Gino Moliterno. Encyclopedia of Contemporary Italian Culture
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Raboni, Giovanni
b. 22 January 1932, Milan
Poet, critic and journalist
A lawyer by training, Raboni soon abandoned his profession in favour of literature and
journalism. He has worked for Il Corriere delta sera and has edited the series I quaderni
delta Fenice (The Phoenix Notebooks) for Guanda. In line with a Lombard tradition that
ultimately harks back to Manzoni and Parini, Raboni reduces to a minimum the presence
of the lyrical ‘I’ in his early poetry and, in a conscious reprise of Eliot’s and Pound’s
objective correlative, lets city, history and political events narrate themselves. Raboni’s
later poems, especially those of the 1982 collection Nel grave sogno (In the Deep
Dream), continue to privilege a detached narration, although they are permeated by a
greater moral tension and existential angst.
Further reading
The Coldest Year of Grace, trans. S. Freibert and V. Rossi, Middletown: Wesleyan University
Press (an anthology of Raboni’s poetry with a brief introduction to his work).
VALERIO FERME
radio
Having begun in the mid-1920s, Italian radio broadcasts were soon expanded by the
Fascist regime, which recognized their potential for propaganda and consensus building.
After the end of the Second World War, the radio system was restructured and
centralized in the state-controlled RAI (which after 1954 became RAI-TV), a state
monopoly which lasted until the 1970s when a multitude of illegal local radio stations
were established and, eventually, achieved legal status. This emergence of other
participants and political interests put pressure on the system, leading to new balances
Entries A–Z 691
and interconnections between the more than 2,000 private and local radio stations and the
major broadcasting companies. Finally, after two decades of rapid and often chaotic
change, at the end of the 1990s the Italian radio system had settled into twelve national
networks (led by RAI Radiouno but closely followed by the commercial Radio
Dimensione Suono), some 1,500 local stations and an estimated daily audience of 35
million.
Italian public radio
The history of Italian radio in the immediate postwar period is largely the history of the
RAI which, as public broadcaster, was overwhelmingly under the influence of the
government of the time. The reconstruction of the heavily-damaged transmitting stations
and studios started with the aid of US troops in the army of occupation, and in October
1944 the EIAR (Ente Italiano per le Audizioni Radiofoniche, or Italian Commission for
Radiophonic Broadcasting) was transformed into RAI. Mussolini himself had greatly
expanded radio in Italy, and his famous words, ‘Voglio una radio in ogni villaggio’ (I
want a radio in every village), had been largely implemented during the war. Over two
million receivers had been installed in market places, factories, schools and military
facilities, and after the war the number of receivers in private households increased
rapidly to over seven million.
Ironically, in view of the way in which the Fascist regime had controlled radio for
propaganda purposes, the early postwar period came to be characterized by a systematic
ban of political opinions other than that of the governing Christian Democrat party (see
DC). In fact, as a reaction to the government’s use of radio during the Cold War as its
own political megaphone, the Communist Party (see PCI) tried to find a place in the
medium by broadcasting from foreign countries. In the early 1950s, for example, the
programme Oggi in Italia (Today in Italy) was transmitted daily but from Radio Prague
3.
At the same time, due to the intensive diffusion of radios in the countryside and
particularly in the South, where illiteracy was still rife, radio effectively became the first
real mass medium. Especially during the period between the end of the war and the first
positive effects of the economic miracle’, the radio was one of the most important
elements keeping the nation mentally together. Regular reporting of progress in
programmes such as Cronache della ricostruzione (Chronicles of Reconstruction) or
L’Italia com’è (How Italy Is) created uplifting collective moments for the multitudes in
bars, offices and factories, as well as enabling spiritual fraternization with the pain and
suffering of the whole nation. Consequently, more than any of the other traditional mass
media at the time, the radio brought Italy together as a geographical and spiritual entity.
In the intention of its makers, radio was to have less of an entertainment and more of
an educational function. Spreading standard Italian as a common language (see Italian
language) in the southern regions, increasing literacy and strengthening national identity
were the major aims, and all were partly achieved. By 1955, over 19 million Italians
listened for an average of four hours a day to the three RAI programmes, Nazionale,
Secondo and Terzo, which were generally meant to privilege information, entertainment
and education respectively. By 1958 there were seven million active subscribers,
Encyclopedia of contemporary italian culture 692
although the familiar NorthSouth divide was clearly visible even in the distribution of
listeners: four million in the North, 1.5 million in the centre and 1.5 million for the whole
South, including Sicily and Sardinia.
