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plain why dissatisfaction and turnover do not always go hand-in-hand. For ex-

ample, if we are dissatisfied, but we perceive that there are no suitable alternatives

available, we are likely to stay in the same job, but we may participate in other

forms of withdrawal behavior (e.g., absences, daydreaming at work, reducing job

inputs). Or, we might stay at a dissatisfying job if we expect that the job will facili-

tate our future career. Likewise, we might leave a satisfying job if an alternative job

is perceived to be even more attractive and attainable.

IFE

ATISFACTION

We have discussed the relationship between job attitudes and job behaviors. This

section focuses on the relation between job attitudes and other attitudes. In par-

ticular, we focus on how job satisfaction relates to life satisfaction, in general.

Many studies have examined this relationship (e.g., Heller, Judge, & Watson, 2002;

Iverson & Maguire, 2000; Judge & Watanabe, 1993; Rain, Lane, & Steiner, 1991).

Three main hypotheses have been offered: the spillover, compensation, and

segmentation hypotheses (Rain et al., 1991). The spillover hypothesis suggests

that the feelings in one area of life affect feelings in other areas of a person’s life.

In other words, job and life satisfaction should be positively correlated. The com-

pensation hypothesis proposes that people tend to compensate for dissatisfaction

in one area of their life with satisfaction in another (e.g., people in dissatisfying

job situations will seek more satisfaction and pleasure in their home lives). That is,

life and job satisfaction are expected to be negatively correlated. The segmentation

hypothesis argues that people compartmentalize their lives and do not allow work

and nonwork satisfaction to influence each other. Thus, job and life satisfaction

may be unrelated.

Most studies have found a positive relation between job and life satisfaction,

providing empirical support for the spillover hypothesis (Rain et al., 1991). In a

longitudinal study, Judge and Watanabe (1993) examined the causal direction of

this relationship and found that job and life satisfaction were reciprocally related.

The relation between job and life satisfaction may be due, in part, to general dis-

positional tendencies to experience positive mood states (usually called positive

affect) or negative mood states (negative affect). Watson and Slack (1993) argued

that affective dispositions influence job satisfaction, which may lead to life satis-

faction. Then, better life satisfaction leads to better adjustment (i.e., higher posi-

tive and lower negative affect). A recent longitudinal study (Heller et al., 2002)

found that personality does account for some of the variance in the relationship.

EALTH

Most popular models of the antecedents and consequences of job stress include job

dissatisfaction as an example of a short-term consequence resulting from experi-

encing stressors in the workplace. Short-term negative consequences, such as job

dissatisfaction, then lead to longer term physical and psychological problems (e.g.,

see Kahn & Byosiere, 1992).

One longer term problem is burnout. Burnout has been defined as “. . . a psy-

chological syndrome in response to chronic interpersonal stressors on the job. The

three key dimensions of this response are an overwhelming exhaustion, feelings

of cynicism and detachment from the job, and a sense of ineffectiveness and lack

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Theories and Research on Job Satisfaction 187

of accomplishment” (Maslach, Schaufeli, & Leiter, 2001, p. 399). Burnout correlates

negatively with job satisfaction, job commitment, and organizational commitment.

Those who experience burnout have experienced “chronic mismatches” with their

work environment in terms of workload (e.g., when demands exceed capacity),

control (e.g., when responsibility outweighs an individual’s authority), rewards

(e.g., lack of pay or recognition), community (e.g., lack of social support), fairness

(e.g., lack of voice), or values (e.g., organizational values that conflict with each

other or with the individual’s personal values). Burnout is assumed to lead to neg-

ative outcomes such as job dissatisfaction and poor job performance (Maslach

et al., 2001).

Psychological health (Kirkcaldy, Shephard, & Furnham, 2002; Pearson, 1998)

and physical health (Kirkcaldy et al., 2002) have been associated with job satisfac-

tion. Kirkcaldy et al. found that lower job satisfaction and poorer health were as-

sociated with having an external locus of control (i.e., the belief that life events

are due to forces outside of your control) and a Type A personality (i.e., highly

competitive, impatient, restless) compared to those who have an internal locus of

control (i.e., the belief that life events are in your control) and a Type B personal-

ity (i.e., who have a more laid-back personality).

Although some studies (e.g., DeCotiis & Summers, 1987; Jernigan, Beggs, &

Kohut, 2002) have found that job satisfaction predicts organizational commitment,

there is also evidence to suggest that commitment to the organization can buffer

people from the effects of job stress on job satisfaction (Begley & Czajka, 1993).

People who have high organizational commitment care about the fate of their orga-

nization, are willing to go above and beyond for the sake of the organization, and

feel a sense of attachment to the organization (Mowday, Steers, & Porter, 1979).

