Floud R., Johnson P. The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain, Volume 1: Industrialisation, 1700-1860
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
The industrial revolution in global perspective 461
Table 16.5 Number of years per nation at war, 1450–1900
Great Britain France Netherlands* Spain
1600–50 17.5 24.0 36.0 48.0
1650–1700 26.0 22.5 26.5 34.0
1700–50 29.0 25.0 18.0 29.5
1750–1800 26.5 25.5 11.5 19.0
1800–50 26.0 18.0 14.5 30.0
Note:*For the period 1560–1600, the Netherlands were at war for 48.5 years.
Source: Wright 1965: 653.
wars, although critical in seizing power
from the Dutch and the French, did,
however, involve considerable drains of
labour, capital, and natural resources
from the private economy. Under cer-
tain conditions (including the long-term
presence of under- or unemployed factors
of production, and given favourable out-
comes flowing from peace settlements),
wars could be considered (as they were at
thetime) to be profitable undertakings.
In addition, it has been argued that mobilisation for and fighting of wars
promoted British state-building, by centralising power in the monarchy
and parliament, which led to the development of an effective governmen-
tal tax and expenditure system (Winch and O’Brien 2002).
Wars are generally not like zero-sum games. Wars, even those that
are won, involve costs to all participants in terms of resource use fore-
gone and the destruction of capital (physical and human). For example,
the expansion of the British merchant marine (the world’s largest by
the lateeighteenth century) was costly to build up, but it has been fre-
quently argued that, in the absence of investment in the navy, Britain
could have remained a second-rate political and economic power. Before
the Seven YearsWarBritain engaged in war mainly with European pow-
ers, although these wars quite often spread to include battles outside
Europe over colonial possessions. In the nineteenth century, Britain be-
came involved in numerous colonial wars in remoter parts of its empire,
as well as with the nations of Asia and Africa. This required the con-
tinued presence of maritime bases and military capacity in these areas,
at some cost to British tax payers, which reduced the net benefits from
imperialism.
By the start of the nineteenth century Britain was unique in the size
of its world-wide empire (Canny 1998; Marshall 1998). Even after the loss
of the United States in 1783, a loss whose costs were mitigated by the
continuing high level of trade and commercial relations between the
two independent countries, the British maintained the world’s largest
empire, with a population many times that of the metropole. Colonies
served as sources of agricultural commodities, based on the pool of cheap
manpower, but expenditures on imperial defence and the protection of
trade limited the overall profitability of the Empire. Although debate
on the profits of imperialism goes back to the classic works of Smith,
Hobson, Lenin and others,
6
it was only after the end of World War II that
6
Formore recent discussions see Davis and Huttenback (1986), Ferguson (2001), and O’Brien
and Leando Prados de la Escosura (1998). And for the contemporary views of the economists,
see Wood (1983).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
462 Stanley L. Engerman and Patrick K. O’Brien
theEmpire was drastically reduced. This was primarily due not to any
major change in, or concern with, economic profitability to the British,
but rather to a shift in moral sentiments and political beliefs and realities
influencing the willingness to bear the direct and indirect costs of ruling
foreign territories.
CONVERGENCE AND RELATIVE DECLINE
The nineteenth century was clearly when Britain became the world’s ma-
jor power, economically and politically. Britain’s economy was growing
rapidly, its Empire was expanding, British naval power was the key to
aworld-wide‘PaxBritannica’,andthe British economy was regarded as
theone that rivals believed needed to be overtaken. Although the Dutch
possibly had a higher per capita income at the start of the nineteenth
century, and the United States probably surpassed Britain by its end,
Britain was recognised as the world’s economic leader throughout the
long nineteenth century (1815–1914).
7
Although there was a decline in
per capita income relative to the United States towards the end of the
century, it was the impact of World War I on British capital investments
overseas, on manpower and on budgetary conditions that meant that
therelative decline was not to be reversed. Nevertheless, throughout the
twentieth century, the British economy still experienced absolute growth
in per capita income, and an improving standard of living for most of its
population.
