Adams J.T. Empire on the Seven Seas. The British Empire 1784-1939
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SOCIAL
CONDITIONS
after
1830,
known
with
Victorian
nicety
as
"necessaries.")
In the
slums
the
poor
often
fought
for
pails
of
water
from
the
general
supply
which
was turned
on for
an
hour or
so
only
in
the
day,
a
Hogarthian
precursor
of
the
lines of
guests
who
even
yet
wait
for
the
few tubs
available
in
many
of the
larger
resort
hotels
and
private
country
houses.
It
was
still a
society
in
which each had
his
place
and knew
it in
various
hierarchies
which not
only
extended from
royalty
and
Dukes
downward
in
fine
gradations
but
had its
counterpart
in
do-
mestic
staffs.
My
Lord
and
My
Lady
insisted no more on
their
precedence
of
rank
than
did
the butler and
housekeeper.
If
in
great
houses
physicians
and
surgeons, except
the most
renowned,
were
expected
to
dine
in
the
housekeeper's
room
and
not
with
the
family,
on
the
other hand the
etiquette
demanded
by
the servants
among
themselves
was
quite
as
strict.
In
houses with
large
staffs
the under
servants even
if
they
had their meals with
the
upper
were
not
allowed
to
speak
in
their
presence,
and after the
meat
course
the
upper
ones
would
adjourn
to the
housekeeper's
room
for
their
pudding
and
wine,
leaving
the first
footman to
preside
for
the remainder
of the
meal
in
place
of the
august
butler.
The
details
might
vary
from
house to
house
but
the main
point
is that
the
gradations
of
precedence
of
the master
class
were
not
resented
but
copied
and insisted
upon
among
the
working
class
themselves.
It
was all
part
of the close-knit
texture
of
English
social life to
which
we
have
already
called
attention,
and
if
today
Britain
has
in
many
respects
outstripped
the
United
States
in
political democracy
it
has
in
part
done
so
by
the
tight
fabric
of
its
social life.
Individualistic
and
abounding
in
characters
as it
was,
it was
not
the
atomism of
sheer
individualism. The
butler who
indulged
a
love
for the same niceties of
precedence
as did
My
Lord
had
no
wish
to see the lord
lose his
position
and
privileges
lest
in
the
process
Jeems
might
lose his
likewise.
The
farmer who
might
rise
to the
squirearchy
and
even the
county gentry
did not want
those
classes
abolished,
the workman
who
might
become
a manufacturer
and
the
manufacturer
a
peer,
all had
no
such detestation
of the
157
EMPIRE
ON
THE SEVEN
SEAS
order
of
society
and of social
privilege
as
did
those of similar
stand-
ing
on the
Continent
who
found
themselves
barred
from social
aspirations
by
the
closed
phalanxes
of caste.
On
the
other
hand,
there
was
no such
dissolution of
social
bonds
as took
place
on the frontiers of new
countries where old
ways,
customs
and
relations
rapidly
disappeared.
The
frontier
quickly
brought,
in its
simple
environment,
political democracy,
but
it
destroyed
to a
large
extent
social cohesion.
In
the
old
country,
political
democracy
was slower
in
coming,
but,
because
social cohe-
sion
remained,
it
was safer
to
encourage
political
democracy
under
complex
social
conditions
than
it
was
in
the
newer-
countries in
which
people
had more
largely
lost
their
sense
of
social
respon-
sibility
in
an
anarchy
of
individual
opportunity
and
struggle.
V.
LITERATURE
AND
THE ARTS
.Meanwhile,
in
England,
conditions
in
country
life in
especial
were
improving.
Partly owing
to
the
religious
movements
and
partly
to
the
example
of
the
popular
Court,
the
gentry
and aris-
tocracy
were
becoming
more
"genteel"
j
at least
decent and less
coarsely
animal
than
in
the
Georgian days
of
John
Bull.
The
clergy
were
also
becoming
more
cultivated
and more
alive
to
their
spiritual
duties.
Among
the
people
generally
reading
as a
habit
was also
rapidly expanding.
If
there
was an
enormous sale for
religious
and
sentimental novels
and
tracts,
such
as the
Reverend
L.