The first real challenge to radio came from the introduction of regular television
broadcasts in 1954. Significantly, RAI became RAI-TV and the popularity of the new
medium quickly increased. In response, the three radio programmes focused more on
their special functions and attempted to exploit some of the major advantages of radio, in
particular its ability to be integrated into the fixed daily habits of the audience without
disrupting work and other activities. New radio plays were introduced and prominent
musicians like Luigi Nono, Bruno Maderna or Luciano Berio were inducted into the
RAI. Live reports were also increased and developed, but the medium continued to lose
ground to television.
Nevertheless, technical innovations such as the transistor made the radio portable and
thus more common everywhere. As a status symbol in the early 1960s, the portable radio
was much in evidence during holidays on the beaches or in the mountains. Other
novelties also helped to hold the line against television: for example, direct phone contact
with the audience was initiated in 1969 with the famous programme Chiamate Roma
3131 (Call Rome 3131). The targeting of particular groups such as the young was
reinforced after 1966 when Radiomontecarlo, the first competitor to RAI, began
broadcasting from the principality of Monaco into northwest Italy (see Telemontecarlo).
Through the voice of Herbert Pagani, Radiomontecarlo won the hearts of the Italian
listeners overnight; Pagani’s way of presenting music, his humour, the selection of the
music and the general unconventionality of the station immediately attracted a large
audience. Interestingly, this possible infringement of the RAI’s broadcasting monopoly
went unnoticed, or at least unchallenged, and the question only surfaced in the aftermath
of 1968 with the determination of the student movement and the extraparliamentary
Left to provide their own ‘counterinformation’ to that of the political establishment.
Private radio
In spite of sporadic previous experiments, independent radio stations were only
effectively established in 1975. In the beginning officially defined as radio pirate (pirate
radios), the stations called themselves radio libere (free radios) alluding to both the
constitutional right to freedom of opinion and to freedom of trade. Radio Libera in
Florence, Radio Parma, Radio Emmanuel in Ancona, and Radio Milano International and
Radio Canale 96 in Milan were forerunners in a trend that brought over 1,600 new radio
stations into the Italian broadcasting system within the next three years, increasing to
4,400 ten years later
It was obvious from the beginning that the new radio stations had different interests
from each other. On the one hand there were the ‘commercial radios’ (radio commerciali)
which were motivated by financial interests. Radio Parma, for example, was clearly
founded by a local businessman for its economic and advertising potential. In 1976,
Gamma Radio became the first ambitious attempt by Milan tycoons to build up a wider
network, followed by other networks like Radio Italia, Rete 105 and Radio Dee Jay. The
programmes mostly consisted of Italian and international pop music, light entertainment
Entries A–Z 693
and advertising, with serious information and background analysis playing a decidedly
minor role.
On the other hand, there were the politically engaged ‘democratic radios’ (radio
democratiche or radio di classe) which constituted the counterpart to commercial radios.
The initial aim of most of the democratic radios was to reveal the ‘reality’ of the strained
political and social situation of the country through unfiltered information, thus providing
a service of ‘counterinformation’ against the RAI which, as even the Constitutional
Court agreed in 1974, had manipulated the news in favour of the leading parties. The
democratic radios thus aimed to provide interest groups, youth cultures, workers, women
and unionists with ‘objective’ information. However, it was only in July 1976 that the
Constitutional Court confirmed the legal right of regionally confined stations to
broadcast, providing the contents were not against the constitution itself. Radio Città
Futura, Radio Popolare, Radio Bra Onde Rosse, Radio Alice, Controradio and Radio
Radicale all soon rose to prominence, but their obvious political leanings brought nearly
all of them into conflict with the police. Provocative symbolic action like starting and
ending all programmes with the Marxist hymn, the Internationale, as Radio Bra Onde
Rosse did in Piedmont, was a dangerous demonstration of radical sympathies in the
context of frequent terrorist attacks. This, and an openly pro-drug stance, were often used
as arguments to close down some of the stations. Sometimes, as in the famous case of
Radio Alice, the radio was used by leaders of leftist groups to actually incite and co-
ordinate demonstrations and street actions.