During the first half of the nineteenth century, Britain was at its
zenith as a world economic power. The United States and the western
European nations had per capita incomes of roughly three-quarters of
theBritish level (see Table 16.6). There was a great concern on the part
of other nations to catch up with Britain, for both economic and po-
litical reasons, and convergence (of income levels, trade volumes, lev-
els of industrialisation and technology) was seen as an important policy
goal by many European nations. The measures to be pursued were often
based on the implementation of what were felt to have been British tech-
niques, although some sought to adopt different methods. Several of the
follower nations imposed high tariffs on manufactured imports, unlike
theincreasingly free-trade British. Important in Britain and elsewhere
in Europe were policies introduced for increased education and public
health. The growth of heavy industries was seen as central to convergence.
In addition to economic goals, nations undertook military build-ups, as
thegrowth of armies and navies were seen as a necessary aspect of the
catching-up process. Although there were wars among other continental
7
Leandro Prados de la Escosura’s recent estimates (2000) suggest a United States lead earlier
in the nineteenth century.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
The industrial revolution in global perspective 463
Table 16.6 GDP per capita, selected countries, 1820–1913 (1990 international dollars; Great
Britain equals 100)
France Germany Netherlands United States Switzerland Belgium
1820 58.0 49.9 85.9 59.3 60.3 62.2
1870 53.8 52.2 79.0 70.1 63.1 77.3
1913 67.7 70.8 78.6 102.9 82.8 81.9
Source: Maddison 2001: 185, 247.
European and Asian powers, between the end of the Napoleonic Wars
and the First World War no wars occurred between Britain and any other
western European nation apart from during the Crimean War.
Prior to the American Revolution, the per capita income of the thir-
teen continental colonies was probably close to or perhaps slightly below
that of the British metropolis. With American independence, however,
there was a period of about two decades over which the United States per
capita income declined, at a time when British growth rates remained
high. The United States followed the basic British policies of mercantilism.
Even with high tariffs on manufactures, the American economy remained
heavily concentrated upon the production and export of agricultural com-
modities with the continued import of manufactured goods, mainly from
Britain. After the War of 1812, the United States, while still predominantly
an agricultural economy, began to grow rapidly, with westward expansion
of both the northern agricultural and the southern cotton economies, as
well as developments within manufacturing. Raw cotton exports went
mainly to England, and cotton accounted for about half of all US exports
in the first half of the nineteenth century. As the size of the manufactur-
ing sector increased, and agricultural productivity continued to improve,
the American economy began to grow more rapidly than did the British.
Even with the slowdown associated with the American Civil War, it seems
certain that sometime between 1880 and 1900 the United States surpassed
theBritish in per capita income and became the world’s leader. By this
time, the exports of manufactures exceeded those of agricultural com-
modities, and the United States became the world’s leading industrial
power. The American lead, starting at the end of the nineteenth century,
persisted throughout the twentieth century, a period when Britain’s rela-
tive position continued its decline, although the absolute level of income
continued to rise.
On the European continent several nations sought to offset British
commercial and political hegemony and to surpass the British economi-
cally. Her most serious competitors were the two largest nations of west-
ern Europe: France and Germany. Rivalry with France went back to before
1688 and, although the French did well after 1820, they were unable to
grow sufficiently rapidly to close the gap with Britain until quite recently.
Alone in western Europe, France had little out-migration, to the United
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
464 Stanley L. Engerman and Patrick K. O’Brien
States and elsewhere, and (unlike Britain) its external capital flows went
mainly to nations of continental Europe.
Germany, after unification, undertook both geo-political and economic
actions necessary to become a great power. It is often believed to have
been the most successful of the national economies on the mainland,
although its achievements were probably more impressive in the mili-
tary than the economic sphere. Germany’s policies of high tariffs and of
technical education helped to spur the growth of heavy industries, and
its expenditures on armaments and warships provided credible military
threats to Britain by the end of the century. In Prussia and other parts
of eastern Europe, the abolition of serfdom in the first half of the nine-
teenth century provided for a greater degree of labour mobility internally,
as well as leading to extensive external emigration, mainly to the United
States. Serf emancipation probably helped to increase the growth rate of
several economies, at least in the long run, although they have continued
to lag well behind Britain. The nations of western Europe and the British
dominions overseas were gaining on the British, economically. Britain
no longer seemed unique in the world. Nevertheless, Britain maintained
economic and political leadership within Europe, and its position as a
major world power continued into the twentieth century.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
Bibliography
Place of publication is London unless otherwise stated. All references to the
Economic History Review are to the Second Series, unless otherwise stated.