Richmond's
Dwrymarfs
Daughter
y
which sold
2,000,000
copies,
the most
widely
read
books
among
the
people
at
large
were
still
the
Bible,
Robinson
Crusoe,
and
The
Pilgrim's
Progress,
which
are
admit-
tedly
much better
material
for
normal
minds to
feed,
upon
than
much
of
what
is
felling
our forests
for
wood
pulp
today./
We have
already
spoken
of
the
novelists,
who formed the chief
glory
of
the
period
from the
point
of
view
of art.
Architecture was
negligible
and
what
monumental
art
could
accomplish
was
un-
happily
to
be
displayed
in
the
Albert
Memorial,
which
when
finally
completed
in
1866 had
cost
110,000
and
can best
be
de-
scribed in
the
words
of
Professor
CockerelPs
young
grandchild
who,
lapsing
into
the
cockney
of his
nursemaid,
said
"Mamma,
it's
158
LITERATURE AND THE ARTS
a
hornament."
In
painting,
Landseer was the most
popular
artist
of
-a
time
which
illuminates
the
history
o art almost
solely
in the
works
of
Turner,
who
in
spite
of
Ruskin
had
long
to
await
rec-
ognition.
In
poetry
the
two
outstanding
figures
are
those
already quoted,
Tennyson
and
Browning.
The
first
was
essentially
Victorian.
If
toward
the
end
of the
reign
a middle-class
woman,
after
a
Shake-
spearean
performance,
could remark
of
Antony
and
Cleopatra,
"How
unlike
the
home
life
of
our own dear
Queen,"
Tennyson
was
much
too
like
that
home
life.
Highly
skilled in
the
use of
words
and
meters he was not
profound
in
thought,
but he
most
expressed
the
popular
emotions
of
his
day:
"King
Arthur,"
the British
love
of
the
mystical
and the
past;
"religious
faith,"
especially
appeal-
ing
in view
of the
religious
revival;
and
"Liberal
institutions,"
the
ideal
of the
times.
These
three
items
taken from
a
memorandum
of
his
may explain why
he was
the
only
English
poet
to
be
made
a
peer
solely
because of his
poetical
work.
This
may
seem an in-
adequate
appraisal,
for
he
did
write some
of
the
most memorable
and
oft-quoted
lines
and stanzas
in
English
verse,
though
his
will-
ingness
to
raise
all
the
deeper
problems
of life
only
to
leave
ques-
tion
marks after them is
indicative of
the
age
of
transition
in
which
he
lived.
Deeply
interested in
the
new
science,
he refused to
face
the
answers
or even to
raise
the
problems
too
disconcertingly.
Tennyson
was like a
quiet
afternoon
in a
country
house,
with
lawns
sweeping
down to the
tranquil
meanderings
of
the Thames.
In
the
gusto
of
Browning
we find
a
wholly
different
note.
Tenny-
son
delayed
his
marriage
for
ten
years
to
make sure
he
had
enough
money
whereas
Browning eloped
with
Elizabeth Barrett
and car-
ried
her
off
to
Italy
on almost
nothing
a
year.
The work
of
per-
haps
no
other
English
poet
but
Shakespeare
is
richer
in
characters
than
Browning's
and his
interest
in
human
problems
and
person-
alities
was infinite. In
spite
of a
great
lyric
gift
his
poetry
is
often
obscure
and
tortured,
his dramas
are for the
study
and not
the
stage,
and one
wonders
why
he
did
not
try
the
leading literary
form
of the
time,
the
novel.
Among
the
lesser
parts
of the
period
we
may
mention
Swinburne,
with
his
intoxication of
words
and
159
EMPIRE
ON THE
SEVEN
SEAS
rhythms,
Matthew
Arnold,
who turned from
poetry
to
prose,
and
Edward
Fitzgerald,
whose
free
translation and
rearrangement
of
the
Rubaiyat
of
the
Persian
Omar
Khayyam
published
in
1859
remains
one
of the
most
quoted poems
in
the
language.
It
may
be
noted
that
Omar
is considered
by
the Persians
themselves a fifth-
rate
poet
and
that
Rubaiyat
is
merely
the
Persian
word
for
quatrains,
but
in
his
translation
and
arrangement
Fitzgerald
made
a
wholly
new
poem,
which
in
its
pessimism
and
agnosticism
was
to
fit
the
mood of a later
generation.
