Blackburn J.A., Dulmus C.N. (Editors). Handbook of gerontology: evidence-based approaches to theory, practice, and policy
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negative—may hold greater power as catalyzing agents of personality change
than noninterpersonal events.
At least three studies provide some support for the theses of DET and DEFT.
With respect to the increasing ideoaffective complexity supposed by DET, in ad-
dition to some of Labouvie-Vief’s work, the Carstensen et al. (2000) experience-
sampling study found evidence at least for increasing complexity in emotional
experience with age. Although it was cross-sectional, intraindividual factor
analyses of specific emotions over a weeklong period found that more factors
were required to characterize the emotional experience of older individuals. Sub-
stantively, this suggests that age (or cohort), on average, brings with it a greater
complexity of affective experience, although the study did not attempt to assess
ideoaffective structures per se.
Another study tested DET’s postulate of the stability of discrete emotions.
Izard, Libero, Putnam, and Haynes (1993) found a strong degree of rank-order
stability in the 11 basic emotions during a 3-year period after childbirth in a
group of middle-class mothers, with stability coefficients for all emotions except
guilt above .69 or .70. Guilt evidenced a stability coefficient of .50. Note that these
stability coefficients likely underestimated the true degree of stability, because
they include measurement error and therefore have, as an upper bound, the test-
retest reliability of the scale itself (cf. McCrae & Costa, 2003). As measurement
error attenuates stability correlations, these results are even more supportive of
the notion that discrete emotions remain relatively stable, in rank order within a
population, over time. Although the mothers were on average on 30.1 years old,
this degree of stability at such an early point in the life span suggests, if any-
thing, greater stability in later years, given that the leveling off of personality
change does not begin until midlife (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000). In Izard and
colleagues’ study, however, mean levels of disgust, contempt, shyness, and shame
decreased steadily from the period right after childbirth to a period 2 years later.
The authors note the considerable social and hormonal changes associated with
childbirth which may have affected these emotions, but in the broader context of
DET, one might interpret this as evidence of small increments in emotion regula-
tory ability, given that all four emotions are aversive and decreased in frequency
over time. Finally, with respect to emotion-personality correlations, positive
emotions tended to be strongly associated with the trait of extraversion and nega-
tive emotions strongly associated with neuroticism. Izard and colleagues inter-
preted this as support for the thesis that personality traits are organized around
the experience of specific affects.
Thus, the overall findings from this complex study suggest that discrete emo-
tions accounted for large amounts of variance in the neuroticism and extraversion
traits, that specific emotions have a high degree of stability within a sample of
relatively younger women for 3 years after a significant event, and that this rank-
order consistency is combined with mean level decreases in certain negative emo-
tions. Indeed, these emotions may have been heightened by the childbirth
experience and regressed toward their mean by the follow-up period. From the
perspective of DEFT, childbirth may have represented a systemic perturbation
accompanied by relatively more intense affect, although this was not the focus or
interpretation of Izard et al. (1993).
Finally, Malatesta-Magai (1999) conducted an 8-year longitudinal study in
which she assessed several emotional dispositions, other elements of personality,
Cognitive and Affective Theories of Adult Development 77
and individuals’ perceptions of emotionally significant life events in a sample of
63 late-middle-age adults (mean age of 63). Again, stability coefficients for emo-
tions of anxiety, depression, interest, anger, and aggression suggested moderate
stability, particularly given the 8-year range of the study and attenuating effect of
measurement error; they ranged from .47 to .75. Changes in personality were as-
sociated with significant interpersonal events such as marriage and divorce, but
not with major changes such as career shifts in which close relationships were not
involved. This study offers some support for DEFT’s notion that personality
change can occur, even well into later life (a finding now supported by groups
formerly suggesting strong stability; cf. Terraciano, McCrae, Brand, & Costa,
2005), and that such changes are a function of emotionally significant events with
interpersonally meaningful components.
O
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ONTRIBUTIONS TO
E
MOTIONAL
D
EVELOPMENT IN
L
ATER
L
IFE
Other researchers have also presented informative theory and data about emo-
tional development in later life. Richard Schulz and Jutta Heckhausen (1997)
proposed a control theory of emotion predicated on the notion that people de-
sire, at a fundamental level, to have control over their environment throughout
the life span. However, they distinguish between two types of control: primary
and secondary. Primary control strivings involve instrumental activities de-
signed to change, maintain, or arrange the exterior world in a desired way. Sec-
ondary control strivings involve altering one’s internal perspective in an effort
to adapt to external circumstances. Both forms of control may operate in a selec-
tive fashion, directing individuals toward certain modes of acting on the envi-
ronment (primary) or viewing goals (secondary control), or in a compensatory
formsuchasseekingassistancefromanotherpersonwhenfacedwithanexter-
nal problem (primary), or making the decision to disengage from the pursuit of
a goal (secondary).