Acemoglu, D., Johnson, S. and Robinson, J. 2002. Reversals of fortune. Quarterly
Journal of Economics 117: 1231–94.
Acres, W. M. 1931. The Bank of England from Within,I.Oxford.
Adams, J. 1987. Intellectual property cases in Lord Mansfield’s Court Notebooks.
The Journal of Legal History 8: 18–24.
Adams, J. N. and Averley, G. 1986. The patent specification – the role of Liardet v
Johnson. The Journal of Legal History 7: 156–77.
Albert, W. 1972. The Turnpike RoadSysteminEngland,1663–1840.Cambridge.
1983. The turnpike trusts. In Aldcroft and Freeman 1983.
Alborn, T. L. 1998. Conceiving Companies: Joint-Stock Politics in Victorian England.
Alchian, A. A. and Demsetz, H. 1972. Production, information costs, and economic
organisation. American Economic Review 62: 777–95.
Alcock, N. W. 1993. People at Home: Living in a Warwickshire Village 1500–1800.
Chichester.
Aldcroft, D. H. and Freeman, M. J., eds. 1983. Transport in the Industrial Revolution.
Manchester.
Alderman, G. 1973. The Railway Interest.Leicester.
Alexander, D. and Ommer, R., eds. 1979. Volumes not Values.St. John’s, Newfound-
land.
Allen, G. C. 1929. The Industrial Development of Birmingham and the Black Country
1860–1927.
Allen, R. C. 1982. The efficiency and distributional consequences of eighteenth
century enclosures. Economic Journal 92: 937–53.
1983. Collective invention. Journal of Economic Behaviour and Organisation 4: 1–24.
1988. The growth of labour productivity in early modern English agriculture.
Explorations in Economic History 25: 117–46.
1989. Enclosure, farming methods, and the growth of productivity in the South
Midlands. In Grantham and Leonard 1989.
1992. Enclosure and the Yeoman.Oxford.
1994. Agriculture during the Industrial Revolution. In Floud and McCloskey
1994.
1999. Tracking the agricultural revolution. Economic History Review 52: 209–35.
2000. Economic structure and agricultural productivity in Europe, 1300–1800.
European Review of Economic History 3: 1–25.
2001. The great divergence in European wages and prices from the middle ages
to the first world war. Explorations in Economic History 38: 1–37.
Allen, R. C. and O’Gráda, Cormac 1988. On the road again with Arthur Young:
English, Irish, and French agriculture during the Industrial Revolution. Journal
of Economic History 48: 93–116.
Anderson, B. L. 1969a. Provincial aspects of the financial revolution of the eigh-
teenth century. Business History 11:11–22.
465
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
466 Bibliography
Anderson, B. L. 1969b. The attorney and the early capital market in Lancashire. In
Harris 1969.
Anderson, M. 1971a. Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire.Cambridge.
1971b. Family, household and the industrial revolution. In M. Anderson, ed.,
Sociology of the Family.Harmondsworth.
1972. Household structure and the industrial revolution; mid-nineteenth cen-
tury Preston in comparative perspective. In Laslett and Wall 1972.
1980. Approaches to the History of the Western Family 1500–1914.
1990. The social implications of demographic change. In F. M. L. Thompson, ed.,
The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750–1950,3vols.Cambridge.
1996. British Population History: from the Black Death to the Present Day.Cambridge.
Antràs, Pol and Voth, Joachim 2003. Effort or efficiency? Factor prices and produc-
tivity growth during the English Industrial Revolution. Explorations in Economic
History 40: 52–77.
Appleby, A. 1980. The disappearance of plague: a continuing puzzle. Economic
History Review 332: 161–73.
Arbuthnot, John 1773. An Inquiry into the Connection between the Present Price of Provi-
sions and the Size of Farms.
Armstrong, J. 1987. The role of coastal shipping in UK transport: an estimate
of comparative traffic movements in 1910. Journal of Transport History 8:
164–72.
Armstrong, W. A. 1972. A note on the household structure of mid-nineteenth-
century York in comparative perspective. In Laslett and Wall 1972.
