Powell J. Encyclopedia Of North American Immigration

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is aflame with lightning, and the thunder rolls and crashes as

though it were right above our heads. Quite often the lightning

strikes down both cattle and people, damages property, and

splinters sturdy oak trees into many pieces. Even though one

did not fear the thunder in Norway, one can easily become

frightened here.

Then there is the prairie fire or, as they call it here,

“Faieren.” This is terrifying, and the fire rages in both the

spring and the fall. Whatever it leaves behind in the fall, it

consumes in the spring, so there is nothing left of the long grass

on the prairies, sloughs, and marshes. It is a strange and terrible

sight to see all the fields a sea of fire. Quite often the scorching

flames sweep everything along in their path—people, cattle

hay, fences. . . .

Snakes are found here in the summertime and are also a

worry to us. I am horribly afraid of them, particularly the rat-

tlesnake. The rattlesnake is the same as the klapperslange. I have

seen many of them and thousands of or

dinary snakes.

I could tell you even more, but possibly many who read

this letter may think I am exaggerating. I assure you that all that

I have told you I have experienced myself. If they do not believe

me, they should come over and find out for themselves. Then

they would tell you the same things I tell you.

By the way, no one leaving Norway should sell all his pos-

sessions as most people do. Everything that is useful in Nor-

way is also useful here. The women can make use of all their

clothes, with the exception of their headdress, bodice, jackets,

and kerchiefs. All these they could sell, but all the other clothes

they could make over and wear here. Everything Norwegian is

of better quality than what can be bought here. So I am very

grateful to you, my parents, every time I touch anything I have

received from you. Bedding, too, should be brought along, as

it’s colder here in the winter than in Norway. Even those who

criticize Norway and praise America must admit this. . . .

Estherville, Emmett Co., Iowa

December 3, 1865

Precious Parents, Sisters, and Brothers:

. . . We have had a good year, a rich harvest both from the grain

that we sowed as well as from the wild fruit and grain. We have

plowed and fenced in three acres of new land. On this plot we

raised ninety bushels of corn, twenty-four bushels of potatoes,

and a plant called sugar cane or sorghum. This sugar cane is

pressed and cooked into syrup or molasses. . . . We also got some

fruit from our garden. It would take too long to list all of it, but

I must tell you something about a fruit called “watermelon.” We

have an enormous quantity of them; I can’t compare them to

anything I ever saw in Norway. They are as big as a child’s head;

some are larger. They are round, and the inside is red or yellow.

The melons are sweet and juicy. They are eaten just as they are

taken from the field, provided they are ripe. . . . We sometimes

sell melons to wayfarers passing by. We usually get ten cents

apiece for them. However, most of the melons we shared with

our friends and neighbors, many of whom had walked several

miles in order to get a chance to taste our watermelons and

muskmelons. The latter fruit is not quite so good as the first.

Our harvest was not abundant, but since it was enough to

supply our needs for the year and since it was raised on land

that we call our own, I want to tell you about it. This summer

we plowed up three acres of land that we plan to sow with

wheat next year. Had we known that Ole would come back,

we would have plowed up more land this summer. Not know-

ing when he would return, we let it go with just three acres. By

the time he did come home, it was too late to plow any more,

so we’re letting it go till next summer. So you see we haven’t so

many acres “under the plow” as they say, but it’s not so easy to

get ahead if one attempts too much.

This winter we are feeding twenty-one head of cattle, two

pigs (a sow and a boar), two horses (a mare and a colt), and

three sheep belonging to brother Ole. We also have two bulls

belonging to brother Sevat Svendsen. We are paid cash for feed-

ing these cattle. All told we have sixteen farm animals of our

own, not counting the young cattle. . . .

Our house is very small and humble, but it’s a shelter from

the cold winter. I shall say no more about it. However, next

spring, if we are all here and all is well, we hope to build a large

and comfortable house. We shall build even though it costs a

great deal of money to build houses in this country.

The spring of 1864 we bought twelve and a half acres of

woodland for one hundred dollars, or eight dollars an acre. We

borrowed the money from old Svend at seven percent interest

with five years to pay. The trees are exceptionally fine, so if we

should want to sell the land again, it would not be difficult to

get twice the amount that we paid for it. There is not a great

deal of woodland here, and therefore that type of land is much

in demand and the prices are steadily rising. . ..

We have had very little pastoral service so far, but we soon

hope to get more. A certain Pastor Torgersen has taken it upon

himself to visit this congregation two or three times a year. I

think we have been very fortunate this fall to have had two ser-

vices. Two years ago we had thirteen Norwegian families in

this congregation, and now we have thirty families and more

are constantly moving in. Maybe in time we may be so many

that we can have our own pastor.

Source: Gro Svendsen, Frontier Mother: The Letters of Gro Svendsen,

eds. Pauline Farseth and Theodore C. Blegen (Northfield, Minn.: Nor-

wegian-American H

istorical Association, 1950), pp. 39–41, 70–73.

Documents on Chinese Exclusion,

1880–1882

In the three decades following the California gold rush of

1848–49, around 300,000 Chinese immigrated to the United

States. By the 1870s, they constituted almost 10 percent of the

population. At first, the hardworking Chinese were generally

well received, working in mines and related service industries

and in railway construction. With the economic hard times of

the 1870s, many westerners blamed Chinese immigrants for

taking jobs and depressing wages. By the late 1870s, politicians

344 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF NORTH AMERICAN IMMIGRATION

in the Midwest and East took an interest in placating an

increasingly violent white labor force and thus were inclined to

agree to limitations on Chinese immigration. In 1879, Henry

George published Progress and Poverty, one of the most influ-

ential economic tr

acts of the 19th centur

y, in which he con-

cluded that the Chinese were economically backward and

“unassimilable.” In the same year, President Rutherford B.

Hayes encouraged Congress to examine ways of limiting Chi-

nese immigration. The United States and China modified the

labor provisions of the Burlingame Treaty (1868) by negotiat-

ing a new measure, the Angell Treaty (1881), which gave the

United States authority to regulate the immigration of Chinese

laborers. A bill was quickly brought forward to exclude Chi-

nese laborers for 20 years, but it was vetoed by President

Chester A. Arthur, who argued that such a long period of

exclusion would contravene the articles of the Angell Treaty.

