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broadly) the references, icons and values
deemed to be specific to the 12–25 age group.
As in other Western societies, youth culture in
France is closely associated with the audio-
visual media and leisure technologies.
The democratization of postwar secondary
education in France and the raising of the
school-leaving age to 16 in 1959 had the ef-
fect of extending the period of adolescence.
This, together with France’s ‘baby boom’ and
economic recovery, opened a new teenage con-
sumer market in the late 1950s increasingly
centred on pop music, which the transistor
radio and vinyl record made easily available
to the young person with more disposable in-
come and leisure than the average adult. These
developments benefited a new generation of
French singer-songwriters such as Brel and
Brassens, but their chief impact was to facili-
tate the emergence of a French form of Ameri-
can rock and roll known as yé-yé, performed
by teen idols like Johnny Hallyday and
Françoise Hardy and disseminated by the ra-
dio programme and magazine, Salut les
copains. Although yé-yé seemed little more
than a derivative and trivial commodity, as
early as 1963 the sociologist Edgar Morin
noted its deeper significance as mirror and
stimulant of a new sense of youth identity. Yé-
yé, he argued, was the voice of a virtually ho-
mogeneous ‘class’ founded not on socioeco-
nomic status but on a community of age, taste,
ritual and language. It was also profoundly
ambivalent: while it helped prepare French
youth for life in the consumer society, its vali-
dation of gratuitous pleasure and play also
contained the seeds of rebellion against the
adult world.
Although the homogeneity argument was
questionable, Morin’s detection of revolt at the
heart of French youth culture proved prophetic,
as youth protests against Gaullist society,
fanned by Anglo-American counterculture,
culminated in the ‘cultural revolution’ of May
1968, whose polymorphous values impreg-
nated the music, comic strips, fashions and life-
styles of many young people in France. How-
ever, the very forces which had generated the
youth phenomenon soon changed it. The de-
velopment of new technologies such as video
and the Walkman, and the universalization of
the post-1960s values of youthfulness, plural-
ism and pleasure, transformed Western youth
culture generally into a multinational,
multimillion-dollar industry. Punk notwith-
standing, adolescent dissent was packaged and
marketed during the 1970s, while disillusion-
ment and recession steadily defused 1960s radi-
calism. In France as elsewhere, once immuta-
ble cultural hierarchies began shifting, so that
by the 1980s even the government, under
Mitterrand, had set about legitimizing youth
cultural practices previously considered unwor-
thy or positively antisocial, such as fashion,
comic strips, pop video, rock and pop, rap and
graffiti. Concurrently, the pop market was be-
coming segmented, embracing an ever wider
variety of styles.
During the 1980s, the rise of racism and
AIDS, ongoing dissatisfaction with educa-
tional reform and the popularity of worldwide
humanitarian causes all helped generate a new
social awareness in French youth, variously
exemplified in the student protests of Novem-
ber-December 1986, SOS Racisme, new ‘al-
ternative’ entertainers like the singer Renaud
and the comedian Coluche, and an enthusi-
asm for world music. Such phenomena testi-
fied to a reinvented sense of youth solidarity,
coupled with a new, multicultural sensibility
which generated various musical innovations,
such as the French rap of MC Solaar or the
fusion of rock with languages and rhythms
from the Maghreb and elsewhere.
As a result of these changes, and of the pro-
gressive domestication and commodification
of cultural life in the multimedia age, the ex-
istence of a homogeneous youth culture today
is less widely accepted than it was in the
1960s, though some argue that even then what
was perceived as a common culture was
merely that of a privileged minority. Never-
theless, surveys published in 1990 and 1995
still suggest a degree of commonality in French
adolescents’ cultural practices. One finding is
the decline of reading, despite a rise in the level
of educational attainment. When young peo-
ple do read, it is most often comic strips.
youth culture