Arnold, A. 1995. Accounting information and historical research in the shipping
industry. International Journal of Maritime History 7: 105–15.
Ashton, T. S. 1939. An Eighteenth Century Industrialist, Peter Stubs of Warrington,
1756–1806, Manchester.
1954. The bill of exchange and private banks in Lancashire 1790–1830. In T. S.
Ashton and R. S. Sayers, eds., Papers in English Monetary History.Oxford.
1996 [1948]. The Industrial Revolution 1760–1830.Oxford.
Atiyah, P. S. 1979. The Rise and Fall of Freedom of Contract.Oxford.
Atkinson, M. and Baber, C. 1987. The Growth and Decline of the South Wales Iron Industry
1760–1880.Cardiff.
Attman, A. 1986. American Bullion in the European World Trade: 1600–1800.Göteborg.
August, A. 1994. How separate a sphere? Poor women and paid work in late
Victorian London. Journal of Family History 19: 285–309.
Avallone, P. 1997. Public banks, trade and industry in southern Italy, seventeenth
to eighteenth century. In Teichova et al. 1997.
Averch, H. and Johnson, D. L. 1962. Behaviour of the firm under regulatory con-
straints. American Economic Review 52: 1052–69.
Babbage, C. 1963 [1835]. On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures.NewYork.
Bagehot, W. 1873. Lombard Street, a Description of the Money Market.
Baines, D. 1994. Population, migration and regional development, 1870–1939. In
Floud and McCloskey 1994.
Baines, E. 1966 [1835]. History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain.
Bairoch, P. 1965. Niveau de développement économique de 1810 à 1910. Annales:
Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 20: 1091–1117.
1981. The main trends in economic disparities since the Industrial Revolution.
In P. Bairoch and M. Levy-Leboyer, eds., Disparities in Economic Development since
the Industrial Revolution.NewYork.
1982. International industrialization levels from 1750 to 1980. Journal of European
Economic History 11: 269–333.
1988. Cities and Economic Development: From the Dawn of History to the Present.
Baker, J. H. 1990. An Introduction to English Legal History,3rdedn.
Banner, S. 1998. Anglo-American Securities Regulation: Cultural and Political Roots,
1690–1860.Cambridge.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
Bibliography 467
Barker, H. 1997. Women, work and the industrial revolution: female involvement
in the English printing trades, 1700–1840. In H. Barker and E. Chalus, eds.,
Gender in Eighteenth Century England.
Barker, T. C. 1960.Pilkington Brothers and the Glass Industry.
1988. Urban transport. In Freeman and Aldcroft 1988.
Barker, T. C. and Gerhold, D. 1993. The Rise and Rise of Road Transport, 1700–1990.
Barro, R. and Sala-I-Martin, X. 1995. Economic Growth. New York.
Barton, D.B.1961.AHistoryofCopper Mining in Cornwall and Devon.Truro.
1967. AHistoryofTinMining and Smelting in Cornwall.Truro.
1968. Essays in Cornish Mining History,I.Truro.
1969. The Cornish Beam Engine.Truro.
Bartrip, P. W. J. 1982. British government inspection, 1832–1875: some observa-
tions. The Historical Journal 25: 605–26.
Barzel, Y.1997. Economic Analysis of Property Rights,2ndedn. Cambridge.
Basalla, G. 1988. The Evolution of Technology.Cambridge.
Batchelor, T. 1808. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Bedford.
Baten, J. and Komlos, J. 1998. Height and the standard of living: review article.
Journal of Economic History 583: 866–70.
Baugh, D. A. 1988. Great Britain’s ‘blue-water’policy, 1689–1815. International History
Review 10: 33–58.
1998. Withdrawing from Europe: Anglo-French maritime geopolitics, 1750–1800.
International History Review 20: 33–56.
Baxter, R. D. 1868. National Income.
Beare, T. 1994. The Bailiff of Blackmoor 1586.Redruth.
Beattie, J. M. 1986. Crime and the Courts in England 1660–1800.Oxford.
Beaumont, O. and Higgs, J. W. Y. 1958. Agriculture: farm implements. In
Singer et al. 1958.
Becker, G. 1965. A theory of the allocation of time. Economic Journal 75: 493–517.
