
became refuges for predominantly “bachelor” societies, where the male to female ratio
reached 27:1 in 1890. Generally from Guangdong, in southern China, these
Toisan/Cantonese laborers established complex “towns” with shops and living quarters.
Many associations flourished, replacing the traditional familial support left behind in
China. The only non-Chinese in Chinatowns were missionaries and police; for outsiders,
these enclaves epitomized urban mystery and danger.
As Chinese immigration developed, Chinatowns were also transformed. Second-
generation Chinese Americans became citizens and formed new organizations, such as
the Chinese American Citizen Alliance, to express their voices. China-towns declined in
numbers and vitality in the 1930s, while adapting to American
tourism
and tastes.
Abolition of the Chinese Exclusion Act (1943), the establishment of the People’s
Republic of China (1949) and the 1965 repeal of the 105 person quota imposed on China
have all spurred growth of the Chinese American population in numbers and diversity
Chinatowns still provide familiar surroundings for those with little knowledge o
American culture. Many low-skilled workers find jobs in ethnic restaurants and
sweatshops;
with scant knowledge of their rights, they face exploitation by employers.
The importance of traditional groups has declined with integration and government social
agencies like the Chinatown Planning Council in
New York
City, NY Some Chinatowns
also face
gang
activities (imputed to Vietnamese or Fukienese immigrants), aging
populations and clashes with other encroaching urban groups.
At the same time, Chinese communities have left the inner city for outlying places like
Flushing (Queens, New York), Greater
Los Angeles, CA
or
Sunbelt
cities. These new
suburban enclaves incorporate diverse Chinese in landscapes dotted with Asian
malls
and
restaurants. Other Chinese immigrants and their children have adapted quickly to
suburban dispersion and rapid assimilation through education and business, sometimes
alarming other ethnic groups.
In politics, Chinese Americans have built slowly on the citizenship allowed them after
the Second World War and their new numbers. While
Democrat
Michael Woo ran
unsuccessfully for
mayor
of Los Angeles, and conservative Matt Fong was defeated in
his bid for the governorship of
California
in 1998, Democrat Gary Locke was elected
governor of Washington state that same year. Yet the actions of Chinese outside of the
US—a tense area of foreign policy—have had an impact on political citizenship. Under
Clinton,
fundraising scandals connected with the People’s Republic and Taiwan tarred
the civic image of American Chinese. China’s access to American nuclear secrets,
examined in the 1999 Cox report, seemed to question the actions and connections of all
Chinese Americans.
The public face of Chinese as Americans suffers from decades of orientalization, from
D.W.Griffith’s 1919
Broken Blossoms
to the 1960s Broadway
musical
/film
Flowe
rum Song
. Since the 1960s, Chinese American film-makers, dramatists, novelists and
academics have tackled these stereotypes in works by Wayne Wang, Frank
Chin,
Maxine
Hong
Kingston,
Amy
Tan
and Gish Jen. Such authors explore the complexities o
Chinese American history and intertwine them with other American ethnicities.
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