Arthur reluctantly signed a revised measure, the Chinese

Exclusion Act on May 6, 1882. The Chinese Exclusion Act was

the first measure to exclude a specific ethnic group from immi-

grating to the United States.

ANGELL TREATY, 1881

. . . Whereas the Government of the United States, because of

the constantly increasing immigration of Chinese laborers to

the territory of the United States, and the embarrassments con-

sequent upon such immigration, now desires to negotiate a

modification of the existing Treaties which shall not be in direct

contravention of their spirit: . . .

ART. I. Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the

United States, the coming of Chinese laborers to the United

States, or their residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the

interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of the

said country or of any locality within the territory thereof, the

Government of China agrees that the Government of the United

States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming or residence,

but may not absolutely prohibit it. The limitation or suspension

shall be reasonable and shall apply only to Chinese who may go

to the United States as laborers, other classes not being included

in the limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers

will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce the reg-

ulation, limitation or suspension of immigration, and immi-

grants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or abuse.

ART. II. Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the

United States as teachers, students, merchants, or from curios-

ity, together with their body and household servants, and Chi-

nese laborers who are now in the United States, shall be allowed

to go and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be

accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions

which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most

favored nation.

ART. III. If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class,

now either permanently or temporarily residing in the terri-

tory of the United States, meet with ill treatment at the hands

of any other persons, the Government of the United States will

exert all its power to devise measures for their protection and to

secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities and

exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the

most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by

treaty. . . .

Source: Malloy, William, ed. Treaties, Conventions, International Acts,

Protocols, and Agreements between the United States of America and

Other Powers, 1776–1909 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government

Printing O

ffice, 1910), 1: 237 ff.

CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT, MAY 6, 1882

An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese.

WHEREAS, in the opinion of the Government of the United

States the coming of Chinese laborers to this country endangers

the good order of certain localities within the territory thereof:

Therefore,

Be it enacted, That from and after the expiration of ninety

days next after the passage of this act, and until the expiration

of ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of

Chinese laborers to the United States be, . . . suspended; and

during such suspension it shall not be lawful for any Chinese

laborer to come, or, having so come after the expiration of said

ninety days, to remain within the United States.

SEC. 2. That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly

bring within the United States on such vessel, and land or permit

to be landed, any Chinese laborer, from any foreign port or place,

shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction

thereof shall be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred

dollars for each and every such Chinese laborer so brought, and

may be also imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year.

SEC. 3. That the two foregoing sections shall not apply to

Chinese laborers who were in the United States on the seven-

teenth day of November, eighteen hundred and eighty, or who

shall have come into the same before the expiration of ninety

days next after the passage of this act, . . .

SEC. 4. That for the purpose of properly identifying

Chinese laborers who were in the United States . . . or shall

come into the same before the expiration of ninety days next

after the passage of this act, and in order to furnish them with

the proper evidence of their right to go from and to come to

the United States of their own free will and accord, as pro-

vided by the treaty of the United States and China . . . the col-

lector of customs of the district from which any such Chinese

laborer shall depart from the United States shall, in person or

by deputy, go on board each vessel having on board any such

Chinese laborer and cleared or about to sail from his district

for a foreign port, and on such vessel make a list of all such

laborers, which shall be entered in registry-books to be kept

for that purpose, in which shall be stated the name, age, occu-

pation, last place of residence, physical marks or peculiari-

ties, and all facts necessary for identification of each of such

Chinese laborers, which books shall be kept in the custom-

house. . . .

APPENDIX A 345

SEC. 6. That in order to the faithful execution of articles

one and two of the treaty in this act before mentioned, every

Chinese person other than a laborer who may be entitled by

said treaty and this act to come within the United States, and

who shall be about to come to the United States, shall be iden-

tified as so entitled by the Chinese Government in each case,

such identity to be evidenced by a certificate issued under the

authority of said government, which certificate shall be in the

English language or (if not in the English language) accompa-

nied by a translation into English, stating such right to come,

and which certificate shall state the name, title, or official rank,

if any, the age, height, and all physical peculiarities former and

present occupation or profession and place of residence in

China of the person to whom the certificate is issued and that

such person is entitled conformably to the treaty in this act

mentioned to come within the United States. . . .

SEC. 12. That no Chinese person shall be permitted to

enter the United States by land without producing to the

proper office of customs the certificate in this act required of

Chinese persons seeking to land from a vessel. Any any Chinese

person found unlawfully within the United States shall be

caused to be removed therefrom to the country from whence he

came, by direction of the President of the United States, and at

the cost of the United States, after being brought before some

justice, judge, or commissioner of a court of the United States

and found to be one not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the

United States.

SEC. 13. That this act shall not apply to diplomatic and

other officers of the Chinese Government traveling upon the

business of that government, whose credentials shall be taken as

equivalent to the certificate in this act mentioned, and shall

exempt them and their body and household servants from the

provisions of this act as to other Chinese persons.

SEC. 14. That hereafter no State court or court of the

United States shall admit Chinese to citizenship; and all laws in

conflict with this act are hereby repealed.

SEC. 15. That the words “Chinese laborers,” whenever

used in this act, shall be construed to mean both skilled and

unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining.

Source: U.S. Statutes at Large 22 (1882), p. 58ff.

Nativism in Print, Two Examples,

1916–1917

Fear of a Japanese so-called yellow peril on the West Coast and

the record pace of immigration from southern and eastern

Europe since the turn of the century, along with the profound

shock of World War I, led to a growing nativism in the United

States after 1900. In public discourse, it was fostered by men

such as Madison Grant, a wealthy New York City naturalist

and urban planner, who urged the Nordic ideal, “the white

man par excellence,” who was about to be made extinct by the

new “melting pot” society. Grant was only one of many Ameri-

cans who feared the consequences of almost unrestricted immi-

gration. As a result, the Immigration Act of 1917 was passed,

marking a turning point in American immigration legislation.

Prohibiting entry to aliens more than 16 years of age who could

not read 30–40 words in their own language, it was the first

legislation aimed at restricting, rather than regulating, Euro-

pean immigration. It further extended the tendency toward a

“white” immigration policy, creating an “Asiatic barred zone”

that prohibited entry of most Asians.

