandjean 1975),
but
Miiller 1961:
(F 180) has
argued that their Greek form
was
created
c.
300.
372
At
Epidaurus Herzog
193 1:
(H
97)
(
= SIG
1168-9
and
Austin
126
in
part)
(c. 300);
at
Lebena
on Crete /Ci.xviii.17—19
(
=
SIG
1171-2
in
part) (first century B.C.).
In
general
see
Weinreich
1909:
(H
233),
Herzog
1931:
(H 97),
E.
and
L.
Edelstein
1945:
(H 54),
Cohn-Haft
1956, 26ff.:
(H 36),
Nilsson
1974, u.222ff.:
(H
154).
an
d
Sherwin-White
1978, 27jff.:
(D 146).
373
Nilsson
1974,
11.218-22:
(H
154);
Stewart
1977,
530ft".:
(H
221).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008