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SECTION TWO

INFORMATIVE RESEARCH

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CHAPTER 6

Occupational Aspirations: Constructs,

Meanings, and Application

Jay W. Rojewski

CCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS HAVE

been studied extensively over the past

half-century. The topic of occupational aspirations (i.e., answers to the

question, “What do you want to be when you grow up?”) has probably re-

ceived as much attention as any other career-related concept and remains impor-

tant in both the psychological and sociological literature. The attraction of career

aspirations for investigators is, no doubt, fueled by familiarity and ease of access.

Who hasn’t been asked about his or her future work and educational plans? We

all have aspirations, and they have helped shape our understanding that adults in

our society work and that each of us is responsible for deciding what type of

work we would like or expect to do.

Another possible reason for the attention devoted to occupational aspirations

is the simple, intuitive logic it offers: The easiest way to find out a person’s

vocational interests or goals is to ask. It doesn’t require lengthy, expensive, or

intellectually advanced methods or measures. Anyone can do it; just ask. How-

ever, the empirical study of occupational aspirations has revealed that the con-

struct is anything but simple. In fact, investigations reveal a fairly complex

construct with relationships to a number of other career development and ca-

reer behavior constructs that have implications for career counseling and educa-

tion (Johnson, 1995).

The study of occupational aspirations is intriguing, yet the simple question

about work-related goals is not so simple. In fact, aspirations can be an important

variable in understanding a person’s self-concept, career-related behavior, per-

ception of social forces on the opportunities available, and future educational and

career-related choices and attainment. This chapter, then, synthesizes the litera-

ture on occupational aspirations and attempts to apply relevant research results

to our understanding, theory, and practice. Specifically, I define aspirations, ex-

plore the related notion of occupational expectations (ideal versus real aspira-

tions), summarize several theoretical positions related to the development and

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ESEARCH

shaping of aspirations, and identify the internal and external variables that shape

aspirations within a career development context.

DEFINITIONS

Despite considerable study of occupational aspirations in the twentieth and, now,

twenty-first centuries, a clear, concise, and consistent definition is still rather

elusive. This situation exists not because the concept is too difficult to explain or

too mundane to bother. Rather, it seems that many authors simply assume that

readers already know what aspirations are and do not need to be reminded. Un-

fortunately, inconsistent or ambiguous nomenclature, definitions, and measure-

ment can lead to an inaccurate view of the role aspirations play in occupational

exploration, choice, and attainment (Johnson, 1995).

So, what are occupational aspirations? Interests? Goals? Plans? Preferences?

Choices? All of these? The answer to this question is important since there are

subtle, but important, variations in the meanings ascribed to these various terms.

In fact, occupational aspirations are an individual’s expressed career-related goals or

choices—Johnson (1995) referred to them as point-in-time expressions of occupa-

tional goals—although they do not all represent the same degree of commitment.

While the term interest is sometimes used interchangeably with aspirations, a

clear distinction between the two exists. Aspirations represent individual goals

given ideal conditions, while interests reflect an individual’s emotional disposi-

tion toward particular career options.

Research shows that expressed occupational aspirations are equal to or better

than interest inventories in predicting future occupational membership

(Schoon & Parsons, 2002). In fact, aspirations can provide substantial predictive

power for later aspirations—current aspirations are predictive of career-related

choices up to 8 to 12 months after first expressed—and, to a lesser degree, ca-

reers that people eventually enter (G. D. Gottfredson, 2002; L. S. Gottfredson,

1996; Holland & Gottfredson, 1975; Holland, Gottfredson, & Baker, 1990; Silvia,

2001). The more consistent or coherent aspirations are over time, the greater

their prediction accuracy.

Evidence that occupational aspirations can predict future aspirations and

choices at least as well as interest inventories, personality, and background char-

acteristics was established by the late 1960s with a number of studies (e.g., Cooley,

1967; Holland & Lutz, 1967; Holland & Whitney, 1968). A decade before these

studies, Strong (1953) also considered the validity of using aspirations to predict

future occupational attainment. Strong reported an overall correlation of 0.69 be-

tween the occupational aspirations of college freshman and their occupational at-

tainment 19 years later. (See also early literature reviews by Whitney, 1969, and

Dolliver, 1969.) Today, most researchers agree that the occupational and educa-

tional aspirations of adolescents are among the most useful predictors of eventual

educational and occupational choices made in adulthood (Mau & Bikos, 2000).

