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vein, Wanberg et al. (1999) found that motivational control, and not search self-
efficacy, was related to job-searching intensity for individuals who had been un-
employed for at least three months. These findings imply that when individuals
have been searching unsuccessfully, their ability to stay cognitively focused on
activities such as goal setting and planning will be more helpful in maintaining
an active search than will their confidence in their ability to search.
Apart from the intensity of the search process, several investigators have fo-
cused on specific search strategies. Common search strategies include networking,
sending résumés, perusing want ads, using recruitment services or employment
a
gencies, taking internships, and cold calling (Crozier & Grassick, 1996; Green,
Tigges, & Diaz, 1999; Mau & Kopischke, 2001; Montoya & Atkinson, 1996). Some
research has focused on the search strategies considered important by adoles-
cents for the purpose of facilitating the school-to-work transition. Furnham and
Rawles (1996), for example, found that the job-search strategies of British adoles-
cents were related to their attributions and attitudes toward school and employ-
ment. Those with more internal attributions, who liked school more, were more
open to career advice, and those who sought more intrinsically satisfying jobs be-
lieved in the importance of using self-effort job-search strategies (i.e., strategies
that involved taking initiative such as cold calling, asking for advice, and actively
gathering information). Similarly, Heaven (1995) found that Australian high school
students held different views of the merits of self-effort strategies that required
individual action versus external strategies that involved seeking help from others
or registering with employment agencies. It was found that stronger work ethic
beliefs were related to greater belief in the importance of self-effort strategies.
Further, it was found that the greater the students’ need for a job, the more useful
they saw external strategies. In contrast, the higher the status of the job being
sought, the more important the self-effort strategies were seen.
One of the most popular job-search strategies reported by job seekers is an in-
formal job-search strategy that entails networking with people in an individual’s
social environment, such as family, friends, coworkers, and neighbors (Schwab,
Rynes, & Aldag, 1987; Villar, Juan, Corominas, & Capell, 2000; Wanberg et al.,
2000).
Granovetter (1973, 1995) distinguished between “strong” ties (networking
with close social network of family and friends) and “weak” ties (networking with
professional acquaintances). Studying these differential strategies, research has
indicated that those using weak ties in searching tended to obtain jobs with
higher incomes, were more satisfied with their jobs, and were more likely to be
working within their field of study compared to individuals who used strong ties
or formal job strategies (D. W. Brown & Konrad, 2001; Villar et al., 2000).
Although there is good evidence about the generally successful nature of net-
working (D. W. Brown & Konrad, 2001; Granovetter, 1995; Villar et al., 2000; Wan-
berg et al., 2000), not all searchers are comparably successful in applying this tool.
Many searchers, especially those with less work experience and more barriers in
the search process, may underestimate the importance of networking (Montoya &
Atkinson, 1996). In addition, it has been noted that introverted individuals may be
at a disadvantage in their searches because they may be less inclined to network
and may have fewer social contacts (Wanberg et al., 2000). Comfort with network-
ing has been related to networking intensity above and beyond personality
factors, and the more confidence or self-efficacy with networking that individu-
als reported, the more they relied on that search strategy (Villar et al., 2000; Wan-
berg et al., 2000). Although greater use of social networking does not increase the
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