In
considering
the
mid-Victorian
period
the
sensual
paganism
of
Swinburne
and the
marvellously
flowing
verses of
Fitzgerald
cannot be
ignored. They
are as
much
part
of the
pattern
of
the time
as
Factory
Acts,
optimism,
the
atrocious
household
art,
the
whatnots in
the
corners
of
parlors,
and
the
Keepsakes
on
the
parlor
table.
A reaction
against
the horrors of
much of
the
household
furnish-
ing
had
set
in
under the
lead
of William
Morris,
also
a
poet
who
came
near
to
high
rank
and
was
a
precursor
of
the
Pre-Raphelites
in
art.
He was
representative
of
the
confusion of the
day.
Among
other
things
a
designer
of
wallpapers,
a
regenerator
of
the
art
of
fine
printing,
poet,
prose
writer,
Socialist,
he
expressed
many
of
the
artistic and
social
aspirations
of his
time,
although
in
many
w^ys
ahead of it.
Another
writer,
of
greater
influence,
who
approached
social
questions
through
art and the artistic
temperament
was
John
Ruskin,
whose rather
too
florid
prose gained
him
a
great
following,
notably among
the
young
who
were to
be
leaders
in the
next
gen-
eration.;
His defense
of
art and of a communal
life
in which
beauty,
generosity,
and a
genuine community spirit
should
play
their
predominant parts
as
against
the
mere
money-making
motive
which
was
causing
modern
industrialism
to
ruin
much which was
worthwhile
in the
life
of
the
older
England,
had
a
profound
and
worthy
influence,
even
though
based
on a naive lack of
sound
economic
understanding.
Modern
civilization
could
not
retreat
from
the
machine
age
to
please
Ruskin
any
more
than Morris.
Yet
if
in
the welter
of
jigsaw
Victorianism,
of
jerry-built
towns
and
obscuration
of the
old,
sweet
countryside
from the smoke of
factory
160
LITERATURE
AND
THE
ARTS
chimneys,
their
voices
may
have
seemed
those
of
prophets
in
the
desert,
they
were
to
have
effect
at
last,
and
the
underlying thoughts
of each
are
coming
to
be
accepted
in
a
new
age
filled with
hojrrors
of
which
they
never
dreamed.
The
undermining
of
old
accepted
beliefs as
to
society
and
re-
ligion
was
beginning
to
be
observable in
such
works
as
those
of
Herbert
Spencer,
the
precursor
of Darwin and
Huxley,
in
his
scientific
views of
the
development
of
man}
of
Lyell
in his
Prin-
ciples of
Geology
and
The
Antiquity
of
Mm;
and
of
Buckle
in
his
History
of
Civilization
in
England.
Lecky
was
soon to follow
with
his
histories
of
Rationalism
and of
Morals in
Europe.
Com-
pared
with
such books
as
these,
which
really changed
the intellec-
tual
climate,
Macaulay's History
of
Engl<wd
y
in
spite
of its
im-
mense
popularity
and
financial
success,
and
his
many
essays
were
almost
negligible
in
lasting,
though
not in
contemporary,
influence.
Of limited vision
he
believed
that all would
be
right
with the
world,
not if
"God's in His
Heaven,"
but if
the
Whigs
were
in
power,
and
he
had
none
of the
indignation
with
the
evil
aspects
of
the
changing age
which so
stirred
a
Ruskin
or
a
Carlyle.
The
latter,
always
a
hater of
shams and
injustice,
came
to
adopt
some
himself,
but at
his best his
pen
was
eager
and
potent
to
combat the easiest
and
worst
assumptions
of the Victorian
Age
as
to the
inevitable
benefit of
its economic
system
and
to stress
the
value
of
the
individual
strong
in
his
own
personality.
He
stirred
a
whole
age,
as did
J.
S.
Mill
in his
essay
On
Liberty (1859).
To
name
and
touch
on
briefly
only
a few
leading
writers
is
to
run
the
risk of
giving
a false
picture
of
a
period,
but
possibly
enough
has
been said
to
indicate
the cross currents
of
the one
we
have been
discussing.
Tennyson,
for
example,
as
poet
was
as
much
intrigued
by
the
problems
raised
by
the new science
as
he
was
by
the
myths
of
King
Arthur;
Morris,
rebelling against
the crude
household
art,
rebelled
equally
against
the
social
system;
Ruskin,
champion-
ing
Turner
and
art as
a
critic,
was
even
more
deeply
stirred
by
the
evils
of the
encroaching
machine
age
of
factories
and
railways.