1981. ATreatiseontheFamily.Cambridge, MA.
Becker, G. S. and Murphy, K. M. 1992. The division of labour, co-ordination costs
and knowledge. Quarterly Journal of Economics 107: 1137–60.
Beckett, J. V. 1989. Landownership and estate management. In Mingay 1989.
Behagg, C. 1998. Mass production without the factory: craft producers, guns and
small firm innovation, 1790–1815. Business History 40: 1–15.
Ben-Amos, I. K. 1994. Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England. New Haven.
Benenson, H. 1984. The family wage and working women’s consciousness in
Britain, 1880–1914. Politics and Society 19: 71–108.
Benhabib, J. and Spiegel, M. 1994. The role of human capital in economic develop-
ment: evidence from aggregate cross-country data. Journal of Monetary Economics
34: 143–74.
Benson, J. 1980. British Coal Miners in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History.
Beresford, M. 1954. The Lost Villages of England.
Berg, M. 1985. The Age of Manufactures: Industry, Innovation and Work in Britain
1700–1820.
1987. Women’s work, mechanisation and the early phases of industrialisation
in England. In P. Joyce, ed., The Historical Meanings of Work.Cambridge.
1991.Commerce and creativity in eighteenth century Birmingham. In M. Berg,
ed., Markets and Manufactures in Early Industrial Europe.
1993a. Small producer capitalism in eighteenth century England. Business History
35: 17–39.
1993b. Women’s consumption and the industrial classes of eighteenth-century
England. Journal of Social History 30: 415–434.
1993c. Women’s property and the industrial revolution. Journal of Interdisciplinary
History 24: 233–50.
1996. Women’s consumption and the industrial classes of eighteenth-century
England. Journal of Social History 30: 415–34.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
468 Bibliography
1998a. Inventors of the world of goods. In Bruland and O’Brien 1998.
1998b. Product innovation in core consumer industries. In Berg and Bruland
1998.
2002. From imitation to invention: creating commodities in eighteenth-century
Britain. Economic History Review 55: 1–30.
Berg, M. and Bruland, K. 1998. Technological Revolutions in Europe: Historical Perspec-
tives. Cheltenham.
Berg, M. and Clifford, H. 1998. Commerce and the commodity: graphic display and
selling new consumer goods in eighteenth-century England. In D. Ormrod and
M. North, eds., Art Markets in Europe 1400–1800. Aldershot.
Berg, M. and Clifford, H., eds. 1999. Consumers and Luxury. Manchester.
Berg, M. and Eger, E., eds. 2002. Luxury in theEighteenth Century.
Berg, M. and Hudson, P. 1992. Rehabilitating the industrial revolution. Economic
History Review 45, 24–50.
1994. Growth and change: a comment on the Crafts–Harley view of the Indus-
trial Revolution. Economic History Review 471: 147–9.
Berg, M., Hudson, P. and Sonenscher, M., eds. 1983. Manufacture in Town and Country
before the Factory.Cambridge.
Berger, A. N., Hancock, D. and Marquardt, J. C. 1996. A framework for analyzing
efficiency, risks, costs, and innovations in payments systems. Journal of Money,
Credit, and Banking 28: 696–732.
Bermingham, A. and Brewer, J., eds. 1995. The Consumption of Culture 1600–1800.
Berry, C. 1994. The Idea ofLuxury.Cambridge.
Best, M. 1990. The New Competition.Cambridge, MA.
Bevan-Evans, M. 1963. Gadlys and Flintshire Lead Mining in the Eighteenth Century.
Hawarden.
Bianchi, M. 1998. Taste for novelty and novel tastes: the role of human agency
in consumption. In Bianchi, M., ed., The Active Consumer: Novelty and Surprise in
Consumer Choice.
Biernacki, R. 1995. The Fabrication of Labour: Germany and Britain, 1640–1914.Berkeley.
Biraben, J.-N. 1979. Essai sur l’évolution du nombre des hommes. Population 34, 1:
13–25.
Birch, A. 1967. Economic History of the British Iron and Steel Industry 1788–1879.
Blake, R. 1966. Disraeli.
Blaug, M. 1963. The myth of the Old Poor Law and the making of the New. Journal
of Economic History 23: 151–84.
