orientation’. Archaisms or learned words are also very frequent: for example, in the
bureaucracy, dirimere ‘to settle’ and codesto ‘that’ continue to be used although
obsolete everywhere else. Sectorial languages abound in rhetorical figures: in the
language of politicians, crisi strisciante ‘creeping crisis’ and manodopera disponibile
‘available workforce’ refer to unemployment and the unemployed, for the double purpose
of catching the audience’s attention and being deliberately obscure; in the language of
sport, novanta minuti di furente battaglia ‘ninety minutes of raging battle’ may describe a
match. Frequently new words are created: in advertising, amarevole ‘bitter’, instead of
amaro, and cioccolatarsi ‘to have oneself a chocolate’ try to have a special impact on
their audience; in politics, Tangentopoli ‘corruption city’ refers to the uncovering of
political and bureaucratic corruption by the Italian magistrates. Many of these new words,
however, have a very limited life-span. Words are also borrowed from other languages:
in sport, pivot, play-maker and tie-break are imported from English. Some borrowings
may take on Italian endings, such as dribblare from ‘to dribble’. Sectorial languages
frequently use routines and formulas: in the bureaucracy, nel caso che ‘in case that’ and
non si esclude che ‘it is not excluded that’ attempt to moderate the general tone of the
statements, and entro e non oltre il giorno ‘within and not beyond the day’, when setting
deadlines, creates an effect of ‘precision’ by being redundant. Interestingly, sectorial
languages also tend to borrow terms from each other: the language of politics draws upon
economics, as in gestione ‘management’ and bilancio ‘budget’; upon sport, as in
rilanciare la palla ‘to resend the ball’; upon medicine, as in diagnosi ‘diagnosis’ and
terapia ‘therapy’; and upon technology, as in freno ‘brake’ and acceleratore
‘accelerator’.
At the grammatical level, sectorial languages display a number of features which
include (1) a very frequent use of prefixes or suffixes such as super-, ultra-, bio- and
mini- in advertising, -ista and -ino in politics, to form for example leghista ‘member of
the Lega Nord’ and pidiessino ‘member of the PDS’; and (2) a preference for nominal
structures, so that verbs tend to be substituted with a verb plus noun structure: for
example, in bureaucracy, prendere in esame ‘to take something into consideration’
instead of esaminare ‘to examine’, and opporre un rifiuto ‘to give a refusal’ instead of
rifiutare ‘to refuse’.
The lexicon of specialist languages differs from that of sectorial languages as they
need to refer to entities with maximum precision and clarity; hence, each term has one
meaning only and cannot be substituted by a synonym but at the most by a definition, in
order to avoid any possible ambiguity. Their terms often have everyday equivalents: for
example, acido cloridrico ‘hydrochloric acid’ versus acido muriatico ‘muriatic acid’.
Furthermore, new terms are created by using a few standard mechanisms: in medicine,
the suffix—osi is used to refer to a chronic disease, as in scoliosi ‘scoliosis’, and -oma to
refer to types of tumours, as in carcinoma ‘carcinoma’. Thus, a great number of new
terms can be formed through a limited number of endings. Specialist languages also
employ everyday terms with a totally different meaning—in mathematics, campo ‘field’
refers to an algebraic system with particular properties and they borrow or translate
words from other languages: for example, ‘pace maker’ in medicine, and ‘fiscal drag’ and
drenaggio fiscale in economics.
At the grammatical level, texts in specialist languages also display a strong preference
for nouns and more generally for nominalization, whereby a verb is turned into a noun,
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