While acknowledging that a significant relationship exists between current

and future occupational aspirations, L. S. Gottfredson and Becker (1981) challenged

the notion that the connections were as strong between aspirations and actual job

attainment. Studying almost 1,400 employed males between 15 and 24 years of

age, they found that occupational aspirations do have some predictive power.

However, they argued that the existing opportunity structure (e.g., availability of

and access to jobs or training) both conditioned aspirations to narrow ranges

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Occupational Aspirations: Constructs, Meanings, and Application 133

early in life and affected the direction of early career development. Further, the

authors questioned the belief that aspirations are solely an indicator of eventual

occupational attainment. They wrote:

A widespread assumption in vocational psychology is that aspirations for particu-

lar types of work play a significant role in determining the kinds of jobs people

eventually obtain. It may be, however, that vocational aspirations are largely reflec-

tions of the kinds of employment experiences and opportunities people have had,

and they may not function as important determinants of future behavior. (p. 121)

Thus, according to Gottfredson and Becker, rather than guiding or determining

eventual attainment, aspirations are possible reflections of past experience and so-

cietal perceptions. Nonetheless, it is clear that early aspirations can be used to pre-

dict later aspirations and, eventually, the occupational choices that people make.

While aspirations can inform us about the attraction toward or preference for

particular occupations, they may not always accurately reflect the occupations

that people realistically expect to enter. In fact, the literature makes a clear dis-

tinction between idealized aspirations and realistic expectations. Aspirations are

viewed as desired career goals given ideal circumstances and reflect the degree of

attraction toward or preference for a particular occupation. Occupational expec-

tations, on the other hand, reflect the perceived likelihood of actually entering a

particular occupation.

Knowledge of the congruence or discrepancy between an individual’s occupa-

tional aspirations and expectations can offer some insight into the processes of

compromise and circumscription (i.e., inclusion or exclusion of particular occu-

pational alternatives) in career decision making. For example, adolescents with

lowe

red occupational expectations are more likely to make premature (i.e., antic-

ipatory) educational and career-related compromises. Premature compromise

and circumscription is a concern, particularly in early adolescence, because un-

necessary or excessive compromise may overly restrict the range of future educa-

tional and occupational options. Discrepancies may reflect individuals’ views

toward their particular circumstances, abilities, the likely effects of perceived bar-

riers, and future opportunities (L. S. Gottfredson, 1981, 1996; Hellenga, Aber, &

Rhodes, 2002; Lapan & Jingeleski, 1992).

When discrepancies exist, most people expect to enter occupations that re-

quire less education and offer lower socioeconomic benefits and prestige (Davey,

1993). Much research has focused on factors that might be related to aspira-

tions—expectation discrepancy and lowered occupational expectations. In gen-

eral, it appears that aspirations may be compromised when people:

•Do not feel (accurately or inaccurately) that they have the abilities to suc-

ceed in their aspired to occupation(s).

• Think that the educational or entry-level requirements are beyond their cur-

rent resources.

•Are not supported by, or are incongruent with, family and friends about

what they should do occupationally.

•Perceive significant community or societal barriers to entry into, or success

in, their occupational aspirations (Armstrong & Crombie, 2000; Cook et al.,

1996; Davey & Stoppard, 1993; Johnson, 1995; McNulty & Borgen, 1988;

Slocum, 1974).

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MEASURING ASPIRATIONS

Some criticism exists in the literature about the way occupational aspirations

(and expectations) are conceptualized and measured. Johnson (1995) argued that

aspirations are multidimensional in nature and influenced by complex personal

constructs people hold about their world. She reported four underlying factors or

dimensions that influence occupational aspirations:

1. Personal ambitions for autonomy and financial reward.

2. The nature of the work tasks involved.

3. How the work deals with people.

4. The perception of an occupation as being male or female.

Two externally based factors appeared to influence occupational expectations:

the perceived degree of occupational training or education and entry-level re-

quirements, and the orientation of the work toward people.

While Johnson’s (1995) work points to a multidimensional, complex construct,

most research has treated aspirations and expectations as unidimensional in

ture. From this perspective, aspirations are often determined by one or two

questions that ask respondents to dream or suspend the influence of possible bar-

riers—for example, “If you were free to choose any job, what would you most de-

sire as a lifetime kind of work?” (Curry & Picou, 1971; Walls & Gulkus, 1974).