With the decreasing mobilization of the political mass movements in the 1980s, the
democratic radios entered into a state of crisis. The concept of counterinformation
became dull and the weak finances of most of the radios resulted in the exodus of many
poorly paid employees. Criticism of institutions, once an effective weapon, now became
merely boring ritual and the audience declined. Some democratic radios survived by
transforming themselves into local stations (for example, Controradio in Florence, or
Città del capo in Bologna). Others tried to integrate themselves into the new broadcasting
system after the passing of the Mammì law in 1990. Radio Popolare, for example, tried to
establish a new network after 1990. The station had been founded in 1976 in Milan by
members of different unions as well as representatives of the PSI and the
extraparliamentary Left. Committed to a self-declared workers ‘reality’ in the streets and
factories, it became famous for its live coverage of endless political discussions in bars or
in front of industrial plants. Its financial crisis at the end of the 1970s led to a solidarity
campaign to save the station from economic ruin. In 1990, however, Radio Popolare
became a limited company, its restructuring and its professionalization financed by
advertising revenues.
The history of Radio Radicale shows another response to changing times. Founded in
1976 as the local station of the Radical Party in Rome, Radio Radicale delivered live
information, mainly from the Parliament or, during important trials such as those of
terrorists or the mafia, directly from the court room. Fiercely libertarian, in 1986 it began
transmission of live and uncensored comments from anonymous listeners about anything
they cared to talk about, from politics to racism, from sexist stories to complaints about
the mother-in-law. The programme proved to be highly controversial and came to an end
after only two weeks when the police confiscated answering machines and tapes.
Nevertheless, Radio Radicale managed to continue to expand and in 1990 provided
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information to a network of nearly 100 stations throughout the country. In spite of its
chequered past, in 1994 Radio Radicale was chosen by the government to officially
broadcast live sessions of Parliament—an obligation of the Mammì law that the RAI was
apparently not able to discharge—and the income from this service together with its
subsidy as an organ of the Radical Party continued to keep it financially viable.
If the introduction of private television in the early 1980s and the high profile of the
ensuing ‘television wars’ appeared again to relegate radio to a secondary position, this
has largely changed in the 1990s and radio has regained much of its lost ground.
Audiradio, the radio counterpart of Auditel which monitors television audience share,
has estimated a steady growth since the early 1990s of one million new listeners per year.
According to Audioradio data, in 1997 an average of 35 million Italians were listening to
a radio sometime during the day. It thus appears that the inherent advantages of
portability and flexibility of radio over television are likely to continue to make it one of
the most important of the mass media in Italy well into the new century.
See also: broadcasting
Further reading
Eco, U. (1994) ‘Independent Radio in Italy’, in R. Lumley (ed.), Apocalypse Postponed, London:
BFI.
(1983) ‘New Developments in the Mass Media of Contemporary Italy’, in R. Bosworth and G.
Rizzo (eds), Altro Polo: Intellectuals and their Ideas in Contemporary Italy, Sydney: Frederick
May Foundation for Italian Studies.
Monteleone, F. (1992) Storia della radio e della televisione in Italia. Società, politica, strategia,
programmi 1922–1992 (History of Radio and Television in Italy: Society, Politics, Strategies,
Programmes 1922–1992), Venice: Marsilio.
JAN KURZ
GINO MOLITERNO
Radio Alice
The most famous of the ‘free radios’, Radio Alice was founded in Bologna in 1975 by a
collective of students and feminists connected with the Autonomia movement. In
February 1976 it began broadcasting its anarchic and playful format, which included
pranks such as on-air trick phone calls to important politicians and counterfeit news, thus
initiating the practice of dadaist politics later taken up by the satirical magazine Il Male.
Although Bologna had a communist administration, the radio soon came under attack
from local authorities who accused it of inciting civil disobedience. The conflict came to
a head in March 1977 during large-scale demonstrations in the centre of Bologna,
provoked by the death of a student at the hands of police. Functioning as a point of relay
of information and tactics, the radio was able to help demonstrators to anticipate and
counter police moves. When this was discovered, the station was physically dismantled
Entries A–Z 695
by police and the broadcasters arrested on air, several eventually receiving substantial
prison sentences. Despite these upheavals, the station itself survived until 1980 when
many of its collaborators moved to other stations and the collective effectively dissolved.