Commitment may buffer against stress because it helps people attach meaning to

their work and connects people more closely to their social networks at work. Be-

gley and Czajka studied commitment and job satisfaction, intentions to quit, and

health during a major work consolidation and downsizing effort at one organiza-

tion. They found that the stress of that event only increased the job displeasure of

those who were already low in organizational commitment.

UMMARY OF

ESEARCH ON

ORRELATES OF

ATISFACTION

Job satisfaction is positively related to work performance, but the two are less

closely aligned than might be expected. Job satisfaction also relates to many

other personal and work-related outcomes, such as health, life satisfaction, in-

tentions to stay, and contextual performance. As with job performance, the mag-

nitude of the relations between job satisfaction and these other outcomes has

typically been small to moderate. It should be less surprising that the correla-

tions are relatively small when considering that the outcomes are complex and

influenced by a number of factors. For example, whether people perform well in

their jobs depends not only on job satisfaction, but also on their ability, motiva-

tion, the organizational context, and so on. Another potential explanation for

small correlations is that the distribution of job satisfaction is negatively skewed,

which means that people tend to be satisfied with their jobs. People are not ran-

domly assigned to their jobs; instead, we actively seek work environments that

are satisfying. This also means that correlations between a skewed distribution

of job satisfaction and other criteria will be attenuated. For these reasons, the

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small-to-moderate correlations found between job satisfaction and outcomes are

fairly impressive, and concern about job satisfaction is justifiable from both the

individual and organizational perspective (Spector, 1997).

ANTECEDENTS OF JOB SATISFACTION:

THEORY AND RESEARCH

In the previous section, we presented evidence suggesting that job satisfaction re-

lates to many other desired individual outcomes. In fact, one longitudinal study

found that job satisfaction correlated significantly with longevity in a sample of

268 older volunteers ages 60 to 94 (Palmore, 1969), suggesting that even the length

of our lives is related to our happiness at work. At this point, it is logical to ask

why some people are more satisfied than others. This section focuses on theories

and research about how job attitudes are formed and about commonly studied an-

tecedents of job satisfaction.

There are more job attitude theories than is possible to discuss in one chapter.

Instead of providing a comprehensive list of theories, we offer examples of theories

and research that exemplify the ideas that job satisfaction is caused by:

1. Comparisons to prior job experiences.

2. The social context of work.

3. Job characteristics.

4. Job stressors.

5. Personal dispositions.

6. Person-environment fit.

For overviews of additional theories not covered here, see Brief (1998), Hulin

(1991), and H. M. Weiss and Cropanzano (1996).

OGNITIVE

UDGMENT

PPROACH

In general, the cognitive judgment approach argues that job satisfaction depends

on an evaluation of the difference between an individual’s expectations and what

he or she actually receives. According to one such theory, Thibaut and Kelley’s

(1967) theory, people evaluate their current role based on comparisons with their

past experience in and observations of others in similar roles. A Comparison Level

(CL) is developed and used as a standard against which satisfaction with the cur-

rent role is evaluated. In essence, the CL is a baseline indicator of what the indi-

vidual feels that he or she deserves. Roles that exceed the CL will be satisfying,

and roles that are judged to be lower than the CL will be dissatisfying.

Thibaut and Kelley also introduced the Comparison Level for Alternatives

(CL

ALT

) as another standard for comparison. The CL

ALT

represents the outcomes

that an individual perceives to be associated with the best possible alternative to

the current role. Thus, the CL determines satisfaction with the current role and the

ALT

determines how committed the person feels in the current role. As outcomes

in the current role drop relative to the CL

ALT

, the person will increasingly feel the

desire to leave the current role.

Although Thibaut and Kelley’s model has been criticized for ignoring the af

fec-

tive or emotional part of job satisfaction and instead focusing on the cognitive

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Theories and Research on Job Satisfaction 189

components (H. M. Weiss & Cropanzano, 1996), this model adequately accounts

for how alternative job opportunities impact job satisfaction and turnover and

helps to explain “job hopping” (Hulin, 1991). As individuals change jobs, they

gain

more information about alternatives. Thus, they may be satisfied in each job but

change jobs frequently because of their CL

ALT

OCIAL

NFORMATION

ROCESSING

HEORY

Social information processing theory (Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978) complements,

rather than competes with, the cognitive judgment approach by suggesting that

social context influences job attitude formation (H. M. Weiss & Cropanzano,

1996). According to Salancik and Pfeffer, others’ evaluations of the job influ-

ence our own evaluations, especially when the job is complex or work events

are ambiguous. For example, continuous statements from coworkers about how

the job is such a bad job can influence a person’s own perception of the job.

There are two primary ways in which the social context influences attitudes.

First, the social context helps people form their attitudes. It provides “. . .

guides to socially acceptable beliefs, attitudes and needs, and acceptable rea-

sons for actions” (pp. 226–227). Second, the social context helps people focus

attention on attitude-relevant information, “. . . making that information more

salient, and provides expectations concerning individual behavior and the log-

ical consequences of such behavior” (pp. 226–227).