The
list could
be extended
indefinitely.
The
breadth
of
interest
points
to
one
of
the chief
characteristics
of the
period.
This
was
the belief
161
EMPIRE
ON
THE
SEVEN
SEAS
in
the
'Vorthwhileness"
of
everything. People
believed in
the
infinite
possibilities
of
reform,
political
and
social,
in
the
new sci-
ence,
in
peace
from
free
trade.
They
felt
themselves on
the
threshold
of a
new,
freer,
happier,
and richer
world,
even
those
whose
vision
was limited to increased riches for
themselves.
This
was
the first half
of the Victorian
Age.
Conditions
in
many
ways
might
be
bad
but science
and
free
government
could set
all
right.
The
Public Health
Act
of
1848,
a
most
important
advance in
the
control
of
local
government
by
the
central
one,
was an
example
of
how
Parliament,
like
a
Deus
ex
machina
y
could
correct
all
evils,
as Free Trade could
bring
peace
to
a
warring
world.
VI.
FOREIGN
RELATIONS
But
the
world
was
moving
outside
Britain
also.
On
the
Con-
tinent
the
second
Napoleon
had in turn
become
Emperor,
and
the
uneasy
balance of
powers
heaved
like
the
sea
in
storm.
Jn
especial
the
Eastern
Question
loomed
again,
and the
problem
of
Turkey,
the "Sick
Man of
Europe,"
in the
phrase
coined
by
the
Russian
Czar.
-?
There
had
been
diplomatic
movements
on
the
part
of both
France and
Russia for the
possession
of
places
dear
to the
Christian
religion,
especially
the
Holy
Sepulchre,
but
neither
nation
was satis-
fied
with
what
the Sultan
proposed.
There
were
indeed
much
larger
issues involved in
the
web
of
international
policies,
and
Russia
proposed
a
division
of
the
Turkish
Empire,
suggesting
that Britain
take Crete
and
Egypt
as
her
part
of
the
spoils,
which Britain de-
clined
to do. The Turkish
treatment of Christians
and of
subject
races
was
unquestionably
bad,
but
if
the Turkish
Empire
disap-
peared
there would
be
a
vacuum
in
one
of
the most
important
sec-
tions
of
the
world
into
which
the
wild
winds
of
discord
and
world
war
might
whirl.
The
eyes
of Russia
have
ever
been
upon
Con-
stantinople
as a
warm
seaport
and
a
point
of attack on some of
the
world's
most
important
sea routes.
On the
other
hand
England
has
always
dreaded
the Russian
menace to
India,
real
or
imagi-
nary.
Little
by
little
the
situation
among
the
powers
deteriorated,
162
FOREIGN
RELATIONS
and
after
Turkey
and
Russia went
to
war Britain
drifted
into
it,
as
an
ally
of
France.
.
The
war
itself
was
inglorious, although
it
ended
in
the
defeat
of
Russia.
It
was
the
graveyard
of
the
reputations
of
diplomats,
statesmen,
and
generals.
The
British Ambassador at
Constantinople
helped
to
bring
on
hostilities
against
the
wishes of the
Prime
Min-
ister,
Aberdeen,
who
later
resigned
to
give
place
to
Palmerston,
who
was
wholeheartedly
in
favor
of
war.,
The
British
commander
in
the
field,
Lord
Raglan,
was
incompetent.
The
administration
of
the
War
Office
broke
down almost
completely,
and
food
and medi-
cal
supplies
for
the mere
20,000
of
the
Expeditionary
Force
failed
woefully.
Only
one
person,
an
English
woman,
Florence
Night-
ingale,
made a
reputation
which
will never
die.
The effects of
the
war were
out
of all
proportion
to
the
opera-
tions,
which need
not
be
discussed,
or
to the formal
terms
of the
treaty
of
peace.
Louis
Napoleon,
with the
ambitions
but
not the
ability
of the first
Emperor,
had
played
his
hand
shrewdly,
and
France
came out
of the
conflict
the
leading
power
on the
Continent.