See also: radio
GINO MOLITERNO
RAI
Relative to its Western European counterparts, the Italian broadcasting system was a slow
developer. Trapped like many aspects of Italian culture and society within an incomplete
process of modernization, the broadcasting system was unsophisticated and rudimentary.
Television was the only ‘mass’ medium in the sense that it addressed the entire
population, but national television coverage was monopolized by a large state-run
broadcasting institution, the RAI (Radiotelevisione Italiana). Furthermore, until the mid-
1970s, the RAI television news reported uncritically the government activities of the day,
provided little space for opposing political views, and excluded the Communist Party
(PCI) from public visibility.
In the early 1970s, a Constitutional Court ruling ended the RAI’s monopoly of
broadcasting by asserting the need for a more pluralist mass media. The resultant
legislation (law no. 103, 1975) presented the first challenge to the old concept and
practice of broadcasting as a centralized public service delivered and controlled by the
state. This triggered a phase of internal organizational reform within the RAI as well as
allowing the emergence of the first privately owned local television networks. The
legislation had two major consequences. First, it strengthened and institutionalized party
political control over the state broadcaster, since an administrative council was created
whose members were nominated by Parliament on a ‘representative’ basis in proportion
to the number of seats of each party. This made the RAI, like other major state
institutions in the First Republic, subject to the practice of lottizzazione whereby the
ruling political parties divided the organization into ‘pillars’ of control, each party
holding patronage of appointment over a’pillar’ of the network. Competition between the
state channels reflected competition between the political parties, as the major channel
Rai Uno became a fiefdom of the Christian Democrats (DC), Rai Due came under the
patronage of the Socialists (PSI), and Rai Tre, the channel initiated to extend the plurality
of coverage, belonged to the Communist Party. The second consequence of the
legislation effecting the RAI’s monopoly was the opening up of broadcasting to the
market, so that from the mid-1980s onwards the privileged and protected position of the
RAI came to be increasingly challenged by competition from an emerging and innovative
private network at the national level. The public broadcaster’s ability to innovate through
commercial activities in this technologically driven sector were constrained by an
organizational ‘logic’ that prioritized the interests of the political parties, and this left
significant commercial opportunities open to the private sector.
Between 1975 and 1990, Italian broadcasting developed within a legislative vacuum
but under the influence and control of the political parties, and it became increasingly
Encyclopedia of contemporary italian culture 696
influenced by the challenge of Silvio Berlusconi’s private broadcasting to the state
monopoly. The overriding political logic of appointments to the RAI made the state
industry a hugely inefficient enterprise that was increasingly unable to justify the
largescale public funding through the licence fee. Crippled by inefficiency and financial
crisis, the RAI tried to compete with the entertainmentbased transmissions of the
Berlusconi group. It subsequently lost distinctiveness and credibility as a public service,
and in any case was more likely to pander to the demands of politicians than serve the
public interest. Like many other state organizations, the RAI became a victim of the
inability of the ‘partycratic’ political system to regulate and make rational decisions for
the future of the industry. The so-called Mammì law, the 1990 Broadcasting Act (law no.
223), entrenched a RAI/Berlusconi ‘duopoly’, but did very little to reduce political party
stranglehold over the state broadcaster. Reform of the RAI remained a hotly debated
political issue over which the parties were unable to reach a consensus.
The collapse of the political system in the early 1990s in the wake of the Tangentopoli
corruption scandals weakened the control of the ‘old’ political parties over the RAI, but
the reorganization of the RAI and the entire broadcasting sector remained a sharply
contested political issue, as a new set of political parties competed to exert control over
the broadcasting system. The situation was complicated and further ‘politicized’ by the
entry of Silvio Berlusconi into party politics at the head of Forza Italia and by his
appointment as Prime Minister for eight months in 1994. Berlusconi retained control of
his private broadcasting empire despite repeated proclamation of an intention to divest
himself of this conflict of interests, as in the proposed sale of Mediaset to Rupert
Murdoch in 1998. In sum, all attempts to reorganize the RAI have remained stifled by a
new type of political competition over broadcasting, which, once more, has worked
against the creation of a rational contextual framework for a mixed private/public
industry to serve the public.
