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control in that it buffers negative motivational effects of failure and maintains

self-efficacy and well-being. Therefore, these strategies should be employed

more frequent in old age (cf. Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995). However, OPS theory

argues that it is not the four control strategies separately that bring about adap-

tive development but rather their orchestration in line with developmental op-

portunities and constraints. The following section provides empirical support

for these assumptions.

DAPTIVE

EVELOPMENT AS

HIFTING FROM

RIMARY TO

ECONDARY

ONTROL

TRATEGIES THROUGHOUT

IFE

In a self-report study, Heckhausen, Schulz, and Wrosch (1998) observed that the

use of control strategies increased from early to late adulthood. Unexpectedly,

however, compensatory secondary control did not show a positive age trend. Posi-

tive associations between all four types of control strategies and self-esteem sup-

ported the role of primary and secondary control strategies for adaptive

functioning. Wrosch and Heckhausen (1999) demonstrated that disengaging from

unobtainable goals and reallocating resources to alternative domains (i.e., com-

pensatory secondary control) is functional when goal-relevant resources decline

and opportunity structures for goal attainment become less favorable. The au-

thors examined goals in the partnership domain in recently committed or sepa-

rated adults in early adulthood and late midlife. Younger separated adults

mentioned more partnership goals and reported more primary control strivings

for attaining their goals. In contrast, older separated adults reported more sec-

ondary control actions such as goal deactivation. They disengaged from partner-

ship goals and invested their resources into alternative social domains. Moreover,

younger separated adults reported a decline in positive affect over a time period

of 15 months when they disengaged from their partnership goals, whereas for

older separated adults goal deactivation proved beneficial. One explanation is

that the objective chances to remarry are lower for people in late middle age com-

pared to young adulthood. The age-related change in opportunities for attaining

the partnership goal, then, is reflected in a shift in importance and functional im-

pact of this goal. These findings can be viewed as evidence supporting the notion

that individuals activate and deactivate developmental goals in accordance with

age-graded changes in opportunities for goal achievement.

Similarly, Heckhausen et al. (2001) investigated developmental regulation be-

fore and after the developmental deadline for childbearing. Younger and middle-

aged women with or without children were compared with regard to various

indicators of primary and secondary control striving for goal attainment versus

goal disengagement and self-protection. Women approaching the developmental

deadline for childbearing were actively engaged in the goal of bearing a child. In

contrast, women who had passed the deadline disengaged from the goal. These

differences were evident in the number and type of goals nominated as well as

the salience of information related to children. Moreover, women who had passed

the deadline but for whom child-related information was still more salient were

more prone to negative affect. Thus, a selective responsiveness to information rel-

evant for an obsolete developmental goal appears to have negative implications

for well-being.

Personality Theories of Successful Aging 107

Taken together, the findings in the context of OPS theory provide evidence that

the endorsement of control strategies favors successful aging as they help to bal-

ance developmental gains and losses. Specifically, the use of compensatory con-

trol strategies increases in importance with positive effects on well-being and

adaptive developmental regulation when goal-related resources are lost or be-

come increasingly threatened, as is often the case in late adulthood. As is true for

the SOC model and the dual-process model of coping, the OPS model supports

the fruitfulness of approaching successful aging by investigating personality-

in-context in terms of personal goals and goal-related processes. In the next and

final section, we address this briefly.

SUMMARY, FUTURE OUTLOOK, AND

PRACTICAL RELEVANCE

This chapter combined an action-theoretical with a life span-developmental

perspective on personality and successful aging. This integration allows an un-

derstanding of goals as dynamic aspects of personality that reflect the person-

environment interaction over time. All three theoretical frameworks presented

in this chapter (the SOC model, the dual-process model of coping, and the OPS

model) argue that individuals can actively shape their development through the

motivating, organizing, and directing functions of personal goals and goal-

related processes, and they all empirically support the role of goals and goal-

related processes for adaptive development. Moreover, they all stress that the

management of resource changes from a dominance of gains to increasing

losses is a key to successful aging. They differ, however, with regard to the spe-

cific processes proposed to best serve the management of resources across

adulthood. There exists good evidence supporting each of these models. As of

yet, no integration or systematic comparison of the models has been attempted

(Freund & Riediger, 2003; for exceptions, see Freund & Baltes, 2002a, 2002b, for

positive associations of SOC and assimilative and accommodative coping). We

believe that it will be a fruitful next step in future research on successful aging

to close this gap.

Another future research direction in this field should be to investigate the

practical relevance of the three models. As various studies have shown that work-

related goals are most central for younger adults and goals related to health is-

sues become most prominent in older adults (Nurmi, 1992; Rapkin & Fischer,

1992), our practical examples and speculations about the role of goals and goal-

related processes for successful aging refer to the domains of health and work.

Research has demonstrated that framing health messages in terms of gains

and losses has a differential effect on health-related goal adoption and goal pur-

suit when implementing health programs in younger and older adults. Gain-

framed messages emphasize benefits gained (e.g., becoming more attractive

through a regular physical workout), whereas loss-framed messages emphasize

the avoidance of benefits lost (e.g., preventing weight gain through regular

physical activity; Brendl, Higgins, & Lemm, 1995). When individuals perceive

themselves as highly vulnerable to certain health risks, as is often the case in

old age, loss-framed messages are more effective, whereas gain-framed mes-

sages become more effective when perceived vulnerability is low, as is typically

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the case at younger ages (Lee & Aaker, 2004). Framing a health program with an

emphasis on benefits lost, as opposed to benefits gained, might therefore be

more persuasive for older adults. As a consequence, elderly people might be

more persistent in pursuing the program and might manage to improve their

physical and cognitive functioning and, in this sense, age more successfully.

The opposite should be true for younger adults. But not only the direction of

goals might have practical implications but also the underlying motivation of

goals. Riediger (2001) showed, for instance, that goals related to attractiveness

and fitness are central for younger adults, whereas health in itself becomes the

main motivation for regular physical activity in older adults. Taking this into

consideration when setting up successful training concepts for younger and

older adults appears to be of great importance.

The second example of the possible applied consequences of this research is

motivation at the workplace. With demographic changes (a combination of

lower birth rates and more people becoming older in much better cognitive and

physical conditions; e.g., P. B. Baltes, 1997), it is likely that retirement age will

increase to keep well-educated and highly experienced people in the workforce.

Here, it will become an important task of the future to take into account how

goals and goal-related processes in the work domain might change over adult-

hood. In contrast to younger people, older adults might simply not be primarily

motivated to achieve new and higher outcomes, but instead focus on mainte-

nance and prevention of losses. Providing younger as well as older adults with

work tasks that meet their underlying motivation and that are framed in age-

appropriate ways (i.e., gain frames for younger adults and loss frames for older

adults) may increase their work-related performance as well as their personal

satisfaction with work in young but also in old age. Moreover, encouraging ac-

commodative coping styles and providing opportunities for primary control

even and especially when resources decline will likely help older adults to de-

rive meaning and satisfaction from their workplace.

In sum, we believe that conceptualizing successful aging using a framework of

person-in-context fosters our understanding of the processes underlying aging

well and will ultimately also help shape environments in a more age-friendly way

to support the strengths of old and very old age and to maintain positive function-

ing even in the face of decreasing resources.

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