EXCERPT FROM MADISON GRANT,

THE PASSING OF THE GREAT RACE, 1916

We Americans must realize that the altruistic ideals which have

controlled our social development during the past century and

the maudlin sentimentalism that has made America “an asylum

for the oppressed,” are sweeping the nation toward a racial

abyss. If the Melting Pot is allowed to boil without control and

we continue to follow our national motto and deliberately

blind ourselves to all “distinctions of race, creed or color,” the

type of native American of Colonial descent will become as

extinct as the Athenian of the age of Pericles, and the Viking of

the days of Rollo.

Source: Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race, new ed. (New

York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1918), p. 263.

EXCERPT FROM THE (U.S.)

IMMIGRATION ACT, 1917

Immigration Act, 1917. Section 3. That the following classes of

aliens shall be excluded from admission into the United States:

All idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons, epileptics, insane

persons . . . persons with chronic alcoholism; paupers; profes-

sional beggars; vagrants; persons afflicted with tuberculosis in

any form or a loathsome or dangerous contagious disease; per-

sons not comprehended within any of the foregoing excluded

classes who are found to be and are certified by the examining

surgeon as being mentally or physically defective, such physi-

cal defect being of a nature which may affect the ability of such

alien to earn a living; persons who have been convicted of a

felony or other crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpi-

tude; polygamists, or persons who practice polygamy or believe

in and advocate the practice of polygamy; anarchists, or persons

who advocate the overthrow by force or violence of the Gov-

ernment of the United States, or of all forms of law . . . or who

advocate the assassination of public officials, or who advocate

and teach the unlawful destruction of property . . .; prosti-

tutes, or persons coming to the United States for the purpose of

prostitution or immoral purposes . . .; persons hereinafter called

contract laborers . . .; persons likely to become public

charges . . .; persons whose ticket or passage is paid for with

the money of any corporation, association, society, municipal-

ity, or foreign government, either directly or indirectly; stow-

aways . . .; all children under sixteen years of age unaccompanied

346 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF NORTH AMERICAN IMMIGRATION

by or not coming to one or both of their parents . . . unless oth-

erwise provided for by existing treaties, persons who are natives

of islands not possessed by the United States adjacent to the

continent of Asia, situate south of the twentieth parallel lati-

tude north, west of the one hundred and sixtieth meridian of

longitude east from Greenwich, and north of the tenth parallel

of latitude south, or who are natives of any country, province,

or dependency situate on the Continent of Asia west of the

one hundred and tenth meridian of longitude east from Green-

wich and east of the fiftieth meridian of longitude east from

Greenwich and south of the fiftieth parallel of latitude north,

except that portion of said territory situate between the fiftieth

and sixty-fourth and thirty-eighth parallels of latitude north,

and no alien now in any way excluded from, or prevented from

entering the United States shall be admitted to the United

States. . . .

That after three months from the passage of this Act in

addition to the aliens who are by law now excluded from

admission into the United States, the following persons shall

also be excluded:

All aliens over sixteen years of age, physically capable of

reading, who cannot read the English language, or some other

language or dialect, including Hebrew or Yiddish: Provided,

That any admissable alien, or any alien heretofore or hereafter

legally admitted, or any citizen of the United States, may bring

in or send for his father or grandfather over fifty-five years of

age, his wife, his mother, his grandmother, or his unmarried or

widowed daughter, if otherwise admissible, whether such rela-

tive can read or not; and such relative shall be permitted to

enter. That for the purpose of ascertaining whether aliens can

read the immigrant inspectors shall be furnished with slips of

uniform size, prepared under the direction of the Attorney

General, each containing not less than thirty nor more than

forty words in ordinary use, printed in plainly legible type in

some one of the various languages or dialects of immigrants.

Each alien may designate the particular language or dialect in

which he desires the examination to be made, and shall be

required to read the words printed on the slip in such language

or dialect. . . .

Source: Immigration Act, U.S. Code, 39 sec. 874.

An Autobiographical Account

of the Immigration Work

of a Voluntary Agency, 1920s

In 1922, reports of Russians suffering as a result of the Com-

munist takeover in Russia led many Canadian Christian

denominations to support a voluntary resettlement program.

The Mennonites were most active, but there were also signifi-

cant efforts made by the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and Bap-

tist Churches. In 1925, the Northern Conference of German

Baptists formed the Baptist Immigration Society and began to

work closely with the Canadian Pacific and Canadian North-

ern Railways to bring Baptist and other refugees to the Cana-

dian prairies from Russia, Poland, and other eastern European

countries. In 1929, with the support of the two railroads, the

organization was expanded and incorporated as the German

Baptist Colonization Society. Most of the east European immi-

grants of the 1920s were brought to Canada in small groups

through the efforts of such voluntary agencies. Below, coloniza-

tion secretary Reverend F. A. Bloedow describes his work in

bringing German immigrants to two Manitoba settlements, at

Minitonas-Swan River and Ste Rose-Ochre River.

(Translated from Der Sendbote, February 1936):

I was no sooner back on my legs, when the Lord had a new

task for me. Brother William Kuhn came to visit us and greeted

me with a hearty brother kiss, rejoicing over my recovery. At the

same time he informed me that now I had to assist him and

the Mission Society in matters of immigration. He based his

request on my accurate knowledge of Canada and the Cana-

dian way of life. So I had to accompany him right away to the

railroad, which was to transport our immigrants in order to be

presented to the proper railway authorities and so to be intro-

duced properly to my coming task. While I was still recuperat-

ing in bed, they had already discussed the immigration matter

and informed at that time of the present situation.

Soon I was in full action and met and escorted the first

group from Quebec. From that time until 1939 we served

approximately 2,500 immigrants. The ministry was not popu-

lar everywhere, but on the long run it proved a great blessing

to our conference. Without it our conference would not be

where it is. Every church received its quota of new people. Not

all became a blessing. But wherever a church accepted the peo-

ple properly it received advantages. Wherever this did not take

place the blame was either in a non-sympathetic church lead-

ership or the church was too weak to assimilate the new blood.

One particular phase of the immigration movement has up to

now been receiving sufficient attention. I refer to the new flow

of real good material into the ministry through the Seminary.