Data on the programming of the RAI networks shows that competition from the
private sector has increased the amount of programmes that are bought relative to those
produced by the RAI, and that there has been a ‘convergence’ between the proportion of
entertainment, cultural programmes, and news and current affairs shown by the public
and private sectors. Commercialization of the industry has, in fact, brought the RAI into
the ‘infotainment’ era. Nevertheless, despite competition, the RAI remains a dominant
actor in Italian broadcasting. By 1993, in the important evening band of viewing (20.30–
22.30), the RAI networks had a combined 48 per cent of the audience, compared to the
44 per cent of Berlusconi’s channels and the 8 per cent of the other networks. Between
the three RAI networks, Rai Uno accounted for 20.5 per cent of the audience, Rai Due
15.7 per cent and Rai Tre 11.8 per cent. It should also be noted that whereas Rai Uno and
Rai Tre screened relatively more news and current affairs, Rai Due served more fiction
and television talk shows.
See also: broadcasting; private television; radio
Further reading
Annuario Rai 1994 (1995), Turin: Nuova Eri (RAI’s data report on broadcasting, with information
on viewing figures, programming and legislation in Italy).
Entries A–Z 697
Mazzoleni, G. (1994) ‘Italy’, in J. Mitchell and J.G. Blumler (eds), Television and the Viewer
Interest: Explorations in the Responsiveness of European Broadcasters, Media Monograph no.
18, London: John Libbey (an account of the development of the regulatory system for
broadcasting in Italy).
Richeri, G. (1990) ‘Hard Times for Public Service Broadcasting: The RAI in the Age of
Commercial Competition’, in Z.G. Baranski and R. Lumley (eds), Culture and Conflict in
Postwar Italy, London: Macmillan.
Statham, P. (1996) ‘Television News and the Public Sphere in Italy: Conflicts at the Media/Politics
Interface’, European Journal of Communication 11 (4):509–54 (an account of the history of the
‘politicization’ of broadcasting with comparative data on public/private news coverage).
PAUL STATHAM
railway system
Italy’s railways emerged heavily damaged from the Second World War and were
reconstructed quite slowly, a fact which increased the technological and organizational
gap compared with the more advanced systems in Europe and long inhibited the FFSS
(Ferrovie dello Stato, or State Railways), the state company established in 1905 after
nationalization of the railways, from meeting the large demand for modern transport
triggered by the economic development of the country. The heyday of the railways came
only in the 1960s, when the modernization of their infrastructures was set as a priority of
both economic planning and direct state intervention to boost economic development of
backward southern regions. New double-track railways were then established along the
North-South axis, as massive migration from the South placed a huge demand on long
distance transport; at the same time, electrification of main lines was completed,
signalling systems were technologically upgraded and trains became faster and more
comfortable.
Nevertheless, improvement also brought contradictions. The railways’ budget
recorded chronic deficits, mostly due to low fares and a disproportionate number of
employees (from 150,000 in the 1950s to over 200,000 in the 1980s), with the lowest
productivity in Western Europe. Moreover, development strategies also turned out to be
rather contradictory. While the core of passenger transport demand was on short or mid-
distance that is, metropolitan and regional networks linked to the main urban centres and
mostly used by daily commuters—investments were focused on long distance traffic and
privileged the modernization of the Rome—Milan line, the capacity of which was
quadrupled in order to compete with the emerging highway system (see autostrada
network). Building or modernizing other North—South lines (namely the coastal
Tirrenian axis from Turin to Rome and the southward leg from Rome toward Naples and
Sicily) was neglected, so that growing traffic found itself compressed into a bottleneck at
the Apennines crossing. At the same time, regional traffic was disregarded with the result
that ageing trains offered a growing number of customers an increasingly worse service,
while no effort was made to provide southern regions with an efficient short-distance
network. Furthermore, FFSS also neglected to develop goods transport, which in other
European countries had proved both a profitable business and a strategic means of
Encyclopedia of contemporary italian culture 698
economic competition. Consequently, decline of efficiency of service came to be
matched only by increase of losses, as during the 1980s FFSS turned into a clientelistic
caravan under managers selected by ruling parties, whose main business was distributing
rich contracts to supply firms in order to benefit their political patrons (see clientelism).