The
consummate
Italian
statesman, Cavour,
had also
played
his
hand
to
the
limit,
and
with
Napoleon's
aid
had succeeded in
mak-
ing
his
complaints
against
the
rule
of
Austria,
which
had chosen
the
Russian
side,
heard
by
all
the
world,
and
paved
the
way
to
the
future
independence
and unification
of
Italy.
[For
England,
the
results
were
spiritual
rather
than
material,)
Free Trade
had
proved
not
enough
to
keep
world
peace,
and
the
smug
complacency
of
the
Crystal
Palace
was
healthily
shattered
by
the
revelations of
gross
incompetency
which
the
terrible
"Cri-
mean
winter" of
1854-55
revealed. The
conditions in
the
British
force
before
Sebastopol,
as
given
to
the
public by
William
Russell
of
The
Times,
first
of
modern war
correspondents,
were
a
dose of
bitters
after
the
soothing
draught
of
the Great
Exposition.
Due
to
the
ensuing
anger
of the British electorate Miss
Nightingale,
who
had
been sent out
officially
to
help
look after the
sick,
was
given
such
power
to
organize
her work
as
had never fallen
to
the lot
of
woman
before. What
she
accomplished
in
the
face of bewildered
army
officers is
still almost
incredible.
At
Scutari,
where
the
British
EMPIRE
ON THE
SEVEN
SEAS
forces
were
melting
away
from
sickness
and
wounds,
she
built
the
first
modern base
hospital,
and the
death
rate
fell
from
42
to
22
in
the
thousand.
How
many
countless
millions
she
may
have
saved
in the
years
since
then it
is
impossible
to
calculate,
for
her
work
was
not
a mere incident
of
a
minor wan
She
not
only continued,
after
peace,
the
reorganization
of
the
Army
Medical
Service
but it
was
due
to
her influence that the
international
Red
Cross
de-
veloped
from the Geneva
Convention
of
1864.
'Incidentally
she
so raised the
status of
women in
the
public
mind that the
woman's
movement
in
all
its
many
aspects
felt the
magic
touch of
her name
throughout
the
world.
The
names
of
the
battles
Alma,
Balaclava,
and
Inkerman,
to-
gether
with
the
siege
and
fall
of
Sebastopol
added
to
the
roll
of
regimental
honors,
and
helped
to
build
the
regimental
spirit
which
has counted
for
so
much
in the
history
of the
army.
Even
one
of
the
worst
mistakes
in a
long
record of
them crowded into
the
three
years
of
the
war
was
so
magnificent
in the
heroism
of
the
men
sacrificed
that it
has been woven into the
spiritual
life of
the
nation
as
immortalized
in
Tennyson's
Charge
of
the
Light
Brigade.
In
the
larger
international
field
this
centralized
and
compara-
tively unimportant
war was
to
prove
momentous. A
unified
Italy
was
eventually
to
develop
from
it.
France
had
apparently
become
the
leader
on the
Continent,
with
the imitation
Napoleon
at
her
head
looking
for
glory,
but
had
antagonized
Austria
and
Britain.
When
a
few
years
later
the
Germany rising
under
Bismarck should
strike
at
her,
Germany
would
be allowed to
have her
way
and
a
broad
highway
opened
for
events
to travel down to
our own
troubled times. The "Sick
Man"
was
declared to be well
again,
and
for
the nonce
there
was no international
vacuum on
the
shores
of
the
Bosphorus.
In
connection
with
the Peace Conference the
powers
agreed
to the
Declaration of
Paris,
which abolished
priva-
teering, agreed
that
blockades must be effective to
be
recognized,
and
that
a neutral
flag
should
cover
enemy goods
if
not
contra-
band.
For
the
moment,
and
perhaps
ominously
for
the
future,
the
war
appeared
to have
brought
a
Jingo
spirit
with
it.
When Palm-
164
CANADA
COMES OF
AGE
erston
with his
usual
high-handed way, especially
with weaker
nations,
involved
Britain
in a
second
war
with
China
and
was
de-
feated
in
Parliament
on the
issue,
he was
returned
with
a
big
majority
by
the
electorate.
Cobden and
Bright,
who had
opposed
the
Crimean
War
also,
went
down
to
defeat
in their
home
districts.