The immigration did bring a great number of able young stu-

dents to Rochester, as a result of which today more than one

half of the student body comes from the Northern Conference.

And these brethren are not straw-men; they are real first-class

men, who ably meet the demands in both languages.

In connection with this task I was also privileged to make

a trip to Europe in the interest of immigration. But this was not

a pleasure trip when we could enjoy the sights of Europe, but

it was a real business trip, on which I did not even have the time

to visit my own home for more than two days which I had not

seen for thirty-six years. But I owe much to this journey, which

brought me through almost the entire Danube mission fields,

as well as to Poland, Holland and England. Everywhere, except

in the two last countries, I had the privilege of proclaiming the

gospel and bringing lectures. My two or three travel compan-

ions will testify to the fact that even this part of my travel activ-

ity did not remain without blessing. I shall always remember

APPENDIX A 347

this trip with a great deal of satisfaction. I need not at this place

go into details since the report appeared in this paper at that

time. Suffice it to say that this journey had a fruitful effect on

everything.

The immigration task was not easy. At one time I accom-

panied a group of 173 people from Halifax to Winnipeg. Since

we had neither sleeper nor diner on the train, I had to go three

days and three nights without a warm meal, and without bed,

sleeping on the hard benches of the old colonist cars. During

the daytime we had to watch over the passengers, lest anyone

should remain behind. Frequently I arrived home dead tired,

but had to arise early the next morning to look after the onward

trip and housing of people. Without self-praise we can state

that the work was a blessed one. As a result every church gained

new members, in addition to the founding of two settlements

with a church. One of these has already grown to be one of the

largest if not the largest of our rural churches, which is being

served by my good friend, Rev. J. Luebeck (Minitonas, Man.

Ed.). The other church (St. Rose-Ochre River, Man., Ed.) has

already transferred ten families to Vancouver and Kelowna.

The depression came with the years 1929 and 1930 and

with this the doors for immigrants closed automatically. My co-

workers on this project, the brethren E. P. Wahl, A. Kujath and

R. Runtz as well as my son Wilfred and as the pastors who

served as counselors and assistant, but particularly Dr. Wm.

Kuhn as general manager, have deserved the thanks and

acknowledgement of the entire denomination, but especially

from the Northern Conference. Without immigration this con-

ference would have become stagnant. If, however, the confer-

ence utilizes the movement properly it has the potential of

becoming first among its sister conferences.

Double Service

Even after the immigration ceased, there remained much

work with the collection of travel advances, loans for cows as

well as the further guidance of the immigrants in many areas.

This in itself could have kept a man busy fill-time, but for some

time I had given my time to pastorless churches, and provided

with a railroad pass looked after their needs. It was, therefore,

quite natural that the mission committee asked me to attend

to all pastorless churches.

Thus I came quite naturally back into travel service

besides the ministry in settlement. This double service was

spread over the entire conference area. Neither did it remain

without visible results. I could encourage a good number of

churches and advise them in the calling of a pastor. Kelowna

was called into life and Vernon received its beginning. During

evangelistic meetings a good number of people were con-

verted and new churches established. After one particular

beautiful revival I could baptize 41 souls; in another church

there were 18, and in a third church we had over 20 souls

which I could dedicate to the Lord in baptism and incorpo-

rate into the church.

Besides this service in churches I could assist in Bible

schools in three Associations. This work became of great impor-

tance to the conference, but unfortunately it is still not on a

proper basis. It will moreover never be properly based until a

man with the necessary talent dedicate himself to this task on

a conference-wide basis and establish some unity of purpose.

Up to this time there has not been the clear and unified vision

for this task.

Since April 1935, my service to churches is limited to two

fields. For this work we have set some very definite goals and

believe in the realization and assistance of our Master. We

intend to add to each of these churches a preaching station. In

one of the churches we have already been successful. In the

other one we shall carry this out in the spring if God will give

us open doors. We firmly believe in the victory of the cause of

Christ even on these fields, and trust that in the not too dis-

tant future we shall see two pastors on these fields. We enjoy

buildings nests for others, even if at the expense of our own

assured future.

Gradually the immigration is again taking foot. With the

return of better times it will under the leadership of our new

government again take firm footing. We may not be able to

conduct this ministry as in former times, but it will again

require the full-time service of a man. God willing we should

enjoy to continue directing this service for the welfare of our

beloved conference. The past has given us plenty of experience

and ability. God willing we shall complete 60 years of our life

this year. As far as strength and joy for work I feel that our age

is like unto the youth. With good health I would enjoy living

100 years, in order to partake in the completion of the King-

dom of God on this earth. If the Lord should hold me worthy

to share during the coming thirty years a similar portion of

work as during the past thirty years, I would with great faith-

fulness and dedication serve my Master and Saviour. He be

praised in all eternity.

Source: William Sturhahn, They Came from East and West: A History

of Immigration to Canada (Winnipeg, Canada: North American Bap-

tist I

mmigration and Colonization Society, 1976), pp. 295–298.

A Japanese Woman’s Account of Her

Evacuation from British Columbia, 1942

Following the bombing of Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, on Decem-

ber 7, 1941, Japanese Americans and Japanese Canadians

were widely suspected as supporters of the aggressive militarism

of the Japanese Empire. Without evidence of any sabotage or

spying, on February 19, 1942, President Franklin D. Roo-

sevelt signed an executive order resulting in the forcible intern-

ment of 120,000 Japanese Americans, two-thirds of whom

were born in the United States. In the same month, the Cana-

dian government ordered the expulsion of 22,000 Japanese

Canadians from a 100-mile strip along the Pacific coast. In the

following excerpt from an interview, Maki Fukishima recalls

how she lost everything in the evacuation and why she stayed

in Canada.

348 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF NORTH AMERICAN IMMIGRATION

In wartime, all kinds of rumours were circulating. Some people

said that if young people were sent to the camps out east, they

might have to go to war. At the time, my oldest son had a wife

and a baby. I thought it would be too sad if they were separated,

and we thought of a place where we could all go together. We

didn’t have the money to move where we wanted. So we applied

for sugar beet growing in Alberta, where we could go as a family.

The people around me didn’t have anything good to say

about our going to the sugar beet fields. My husband’s best friend

said “You shouldn’t go to work on beets. It’s like being a traitor.”