Bolin-Hart, P. 1989. Work, State and Family: Child Labour and the Organisation of Pro-
duction in the British Cotton Industry, 1780–1840.Lund.
Bonfield, L., Smith, R. M. and Wrightson, K., eds. 1986. The World We Have Gained:
Histories of Population and Social Structure.Oxford.
Boot, H. M. 1991. Salaries and career earnings in the Bank of Scotland, 1730–1880.
Economic History Review 44: 629–53.
1995. How skilled were Lancashire cotton factory workers in 1833? Economic
History Review 48: 283–303.
1999. Real incomes of the British middle class, 1760–1850: the experience of
clerks in the East India Company. Economic History Review 52: 638–68.
Botham, F. W. and Hunt, E. H. 1987. Wages in Britain during the Industrial
Revolution. Economic History Review 403: 380–99.
Bourgeois-Pichat, J. 1951. La mesure de la mortalité infantile. Population 6: 233–48,
459–80.
Bowden, S. and Offer, A. 1994. Household appliances and the use of time:
theUnited States and Britain since the 1920s. Economic History Review 47:
725–48.
Bowman, M. J. and Anderson, C. A. 1963. Concerning the role of education in
development. In Geertz 1963b.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
Bibliography 469
Boyce, G. 1995. Information, Mediation and Institutional Development: The Rise of Large-
Scale Enterprise in British Shipping 1870–1919. Manchester.
Boyer, G. R. 1990. An Economic History of the English Poor Law 1750–1850. Cambridge.
1997. Poor relief, informal assistance, and short time during the Lancashire
cotton famine. Explorations in Economic History 34: 56–76.
Boyns, T. and Richards, J. 1995. Accounting systems and decision making in the
mid-Victorian period: the case of the Consett Iron Company. Business History
37: 28–51.
Breen, T. 1988. Baubles of Britain: the American and consumer revolutions of the
eighteenth century. Past and Present 119: 73–104.
Bresnahan, T. and Gordon, R., eds. 1997. The Economics of New Goods. Chicago.
Breward, C. 1999. The Hidden Consumer: Masculinities, Fashion and City Life 1860–1914.
Manchester.
Brewer, J. 1988.The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783.
Cambridge, MA.
Brewer, J. and Porter, R., eds. 1993. Consumption and the World of Goods.
Briggs, A. 1963. Victorian Cities.
Brinkman, H. J., Drukker, J. W. and Slot, B. 1988. Height and income: a new
method for the estimation of historical national income series. Explorations in
Economic History 253: 227–64.
Brown, I. J. 1998. Ironstone working in the Coalbrookdale coalfield. Mining History
13: 79–88.
Brown, J. and Rose, M. B., eds. 1993. Entrepreneurship, Networks and Modern Business.
Manchester.
Bruland, K. 1982. Industrial conflict as a source of technical innovation: three
cases. Economy and Society 11: 91–121.
Bruland, K. and O’Brien, P., eds. 1998. From Family Firms to Corporate Capitalism:
Essays in Business and Industrial History in Honour of Peter Mathias.Oxford.
Brunt, Liam 1997. Nature or nurture? Explaining English wheat yields in the agri-
cultural revolution. University of Oxford, Discussion Papers in Economic and
Social History 19.
1999. Estimating English wheat yields in the Industrial Revolution. University
of Oxford, Discussion Papers in Economic and Social History 29.
2000. ‘Where there’s muck, there’s brass’: the market for manure in the In-
dustrial Revolution. University of Oxford, Discussion Papers in Economic and
Social History 35.
Buchanan, R. A. 1992. The Power of the Machine.
Burman, S., ed. 1979. Fit WorkforWomen.
Burnett, J. 1969. AHistoryoftheCost of Living. Harmondsworth.
1999. Liquid Pleasures: A Social History of Drinks in Modern Britain.
Burnette, J. 2000. The wage profiles of agricultural laborers in early nineteenth-
century England. Unpublished manuscript.
Burstall, A. F. 1963. AHistoryofMechanical Engineering.
Burt, R. 1972. The London Mining Exchange 1850–1900. Business History 14:124–43.
1977. John Taylor: Mining Entrepreneur and Engineer 1779–1863.Buxton.
1984. The British Lead Mining Industry.Redruth.
1988. Arsenic and the South Western Mining Industry since the Mid-Nineteenth
Century. Journal of the Trevithick Society 15: 5–26.