Primary and secondary control strivings are elicited in different measure and
in different forms by emotional experience and affectively salient events (Schulz
& Heckhausen, 1997). Emotions may vary in kind, intensity, general valence, du-
ration, or any combination of these, evoking varying types and degrees of pri-
mary and secondary control efforts. In general, primary control efforts increase
throughout childhood and adolescence, peaking in early adulthood, and then
begin to decline in old age, when physical and functional limitations may de-
crease one’s ability to act instrumentally on one’s environment. Secondary control
efforts continue to rise gradually throughout the life span, increasing into old age
at the same time primary control strivings decline. Schulz and Heckhausen sug-
gest that around middle age, the relative preference for primary over secondary
control begins to shift gradually, with secondary control being preferred gradu-
ally more and more as one progresses through the second half of one’s life.
M. Powell Lawton published a series of empirically driven papers on emotion
across the life span in the early 1990s that lend general support to the consensus
among SES, CADT, and DEFT that emotional regulation probably improves over
the life span. For instance, Lawton, Kleban, Rajagopal, et al. (1992) found that older
adults reported better emotional control and more stable moods than middle-
aged or younger adults, and less physiological responsiveness than these two
groups. However, two additional studies conducted by Lawton’s group suggest
78 E
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interesting specific patterns of emotion in older adults. Lawton, Kleban, Dean,
Rajagopal, and Parmelee (1992) examined the factor structure of a brief measure
of positive and negative affect, the Philadelphia Geriatric Center Positive and
Negative Affect scales, finding that comparable positive and negative affect fac-
tors characterized healthy young, middle-aged, and older adults. But differences
emerged between healthy and sick older adults in the factor structure of their
measure. This suggests that the pattern of correlation between affect terms such
as anxious, depressed, elated, and content varied meaningfully in older adults of
differing health status. Substantively, the implication is that illness in old age
may impact the interrelations between different specific emotions. Lawton,
DeVoe, and Parmelee (1995) had 79 residents of a nursing home complete their af-
fect measure and record daily events for a 30-day period. Findings indicated that
affect varied over time as a function of events, with events of different valence
producing mood-congruent fluctuations. This event-mood congruent variation
characterized both the depressed and the nondepressed elders. In sum, Lawton’s
work supports the thesis that emotion regulation improves with age but offers at
least two important qualifications: First, that the structure of affect in elderly
persons may vary as a function of physical illness, and second, that despite re-
ports of general improvement in mood regulations, older adults in a nursing
home setting do experience expected variation in positive and negative affect
commensurate with daily events, whether they are depressed or not.
A final relevant area that has only recently begun to be integrated into the
general literature on emotional development in adulthood and later life is emo-
tional intelligence (EI). Emotional intelligence was originally proposed as an in-
dividual differences construct pertaining to the skill or ability with which one
could appraise, regulate, and perceive one’s own and others’ emotions (Salovey &
Mayer, 1990). A torrent of research and theory followed, with suggested applica-
tions typically outstripping evidence at the same time EI researchers often failed
to incorporate other relevant “non-EI” emotion literatures into their work;
Matthews, Zeidner, and Roberts (2002) provide a review of these developments
from 1990 to 2002, and Matthews, Roberts, and Zeidner (2004) objectively sum-
marize the state of EI research. One of the central tenets of EI theory was that EI
skills would improve with age as a function of life experience and socialization,
but the focus of this proposition had been largely confined to the period from
childhood through young adulthood until Werner Schaie (2001) called for research
on EI later in the life span, and at midlife in particular. Subsequently, Kafetsios
(1994) conducted a cross-sectional study in which he reported that middle-aged to
late-middle-aged adults scored higher on a quasi-objective performance task of EI
than young adults in the areas of understanding and managing emotions, as well
as using emotions to facilitate cognition. In another study, Chapman and Hayslip
(in press) found that, contrary to the differentiation sometimes observed for cog-
nitive ability at midlife, the same dimensional structure of emotion appraisal,
optimistic mood regulation, and emotional utilization characterized both middle-
aged and younger adults’ responses to a self-report EI instrument, but that older
adults reported greater use of optimistic thinking to regulate their mood than
did younger adults, controlling for measurement error. This difference existed
even when the affectively oriented personality traits of neuroticism and opti-
mism were controlled and, as they note, is generally consistent with SES,
CADT, and DEFT indications of improved mood regulatory ability with age.
Cognitive and Affective Theories of Adult Development 79
Despite these two studies, much research remains to be done on the life span de-
velopmental antecedents and consequents of the EI construct, and considerable
work must occur to integrate EI research in the broader framework of aging and
emotion throughout the life span.
In light of the relative newness of this emerging application of cognitive theory
to later life, though the intricacies of SST, CADT, DET, and DEFT may vary, it is
interesting that some higher order consensus exists with respect to age-related
improvements in affect regulation, and possibly in the complexity or sophistica-
tion of emotion. Broadly speaking, most empirical work supports such a consen-
sus. The literature on adult development and aging in emotion is complex and
varied, however. The interested reader is referred to more detailed discussions, in
chapter form, in Magai and Halpern (2001), and in volume form in Schaie and
Lawton (1997) and Magai and McFadden (1996).
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