Making sugar out of beets meant cooperating with the Canadian

government that had a policy to produce more sugar. It would be

like making bullets for rifles or a sign of loyalty to this country.

I said “We’re going to the sugar beet fields, because we

decided that’s how we can go as a family. The last thing we’d

do is aim a rifle at Japan. I’ve got a Rising Sun flag in my heart,”

and off we went. We’d never farmed, so that was a worry, but

we went because we’d be together. The Japanese all had differ-

ent ways of thinking, and coping with things, but we were

about the only family that went from Fairview to Alberta; I did-

n’t know what else to do.

My husband had died in January [1942] and we left Van-

couver in May. My second son was working as a book-keeper in

the Fraser Valley Farmers’ Association. He sacrificed himself

and took everybody along with him to Alberta. He was 22 or

23. At the time I wasn’t naturalized, so I was an “Enemy Alien.”

In the late 1920s, the thinking generally was that there should-

n’t be any extra Japanese around, and after it looked like a war

was coming, it wasn’t easy to get naturalized.

We were in Alberta four years, all during the war, and had

a terrible time. When we were on the train leaving New West-

minster, a telegram came. It said they didn’t need any more

Japanese. We’d cleared out our house, so even if we were told

to go home, there wasn’t any home to go to. So we went off just

as we were. We got to Lethbridge in Alberta, after two whole

days on the train. Nobody came to meet us, no bosses. They

didn’t want any Japanese coming. Then it got to be like being

sold as slaves. We got taken all across Alberta from west to east,

stopping at every station, and family after family got sold off.

We were just five adults and a baby, but we weren’t farmers

so it was very hard to find a buyer. We were leftover goods,

and got sold at the very end. Nowadays, there’s oil in Alberta,

but then, it was nothing but poor farming villages. It was a cold

place, not good for beets. Right away, we planted seeds, but

they didn’t grow well. July came, but now it was too hot and the

beets grew and grew, it was earth that you couldn’t grow daikon

radish in, but it was good for leaves. We broke our backs work-

ing, but we failed.

The first year we got treated like enemies, and the people

hated us. But after that year, they realized that Japanese were

hard workers, and honest too, so they took a liking to us, and

when you said, “All right, we’re leaving the fields,” now they

wouldn’t let us. The bosses just wouldn’t sign the papers. Their

beet-field labour would dry up, so they wouldn’t let us leave the

province. There was sugar shortage in wartime, so they had to

get beets grown. There was no work at all besides beet grow-

ing, and the young people started wanting to go east. . . .

We lost everything in four years. I didn’t get mad. I

thought it was no use. Because we were Japanese, we had to go

where they said. You can’t do anything else, if this isn’t the

country you were born in; if you’re told to get out, that’s what

you have to do. When we left B.C., I didn’t think Japan would

lose the war, and I thought it would be over soon, so we left

everything behind. We left the good things, that is, and only

brought the junk. My feeling was to be loyal to this country.

But at that time, I hadn’t been naturalized, so I was a citizen of

an enemy country. I thought I’d go to Japan, because the chil-

dren could get along by themselves. . . .

After the war, people had all kinds of ideas about what they

should do with themselves, and I had trouble deciding, too.

Some people kept saying I should go to Japan, and others said:

“In Japan, they’ve got everything ready to welcome us.” But

other people said, “Even if you go back to Japan, what are you

going to do after the war in a small country like that?” I was at

my wits’ end, I didn’t know where to turn, and in the end I went

and signed in to be repatriated. My second son was shocked at

this, and came hurrying back from the east, and applied to the

Mounties for a cancellation. He insisted we were in Canada, and

he wouldn’t let his mother go back to Japan alone.

He went through all the steps to change the application,

and a few months later, I got news that I could stay in

Canada, so my problem was solved. But I’d thought that if I

was going to be a burden to my children, it would be better to

live in Japan. But it isn’t good for a family to get split up, no

matter what.

Source: Tomoko Makabe, Picture Brides: Japanese Women in Canada,

trans. Kathleen Chisato Merken (Toronto: Multicultural History Soci-

ety of Ontario, 1995), pp

. 59–62.

Anglo-American

Committee of Inquiry, 1946

With the war over, the Allies met to examine a wide range of issues

regarding the millions of persons who had been displaced by World

War II, especially the Jews who had escaped the Holocaust. Their

task, as stated in the committee report, was to “examine political,

economic and social conditions in Palestine as they bear upon the

problem of Jewish immigration and settlement” and “the position

of the Jews in those countries in Europe where they have been the

victims of Nazi and Fascist persecution.” Although Palestine

offered significant help to the Jews, the commission recognized that

they alone could not meet Jewish needs. It was recommended that

both the United States and Canada relax some immigration rules

and encourage other nations to do the same.

Recommendation No. 1. We have to report that such informa-

tion as we received about countries other than Palestine gave no

APPENDIX A 349

hope of substantial assistance in finding homes for Jews wish-

ing or impelled to leave Europe.

But Palestine alone cannot meet the emigration needs of

the Jewish victims of Nazi and Fascist persecution; the whole

world shares responsibility for them and indeed for the reset-

tlement of all “displaced persons”.

We therefore recommend that our Governments together,

and in association with other countries, should endeavor imme-

diately to find new homes for all such “displaced persons”, irre-

spective of creed or nationality, whose ties with their former

communities have been irreparably broken.

Though emigration will solve the problems of some vic-

tims of persecution, the overwhelming majority, including a

considerable number of Jews, will continue to live in Europe.

We recommend therefore that our Governments endeavor to

secure that immediate effect is given to the provision of the

United Nations Charter calling for “universal respect for, and

observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all

without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion”.

Comment

In recommending that our Governments, in association with

other countries, should endeav

or to find new homes for “dis-

placed persons”, we do not suggest that any country should be

asked to make a permanent change in its immigration policy.

The conditions, which we have seen in Europe, are unprece-

dented, and so unlikely to arise again that we are convinced that

special provision could and should be made in existing immigra-

tion laws to meet this unique and peculiarly distressing situation.

Furthermore, we believe that much could be accom-

plished—particularly in regard to those “displaced persons”,

including Jews, who have relatives in countries outside

Europe—by a relaxation of administrative regulations.