Financial deficit eventually led FFSS to the verge of bankruptcy, while
disorganization, unremitting strikes and finally the eruption of bribery scandals—the
most famous of which was named lenzuola d’oro (golden sheets)—put the railways under
intense scrutiny from unfavourable public opinion. Then, suddenly, there was an
unexpected resurrection, which seemed to gain momentum from the late 1980s on. Ruled
by Lorenzo Necci, an unscrupulous but dynamic manager (later to come under
investigation), FFSS underwent radical changes and its economic performance improved
astonishingly The number of employees dropped to 125,000 after over 80,000 took
advantage of an early retirement programme funded by the government; losses were
gradually reduced and productivity was brought closer to European average.
The most remarkable move of all was the launch of the so-called ‘High Velocity
Project’, which aimed at modernizing the railways network in order to introduce
European-style high-speed transport in Italy. Funded jointly by the European
Community, the Italian government and a pool of leading national and foreign banks,
High Velocity proved the biggest business of public works of the 1990s, and all the main
state-owned and private groups (such as IRI, ENI and IAT) took part in it as general
contractors, each leading large consortia of firms. Unfortunately, this has also proved to
be one of the railways’ biggest failures. Though high-velocity trains (the so-called
‘Pendolino’) have begun to run, not a kilometre of new track has in fact been built and
the project has been hampered by bureaucratic inefficiencies, the paralysis of public
works after Tangentopoli and the opposition of environmentalist organizations.
Consequently, thousand of billions of lire provided by the European Union for
modernizing the Italian network have remained idle, and Italy now risks being excluded
from the European high-velocity network for passengers and goods, a fact which might
have serious economic consequences. In addition, in 1997–8, most likely due to the
ageing of track and signalling infrastructure and cuts in maintenance, several high-
velocity trains were involved in a series of accidents resulting in many deaths and
injuries.
At the same time, FFSS was also being faced with the challenge of strong competition
from foreign railway companies, which were permitted to run trains on the domestic
network from 1999 onwards. Plans for partial privatization also continue to be rumoured,
but the crucial question remains how to rapidly modernize the Italian railways in order to
match efficiency with safety.
STEFANO BATTILOSSI
Raimondi, Ezio
b. 22 March 1924, Lizzano in Belvedere, Bologna
Entries A–Z 699
Literary critic and essayist
After teaching for many years at the University of Bologna, Raimondi is currently the
Cultural Superintendent of Emilia-Romagna. He is one of the few scholars of his
generation who has written profoundly and substantially on all aspects of Italian
literature, from Dante and Petrarch to many contemporary authors. His constant and
preferred subjects have been literary developments during the Renaissance and Baroque
periods, the works of Tasso and Manzoni and contemporary literary theory. In his
numerous critical works, Raimondi has demonstrated the rare ability to intertwine the
most daring literary theories with solid historiographical knowledge and a penetrating
anthropological approach to authors and texts. His books include Poesia come retorica
(Poetry as Rhetoric) (1980), Il romanzo senza idillio. Saggio sui ‘Promessi sposi’ (The
Novel Without Idyll: Essay on Manzoni’s ‘Betrothed’) (1974), Scienza e letteratura
(Science and Literature) (1978) and Le poetiche della modernità (Poetics of Modernity)
(1990).
ANDREA CICCARELLI
Rame, Franca
b. 18 July 1929, Parablago, Milan
Theatre artist
Wife of and co-performer with Dario Fo, Italy’s most famous man of the theatre, Rame
was a member of a family touring company, and her career and that of Fo became
inextricably entwined. He began his career writing farces for the company, and
subsequently they both left the mainstream in the years of political turmoil following the
1968 student uprising to form Associazione Nuova Scena (New Scene Association) and
Collettivo Teatrale La Comune (La Comune Theatrical Collective). During this period
Rame evolved from usually playing the soubrette to taking on more demanding parts, and
she also shouldered an important political and administrative role in running the
companies. Her most impressive work as playwright and performer has been in the
monologues on women’s issues co-written with Fo. Abbiamo tutte la stessa storia (We
All Have the Same Story) and Il risveglio (Waking Up) are scabrous and farcical, but
carry out serious and coherently argued social critiques.
Further reading
Fo, D. and Rame, F. (1983) Theatre Workshops at Riverside Studios, London: Red Notes (valuable
outlines of their working processes).
TIM FITZPATRICK
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