McNulty and Borgen (1988) used a particularly clear question to elicit occupa-

tional aspirations from their research participants:

It is interesting to think about the occupation that would be most desirable to you,

without having to consider limiting factors such as money, ability, and talent, op-

portunities to obtain further education and training, et cetera. This may sound im-

possible but if you were completely free to choose, what would be your ideal

occupation? Be as specific as possible. (p. 220)

Occupational expectations, on the other hand, are assumed to represent occu-

pations that an individual considers to be realistic or accessible (Armstrong &

Crombie, 2000; Burlin, 1976; Davey & Stoppard, 1993; Heckhausen & Tomasik,

2002; Hellenga et al., 2002). Again, McNulty and Borgen (1988) provide a good ex-

ample of the type of question used to solicit occupational expectations:

What occupation are you most likely to enter? That is, looking ahead into the future

from where you are now and what you are doing in school now, what occupation do

you think that you are more likely to take up after you have completed your educa-

tion? Be as specific as possible. (p. 22)

The generally qualitative nature of aspirations is usually quantified for experi-

mental research using some combination of existing occupational categorization

schemes. The most common approach is to describe aspirations based on level and

field. The level of an aspiration or expectation reflects a specific occupation or a

limited range of occupational goals bounded by (1) time (i.e., short-term or long-

term perspectives), (2) idealistic (high) hopes and realistic (lower) expectations,

and (3) difficulty of the occupation reflected by the occupational prestige hierar-

chy (W. H. Sewell, Haller, & Portes, 1969). “As a behavior orientation variable, a

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Occupational Aspirations: Constructs, Meanings, and Application 135

per

son’s level of occupational aspirations directs his [sic] behavior toward ob-

taining an occupation at or near the goal region” (Otto, Haller, Meier, & Ohlen-

dorf, 1974, p. 2). The level of aspirations is reflected by a vertical dimension of

classification based on occupational prestige (including average wages, degree of

authority, freedom of action, amount of education required, and intelligence).

“Prestigious occupations require more education, pay more money, are more

complex, exercise authority, and require higher levels of ability, whereas occupa-

tions low in prestige require little education, pay poorly, involve simple tasks,

are directed by others,

and require little cognitive ability” (G. D. Gottfredson,

1996, p. 68). Classification by level provides a ranking scheme that allows occupa-

tions to be grouped according to socioeconomic groups (McNulty & Borgen,

1988). Field, on the other hand, is a horizontal dimension that is based on the type

of work activities reflected by an aspiration (e.g., tasks, duties, and responsibili-

ties). Adolescents are more likely to shift between fields at the same level than

move up or down between levels (L. S. Gottfredson, 1981; Rojewski & Yang, 1997).

The use of prestige scores has enjoyed a long history in the study of occupa-

tional aspirations (G. D. Gottfredson, 1996), particularly from a sociological per-

spective. Several classification options exist for researchers. One option is to use

major occupational groupings typically used by governmental agencies such as

the U.S. Bureau of the Census and U.S. Department of Commerce (Stevens & Cho,

1985). Large national databases such as High School and Beyond and the National

Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88) have employed this strategy by

asking respondents to select the occupational area they expect to be employed in

at age 30 from a predetermined list of 17 major occupational categories. Further,

these broad categories can be collapsed into three groups that reflect high,

medium, and low levels of education, prestige, and status attributed to the occu-

pations (Haller & Virkler, 1993; Rojewski, 1996). For example, occupational cate-

gories requiring a college degree and providing high prestige typically include

high professional (e.g., doctor, accountant, scientist, lawyer), lower professional

(e.g., social worker, clergy, registered nurse), schoolteacher, technical occupa-

tions (e.g., medical technician, computer programmer), and managerial positions.

Moderate prestige occupations requiring a high school diploma or some college

education include small business owner and positions in sales, office or clerical,

trades (e.g., auto mechanic, baker, carpenter), and military or protective services.

Categories requiring less than a high school diploma for initial entry and offering

low prestige include full-time homemaker, service positions (e.g., child care,

waiter), machine operators (e.g., assembler, welder, bus driver), and laborers

(e.g., construction worker).

A second option involves coding expressed aspirations according to a socio-

eco

nomic index (SEI). Various researchers (e.g., Blau & Duncan, 1967; Naoko &

Treas, 1992; Stevens & Cho, 1985) have calculated occupational prestige scores

that reflect the income and educational attributes of occupations found in the

total labor force. SEI codes have been widely used as a summary measure of occu-

pational status in empirical investigations, although their use does cast a socio-

logical or status attainment perspective on analysis. Prestige scores are often

employed in investigations for several reasons:

•

They provide a continuous variable of aspirations that facilitates data analysis.

• Prestige levels influence people’s perceptions about the relative worth,

power, and status of occupations (Kraus, Schild, & Hodge, 1978).

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