France
again
joined
in
the
fray,
and the
Chinese,
no match
for
European
forces
with
modern
arms,
were
obliged
to
admit
foreign
representatives
at
Peking,
open
Tientsin and
other
ports
to
trade,
agree
to
the
regulation
of
the
opium
traffic
which
acquired
official
status,
and as
punishment
for
the
killing
of
twenty
foreigners
suf-
fer
the
burning
of
the
beautiful Summer
Palace
of
the
Emperor.
It
throws a
somewhat
unpleasant
light
on the character of the
stormy
Prime
Minister
that he
took
especial delight
in
this act
of
vandalism.
Another
interesting
point,
in
view
of
the
future,
was
that,
although
the
French took
part
in the
war,
the
feeling
between
them and the
British
had
already
become
such
that
the
question
was raised
in
the British
Cabinet
as to whether
the
expedition
should
not
be
equipped
with the
old
form
of
rifle,
which would
be
good
enough
to
shoot the
Chinese,
instead
of with the
new
Arm-
strongs
the
secrets
of which
might
thus
be
opened
to
the French.
Meanwhile,
momentous,
and
more
gratifying,
events had
been
happening
within
the British
Empire
itself.
Before
considering
the
most
thrilling,
that of
the
mutiny
in
India,
we
may
turn to more
humdrum but
in
the
long
run
scarcely
less
important
ones
in
Canada and
Australia.
VII. CANADA COMES
OF
AGE
In
the
former
the
year
1
854
may
be taken
as
an
important
divid-
ing
line in
its
history.
It
marked the
departure
of
Lord
Elgin,
who
had done much
to
lead
Canadian
politicians
on
their
new
path
of
responsible
self-government,
the
last,
as has been
said,
of
the
"pro-
consuls."
After that
date
the
center
of
politics
shifts
from
the
Governor
to the
Prime
Minister.
Canada
had come
of
age
and
had
learned how
to
handle
herself
as
a
nation
and
to
use those
political
instruments
of
freedom which
the
mother
country
had
willingly
165
EMPIRE
ON
THE
SEVEN
SEAS
and
peacefully
bestowed
upon
her.
Although
the
story
was
to
be
repeated
in
other
far
quarters
of
the world
where Britain's
sons
had
gone
to build
new
Britains,
there
is
something
singularly
in-
spiring
in
the
story
of
Canada,
for
it
had
brought
a
wholly
new
idea and
relationship
into
the
long
sad tale of
empires.
It
was
natural
that,
in so
far
as
economic interest
was
concerned,
the
small
population
of
Canada,
although
occupying
a
territory
larger
though
less
productive
and
rich
than
that
of
the
United
States,
would
be
drawn
into the
American
business
orbit
as irre-
sistibly
as
filings
to
a
magnet.
In
the
last
years
of
Elgin's
Gov-
ernorship
there
was
much
talk of the benefits of
annexation,
and
the
adoption
of
a
decimal
system
of
coinage,
like
that
of
their
great
southern
neighbor,
in
place
of
the
immemorial
pounds,
shillings,
and
pence.
These had been deemed
ominous
signs.
They merely
proved,
however,
that
there could
be
diversity
in
unity.
Elgin's
long
work
for a
reciprocity
treaty
with the United
States bore
fruit
and
he had the satisfaction of
knowing
that
the
matter was
settled,
though
the
papers
were
not
signed,
before he
left for
home.
It
solved
at
a
critical time
the
pull
of
economic
interests
against
political
and
sentimental interests.
As
both
nations,
which
between
them divide
the entire
North
American
continent,
except
Mexico,
have
grown,
the
question
of
annexation
has
disappeared.
Canada is
rightfully proud
of her
position
as
a sister
nation
in the British
Commonwealth,
and
Amer-
icans
are
proud
of
the undefended
frontier
of some five
thousand
miles
and
of
her
neighbor.
Although
from
the
nature
of the
case
there
can be
no
guarantee,
I cannot
imagine
that
the
United
States
would
fail
to
go
to
the
assistance
of
Canada if
attacked
and
on the
other
hand
it
is as
impossible
to
think
of
the States as
attacking
Canada as
of
a man
attacking
his
younger
sister.
If the
relations
now
subsisting
between the
States
and
Canada
form
one
of the
few
gleams
of
hope
in a
world torn
by
hatreds
and fears
of
war,
it
is
due
in
large
measure
to
the wisdom
of
the British
Government
in
the
reign
of
Victoria
and
which had been so
unhappily
lacking
in
that
of
George
III.
166