1998a. Proto-industrialisation and ‘stages of growth’ in the metal mining indus-
tries. Journal of European Economic History 27: 85–104.
1998b. Segmented capital markets and patterns of investment in late-Victorian
Britain: evidence from the non-ferrous mining industry. Economic History Review
51: 709–33.
Burt, R., ed. 1969. Cornish Mining: Essays on the Organisation of Cornish Mines and the
Cornish Mining Economy. Newton Abbot.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
470 Bibliography
Burt, R. and Atkinson, M. 1987. Mining. In C. Gill, ed., The Duchy of Cornwall.Newton
Abbot.
Burt, R. and Kippen, S. 2000. Rational choice and a lifetime in metal mining: em-
ployment decisions by nineteenth century Cornish miners. International Review
of Social History 45: 1–31.
Burt, R. and Timbrell, M. 1991. Multiple products and the economics of the mining
industries: the case of arsenic production in south west England, 1850–1914.
Journal of European Economic History 20: 379–406.
Burt, R. and Wilkie, I. 1984. Manganese mining in the south west of England.
Journal of the Trevithick Society 11:18–40.
Bythell, D. 1969. The Handloom Weavers: A Study of the English Cotton Industry during
the Industrial Revolution. Cambridge.
Cain, P. J. 1988. Railways 1870–1914: the maturity of the private system. In Freeman
and Aldcroft 1988.
Caird, James 1852. English Agriculture in 1850–1,2ndedn, ed. G.E.Mingay.
Calomiris, C. and Kahn, C. 1991. The role of demandable debt in restructuring
optimal banking arrangements. American Economic Review 81: 497–513.
Cameron, R., ed. 1967. Banking in the Early Stages of Industrialization: A Study of
Comparative Economic History.Oxford.
Cameron, Rondo 1990. La Révolution industrielle manquée. Social Science History
14: 559–65.
1994. Industrial Revolution: fact or fiction? Contention 4: 163–88.
Campbell, Bruce M. S. 1983. Arable productivity in medieval England: some evi-
dence from Norfolk. Journal of Economic History 43: 379–404.
2000. English Seigniorial Agriculture 1250–1450.Cambridge.
Campbell, B. M. S., ed. 1991. Before the Black Death: Studies in the ‘Crisis’ of the Early
Fourteenth Century. Manchester.
Campbell, B. M. and Overton, M., eds. 1991. Land, Labour, and Livestock: Historical
Studies in European Agricultural Productivity. Manchester.
Campbell, R. H. 1977. The Scottish Improvers and the course of agrarian change
in the eighteenth century. In Cullen and Smout 1977.
1988. The landed classes. In Devine and Mitchison 1988.
Cannon, J. F. 1984. Aristocratic Century: The Peerage in Eighteenth-Century England.
Cambridge.
Canny, N., ed. 1994. Europeans on the Move: Studies in European Migration, 1500–1800.
Oxford.
1998. The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth
Century.Oxford.
Cantrell, J. A. 1984. James Nasmyth and the Bridgewater Foundry: A Study of Entrepreneur-
ship in the Early Engineering Industry. Manchester.
Capie, F. 1999. Banking in Europe in the nineteenth century: the role of the central
bank. In Sylla et al.1999.
Capie, F. and Weber, A. 1985. AMonetary History of the United Kingdom, 1870–1982,
I, Data, Sources, Methods.
Cardwell, Donald S. L. 1972. Turning Points inWesternTechnology.NewYork.
1994. The Fontana History of Technology.
Carlos, A., Key, J. and Dupree, J. 1998. Learning and the creation of stock-market
institutions: evidence from the Royal African and Hudson’s Bay Companies,
1670–1700. Journal of Economic History 58: 318–44.
Carpenter, R. 1994. Peasants and stockingers: socio-economic change in Guthlaxton
Hundred, Leicestershire, 1700–1851. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of
Leicester.
Carruthers, B. G. 1999. City of Capital: Politics and Markets in the English Financial
Revolution.Princeton, NJ.
Casson, M. 1991. The Economics of Business Culture: Game Theory, Transactions Costs and
Economic Performance.Oxford.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008