
rofessional and related programs may surpass 100,000 students. These institutions also
ecome interwoven with local development and identity in politics, medicine and sports.
Yet these great universities also participate in systems that incorporate formerly limited
regional colleges and teacher’s colleges, divisions inherited from segregation,
community colleges
and extension programs. In all, state institutions have spread college
and advanced education beyond the elite served by
private schools,
at minimal costs—
tuition at public four-year colleges in 1998 averaged $3,000, about one-quarter the cost o
rivate institutions. Nonetheless, state universities face important questions of quality,
funding, politics and social meanings far beyond the
campus
.
The earliest state schools emerged in the South—University of Georgia (1789),
University of North Carolina (1789) and Thomas Jefferson’s University of Virginia
(1923). Northern states, instead, debated public control over finance and curriculum in
the private institutions that became the
Ivy League,
leading to a court battle confirming
the private charter of Dartmouth College. State foundations were helped by federal
allocations of land as endowment through the 1862 Morrill Act that funded agricultural
and mechanical universities. Some states founded separate schools (Texas A&M), while
others expanded state universities. Over time, states also founded and took over regional
institutions serving specific areas—Eastern Michigan versus Western Michigan—or
specific functions like teacher training (normal schools) and rural outreach. Consolidated
state systems, in turn, grew in the postwar period with junior and community colleges
that extended public education, albeit in a highly stratified manner.
There remains great variety between systems and within them. California has highly
elaborated relationships among
colleges and universities,
while SUNY has sought to
unify and improve New York colleges into universities since 1948 while increasingly
funding another public-complex system in
CUNY
(City University of New York). Some
systems focus on a single university (New Hampshire, Vermont), while others have
multiple universities and feeder schools (Kentucky,
Texas,
Florida,
etc.). In the South,
the role of historically
African American
colleges within desegregated state systems has
often proved problematic.
State systems, as they extend education to more citizens, often face fights over
resources within the state to be allocated to each unit and within programs or cities that
may compete for recognition. The mass culture of such institutions also has entailed
constant challenges of sports versus academics, and demands for mass (practical) and
vocational education versus research. While desegregation has made these systems o
diversity, they have faced 1990s challenges over the use of race and class to foster
admissions that reflect state populations. Student behavior, including excessive
alcohol,
roblems of sex and relationships and social unrest, has also arisen as student
organizations have competed with other university ideals—whether
fraternities and
sororities
or the radical political associations in the 1960s who took over campus offices.
Here political traditions clearly differentiate a leftist Berkeley from more social
campuses, and the problems of college towns dominate myriad students and academic
employers.
Entries A-Z 1073