Our investigations have led us to believe that a consider-

able number of Jews will continue to live in most European

countries. In our view the mass emigration of all European

Jews would be of service neither to the Jews themselves nor

to Europe. Every effort should be made to enable the Jews to

rebuild their shattered communities, while permitting those

Jews, who wish to do so, to emigrate. In order to achieve this,

restitution of Jewish property should be effected as soon as

possible. Our investigations showed us that the Governments

chiefly concerned had for the most part already passed legis-

lation to this end. A real obstacle, however, to individual resti-

tution is that the attempt to give effect to this legislation is

frequently a cause of active anti-Semitism. We suggest that,

for the reconstruction of the Jewish communities, restitution

of their corporate property, either through reparations pay-

ments or through other means, is of the first importance.

Nazi occupation has left behind it a legacy of anti-

Semitism. This cannot be combated by legislation alone. The

only really effective antidotes are the enforcement by each Gov-

ernment of guaranteed civil liberties and equal rights, a pro-

gram of education in the positive principles of democracy,

[and] the sanction of a strong world public opinion combined

with economic recovery and stability.

Source: Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Lausanne, Switzer-

land, April 20, 1946 (Department of State, Publication 2536, Near

Eastern Series 2), found on Avalon Project, available online, URL:

http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/anglo/angpre.htm, accessed

March 6, 2004.

Recollections of the Refugee Years,

1946–1970

World War II displaced millions of people. Hundreds of thou-

sands of homes were destroyed, and thousands of civilians were

forced into military service and taken far from their homelands.

Some had fled before advancing Soviet armies, fearful of living

under Joseph Stalin’s rule. At war’s end, some 2 million were

still living in refugee camps. Finding a home in Canada meant

freedom from the camps but also new, albeit smaller, obstacles to

overcome. Here are the postwar reminiscences of two refugees

who settled in Canada.

Freedom and Beef Stew

To be free. To be free in a country that is free. That is why

we came to Canada. No other reason at first. Just freedom.

I don’t know how. I didn’t read about it. I didn’t know any

Canadians or about Canada. I just knew it would be a free

country, and when I said to my wife, “This camp is no good,

we’ll be here forever, so we’re going to Canada,” she said,

“Good. It will be free, a place where we can have our children

being free.”

In the camp where we were interviewed, the Canadian

official said Winnipeg would be a good place to go. I didn’t

care. I didn’t know where Winnipeg was. It sounded like it

might have been an Indian word. He said, “There are a lot of

Jewish people and they will look after you. They have organi-

zations and things like that and if you want, they will find you

a place to stay and a place to work.”

That’s the way it was. We were met at the station by the

hotel which is torn down, the Royal Alexandra, and there was

a big bunch of refugees. We were called Displaced Persons. No

home, no money. Nothing. Just ourselves and our kids, and

saying we want to be free....

The food. Look, mister, in the camps there was no food,

and this was in October of 1946 when we left, some of the

first ones to come to Canada. You got a bowl of soup. You

might find a bit of meat in it. Tiny, like this. No bigger than

this, my thumbnail. Bread at first was terrible, so we baked our

own bread and then it got better. A few potatoes. Turnips. You

know, not much vitamins, I think.

So the food. Jesus Christ! I never even saw so much food

in any store in Prague, even before the Germans came. That

was the Putsch. Remember? That started the world war. Not

Hitler going into Poland. Nah! Nah! It was Hitler pushing

around little Czechoslovakia. . . .

We went for walks when I could buy better clothing,

boots, you know. Warm underwear. We went to the park, they

350 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF NORTH AMERICAN IMMIGRATION

called it City Park. Assiniboine Park. You know it? We’d go on

Sundays and nobody would be there, and all this snow on the

ground, and we’d run around. Even me. Laughing, saying we’re

free. This is a free country. We’re in it. Look at the trees. Hear

the train whistle way over there. There might be a rabbit we

could chase. And nobody there. Eight hundred acres, maybe

more. Ours. The girls would run and jump and play in the

snow, and we would walk about three miles home, and I’d

think, why don’t Canadians go to their wonderful park? See,

nobody was there.

That was Christmas of 1946. We didn’t have a turkey. I

don’t think there was any way to cook it. We had stew and

dumplings again, but it was the best in the world. Then we

prayed before we ate, and I said, “Remember, children, a year

ago we were in the camp and what we had to eat. Remember?”

They said yes.

That Christmas was the best we ever had. I wish I could

write a poem about it. I’m no good at that stuff, but I had it in

my heart what I would say. I’d say, “Canada, all you people in

it, excuse my bad English, but my wife and babies and me, we

thank you. We thank you so much.” I could cry.

Three Cheers for Miss Hudson!

When I started school, I didn’t know one word of English.

Not a bit of English. We were just off the boat, we’d moved to

southern Ontario, and that summer we’d worked in the harvest

fields and somehow, and I don’t know how, my father had man-

aged to put a down payment on a little house and he was work-

ing on a farm, as a labourer. That was the way it was in

September of 1950. I was seven.

Today, you can’t imagine anybody going in cold, in a way

of putting it. At first there is a wall. Glass. You can see people.

They’re mouthing things at you, but it all makes no sense

whatever. But I can remember, within a couple of weeks I

was bringing home these books in English and reading them.

What happened was I had this fantastic teacher. She was

just young. Her name was Miss Hudson. What she did, she

kept me after school. About an hour a day. I’ll go back. I could

read and write before I went to my first school in Canada, but

it was in Russian. So you could say I did have reading and

writing experience, and that helped. All I had to do was put

the English into the Russian reading and writing. Am I mak-

ing sense?

She used to stay with me for an hour a day, just teaching

me English, and by the end of Grade One, I skipped to Grade

Three where the rest of the children my age were. They moved

me up, basing it on my math and reading skills.

There was no time when I said to myself, hey, I can

speak English. But by the end of Grade One I was totally flu-

ent in English. Totally. Exactly like any other Canadian

pupil. . . .

Source: Barry Broadfoot, The Immigrant Years, From Europe to Canada,

1945–1967 (Vancouver and Toronto: Douglas and McIntyr

e, 1967),

pp. 11–13, 105–106.

Excerpt from the

McCarran-Walter Act, 1952

The McCarran-Walter Act—formally the Immigration and

Nationality Act—was passed in response to both cold war fears

of communist expansion and the worldwide movement of peo-

ples in the wake of World War II. It codified previous legisla-

tive acts and policy decisions and continued restrictive policies

that had been instituted during the 1920s, though it did pro-

vide some relief for Asian immigrants. In the xenophobic spirit

of the times, the measure also blocked naturalization of aliens

considered to be threats to national security. President Harry S.

Truman vetoed the McCarran-Walter Act, arguing that the

Immigration and Naturalization Service was proving itself to

be an “arrogant, brazen instrument of discrimination,” keeping

out the “very people we want to bring in.” His veto was over-

ridden in June 1952, 57 to 26.

CHAPTER 2—NATIONALITY THROUGH

NATURALIZATION

Sec. 311. The right of a person to become a naturalized

citizen of the United States shall not be denied or abridged

because of race or sex or because such a person is married.

Notwithstanding section 405(b), this section shall apply to any

person whose petition for naturalization shall hereafter be filed,

or shall have been pending on the effective date of this Act.

Sec. 312. No person except as otherwise provided in this

title shall hereafter be naturalized as a citizen of the United

States upon his own petition who cannot demonstrate—

(1) an understanding of the English language, including

the ability to read, write, and speak words in ordinary

usage in the English language. . . .

(2)(2) a knowledge and understanding of the fundamen-

tals of the history, and of the principles and form of gov-

ernment, of the United States.

Sec. 313. (a) Notwithstanding the provisions of section

405(b), no person shall be naturalized as a citizen of the United

States—[the act lists subsections (1) through (6) which prohibit

the naturalization of anarchists, communists, totalitarians, and

those who believe or publish such, etc.]. . . .

Sec. 316. (a) No person, except as otherwise provided for

in this title, shall be naturalized unless such petitioner, (1)

immediately preceding the date of filing his petition for natu-

ralization has resided continuously, after being lawfully admit-

ted for permanent residence, within the United States for at

least five years and during the five years . . . has been physically

present therein for periods totally at least half of that time, and

who has resided within the State in which petition is filed for at

least six months, (2) has resided continuously within the

United States from the date of the petition up to the time of

admission to citizenship, and (3) during all the periods referred

to in this subsection has been and still is a person of good moral

character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the

APPENDIX A 351

United States, and well disposed to the good order and happi-

ness of the United States. . . .

Sec. 337. (a) A person who has petitioned for naturaliza-

tion shall, in order to be and before being admitted to citizen-

ship, take in open court an oath (1) to support the Constitution

of the United States; (2) to renounce and abjure absolutely

and entirely all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince,

potentate, state, or sovereignty of whom or which the peti-

tioner was before a subject or citizen; (3) to support and defend

the Constitution and laws of the United States against all ene-

mies, foreign and domestic; (4) to bear true faith and allegiance

[to] the same; and (5)(A) to bear arms on behalf of the United

States when required by law, or (B) to perform non-combatant

service in the Armed Forces of the United States when required

by law, or (C) to perform work of national importance under

civilian direction when required by law. . . .

Source: James Ciment, ed., Encyclopedia of American Immigration, vol.

4 (Armonk, N.Y.: Sharpe Reference, 2001), p. 1300.

Racism in Vietnam, 1971

The Vietnam War was debilitating, both to the U.S. military

and to the fabric of American society. The determined and pro-

tracted guerrilla war was unlike anything American comman-

ders had previously faced, leading to an ever-increasing number

of troops and more violent methods of securing the countryside

against the incursions of the communists from the North.

Despite the achievements of the Civil Rights movement, racism

was still prevalent among soldiers in the military, and con-

scription policies led to a disproportionate number of minority

soldiers, especially in high-risk positions in the field. By 1970,

issues of race were joined to political concerns in the antiwar

movement, leading to a special “Third World Panel” at the

Winter Soldier Investigation (WSI). Beginning as the brain-

child of antiwar activists, the WSI was by late 1970 taken over

by the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), who

wanted to expose atrocities being committed in Vietnam, link

them directly to U.S. policy, and bring American troops home

from what they considered to be an unjust war. John Kerry,

one of the most articulate spokesmen for the VVAW, brought this

message to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in April

1971. Ironically, the Vietnam War led to the resettlement of

nearly 1 million Southeast Asian refugees in the United States

and Canada, mostly from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.

TESTIMONY GIVEN AT THE WINTER SOLDIER

INVESTIGATION IN DETROIT, MICHIGAN,

JANUARY 31, FEBRUARY 1 AND 2, 1971.

THIRD WORLD PANEL

MODERATOR. Can I have your attention? The black veter-

ans are coming up to speak on the black experience with racism

in Vietnam, and we’d like for you to give your attention, if

possible. Any Third World people, you know, people of color,

all of us. Do you think the minority groups could have some

water, please?

Excuse me, is this the bulk of the press that’s going to be

covering this panel? You’re not even from the press, so the press

is not even covering this, right? Can somebody on the staff go

see about the press?

AUDIENCE. We’re here and we’re important. We’ll pass the

word right on.

MODERA

TOR. Say, people, isn’t this typical racism for the

press? Okay, we’re ready to deal. My name is Donald P.

Williams. I spent eight years in the service. My unit was alerted

to go to Vietnam in March of 1968. They went to Saigon, but

I went to Stockholm. When I got to Stockholm, I sent my

commanding officer a big picture postcard and told him good

luck. I want to make an opening statement, and then we’re

going to have the brothers from the Third World give an open-

ing statement. Then we’ll give it to the panel.

We, the black veterans of the Vietnam war, are expressing

our experience with racism in Vietnam. We intend to show by

our testimony that the war in Vietnam is nothing more than an

extension of the racist policies as practiced here in the United

States. Racism is the motivating factor in determining America’s

genocidal policy against non-whites. The overwhelming major-

ity of people killed or maimed in Vietnam are non-whites,

whether they are Vietnamese, Viet Cong, or American blacks.

Whites’ statistics say that blacks constitute only ten percent of the

total population in the United States, yet they represent at least

forty percent of the fighting forces in Vietnam, and, in many

cases, due to racism, blacks are the overwhelming majority in

the combat areas. The statement you will hear this afternoon

reflects the reality of American society’s attitudes towards non-

whites. This attitude emanates from years and years of oppression

based on the refusal of American people to eliminate racism. At

this time I’ll turn you over to the brothers from the Third World

and they’re going to make an opening statement.

SHIMABUKURO. My name is Scott Shimabukuro and I’m

representing the Asian brothers and sisters, not only in the

United States and veterans, but also in Asia. Now this tribunal,

or investigation, is into the treatment of Asians, and I’m relat-

ing this not only to Asians in Vietnam but to Asians all over the

world. The United States has a policy of racism that in Vietnam

is only an extension of this, and we feel that since this gather-

ing is to bring these things out, we think there should have

been a bigger representation from not only the Asian people in

this community and in this United States, but of all Third

World people, because we are the people who are receiving all

these crimes against us and we feel we should be heard. We’ve

been quiet too long.

ROMO. My name is Barry Romo. I represent, supposedly, the

Chicano community, which isn’t hard to do, because I’m the

only one here. Chicanos constitute the largest percentage of

352 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF NORTH AMERICAN IMMIGRATION

deaths of any minorities, which is way out of proportion to

their numbers. It’s because of language and culture. This thing

has turned into a horror show. All it has been has been the

atrocities that have been committed and not the reasons why.

And it boils down to one thing, and that’s racism. The people

dying are Third World and the people getting hurt are Third

World, and that has to be brought out.

HANEY. My name is Evan Haney. I’m an Oklahoma Indian,

and I would like to say that I am probably the only one here

who is an Indian, and there should have been more here, but

we have our own fights to do in our own communities. And, I

represent the Indian community all over the United States and

I would like to say that I hope to convey the feeling that you

know that we are out fighting and not in a position where . . .

well, I don’t know what to say right now, but I represent the

Indian community across the United States.

ROSE. My name is Earl Rose, and I’m a representative from

the West Coast. I’d like to talk about the miseducation and how

they take Third World people and through miseducation and

using the word Cong as a symbol of killing, instead of using the

words, “Go out and kill Vietnamese people,” how the word

“Cong” is used against Third World people to manipulate and

to kill them. That’s all. . . .

LIGHT. My name is William Light. I served in the American

Division of the 1/6, E Company, Echo Recon. I was a grunt. . . .

NAKAYAMO. My name is Mike Nakayamo. I was in the First

Marine Division. . . .

LIGHT. I’m going to start off with racism on a personal basis.

For reasons of my own, I chose not to go over to Vietnam.

Behind this, I was railroaded, and handcuffed, and taken under

guard to Vietnam. They forwarded orders to my company

commander of my background when I was in basic and AIT,

relevant to my behavior. From the jump, he discriminated

against me. I was commonly referred to as a “field nigger.” I was

on an operation. We were under attack by a regiment of VC.

The outcome was like seven to eight guys out of about thirty-

five left. The first thing my first sergeant did when he called in

was to find out if I was dead or not. The majority of my com-

pany consists of white guys, but the majority of brothers are in

the field. The ratio is like sixty to forty and most brothers,

Puerto Ricans, and Mexicans, have to walk point to more or

less prove their manhood, on an individual basis, that they are

just as much man as the next guy. Consequently, there were all

forms of racism. . . .

MODERATOR. I just got a message here. Michael Oliver, a

Vietnam veteran, has a statement to read regarding something

very important. So where’s Mike?

PANELIST. Okay, ladies and gentlemen. I think I might throw

a monkey wrench into the fine working machine for a second

here. For the last couple of days you have been receiving testi-

mony from the war of injustices to non-whites over in Viet-

nam. Now, if these injustices and these here genocides are

perpetrated against the non-whites in Vietnam, the Vietnamese

soldiers, and they are solely admitted since yesterday, Sunday,

on television, and this morning, what do you think they’ve

been doing to the black soldier they’ve been serving along with?

Just think about that. . . .

AUDIENCE. Let’s let our brothers speak. Our brothers from

the Third World, minority groups, all of us are called under-

dogs, masterminds of the world; rap, brothers. . . .

NAKAYAMO. My name is Mike. I wanted to rap about racism

directed against Asians in the military and in Vietnam. First of

all, I felt quite a bit of racism before I joined the service, okay,

that’s understood. When I got into the service I experienced

amplified racism. As soon as I got off the bus at my boot camp,

I was referred to as Ho Chi Minh, which, you know, was . . .

AUDIENCE. A compliment!

AUDIENCE. Right on! Right on!

NAKAYAMO. Yeah! I can dig it. I was referred to as “Jap” and

“gook” constantly through my training. Then I knew I was

going to go overseas to fight for this country. I can rap about

quite a few instances, right in boot camp, but I’ll just move on

to my experiences in Vietnam. While on Vietnam, I was in the

infantry, but a few times they let you come back to the rear.

Most Marines are allowed to go into PXs without showing an

ID, and I was not allowed to go into the PX on a number of

occasions with an ID because I was yellow. I was constantly

referred to as “gook” in Vietnam also, and, relating this back to

the United States, I know a number of my Asian brothers and

sisters who are being referred to as “gooks” by returning ser-

vicemen, by American people in the Los Angeles area.

The thing that bothered me about this investigation is that

it seemed as though people were trying to cover up the issue of

racism, which I believe is one of the definite reasons why we are

in Vietnam. We talked a lot about atrocities, but the system-

atic and deliberate genocide of all Asian people through the

use of racism cannot be allowed any longer.

AUDIENCE. Take your time, man, you’re doing good. You’re

telling the truth.

NAKAYAMO. I’m sure I don’t have to go into detail about the

racism and atrocities being committed against Asians, because

you’ve been hearing that all week, or since Sunday. But the

things that the brothers are relating have been happening in the

United States since the Third World people have lived here.

Now there’s been a thing on relocation of Vietnamese from

their homes to relocation camps. That strikes home pretty

close, because my parents and grandparents, who were sup-

posed to be American citizens, were relocated during the Sec-

ond World War, and that just amplifies the racism that has been

coming down in this country. And also, you know about the

Indian brothers that this country belongs to. When Evan

speaks, he can go into that, how they were robbed. But I want

to go into the atrocities against the people here, because the

people have been telling you how they treat the Asian brothers

APPENDIX A 353