HARACTERISTICS

PPROACH

The main idea underlying the job characteristics approach is that aspects of the

work environment impact work outcomes, such as job satisfaction. This approach

offers specific ways in which jobs can be redesigned to be more satisfying. The job

characteristics model (Hackman & Oldham, 1976) posits: “. . . an individual expe-

riences positive affect to the extent that he learns (knowledge of results) that he

personally (experienced responsibility) has performed well on a task that he cares

about (experienced meaningfulness)” (pp. 255–256).

According to Hackman and Oldham (1976), there are five core job dimensions:

skill variety (i.e., Do job activities require multiple skills?), task identity (i.e., Do

job activities require the completion of a “whole” piece of work?), task significance

(i.e., Does the work have influence on others?), autonomy (i.e., Does the job allow

independence of thought in determining the way work is completed?), and feed-

back (i.e., Does the work itself provide performance feedback?). The core job di-

mensions influence three critical psychological states. Specifically, the dimensions

of skill variety, task identity, and task significance influence the degree to which a

person experiences the job as meaningful. The autonomy dimension influences the

degree to which a person feels personally responsible for work that is produced. And,

the dimension of feedback influences the extent to which a person understands,

regularly, how effectively he or she is performing. In turn, how meaningful, person-

ally responsible, and effective he or she feels on the job influence motivation, per-

formance, withdrawal behaviors, and job satisfaction. The relation between the five

core job dimensions and personal and work outcomes is affected by individual dif-

ferences in growth need strength. Growth need strength is the extent to which a per-

son needs personal growth and development. Positive outcomes are expected when

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people high in growth need strength are in jobs designed to be high in core job

mensions. However, low growth need strength individuals respond poorly to en-

riched jobs.

The job characteristics model has been extensively studied. Meta-analyses (e.g.,

Fried & Ferris, 1987; Loher, Noe, Moeller, & Fitzgerald, 1985; Roberts & Glick,

1981; Spector, 1985a) have found that there is a moderate relation between job

characteristics and job satisfaction (e.g., r = 0.29), and, as predicted, support has

been found for growth need strength as a moderator. A recent study (Morge

son &

Campion, 2002) criticized the job characteristics model for focusing on only a nar-

row set of core job characteristics. There are many ways to redesign work to im-

prove satisfaction and efficiency, and Morgeson and Campion found that the

specific job changes made were important only to the extent that they helped

achieve the stated goals of the redesign effort.

ORK AND

OLE

TRESSORS

A number of other characteristics of the work environment, generally called

workplace and work role stressors, have been shown to influence job satisfaction (e.g.,

Fairbrother & Warn, 2003). For example, jobs can be stressful because of poor

physical conditions, such as high levels of noise, lack of privacy, and extreme tem-

peratures. Role stressors include role ambiguity (i.e., a lack of clear understand-

ing of role expectations), role overload (i.e., having too much work to do or having

overly difficult tasks), and role conflict (i.e., having incompatible role expecta-

tions). Other stressors, including underutilization of skills and lack of career de-

velopment, have also been examined.

According to job stress models (e.g., see Kahn & Byosiere, 1992), job stressors

lead to short-term (e.g., job dissatisfaction, boredom) and long-term (e.g., poor

physical and psychological health) consequences, typically called strains. The job

stressor-strain relationship can be buffered by coping mechanisms, such as posi-

tive self-care (e.g., exercise) and social support (i.e., providing empathy or tangi-

ble help with stressors). Feeling a sense of control over desired outcomes is also

an important buffer to the stressor-strain relation.

Studies tend to support the basic idea that stressors are associated with expe-

rienced strain. For example, Beehr (1981) found that job satisfaction was related

to role ambiguity (r =−.23), role overload (r =−.27), and underutilization of skills

(r =−.27). Role ambiguity was found to be especially stressful for managers in

low-enriched (rather than in high-enriched) jobs (Abdel-Halim, 1978). Keenan

and McBain (1979) found that role ambiguity and satisfaction were more highly

related for individuals with Type A personality (r =−.70) than those with Type

B personality (r =−.26). More recently, Yousef (2002) found that role overload-

quantitative (i.e., having too much work to do) and role overload-qualitative (i.e.,

having overly difficult tasks) correlated negatively with job satisfaction (r =−.17

and r =−.31, respectively). Yousef also found that an important stressor that re-

lated to job satisfaction was lack of career development available in the organiza-

tion (r =−.45).

Social support has been associated with greater job satisfaction (e.g., Searle,

Bright, & Bochner, 2001; van Emmerik, 2002), but its role in buffering the effects

of stressors has received only mixed support (e.g., see Kaufmann & Beehr, 1986;

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Theories and Research on Job Satisfaction 191

van Emmerik, 2002). In fact, in Kaufmann and Beehr’s study, higher stressor-

dissatisfaction correlations were found for those with greater social support.

The authors argue that it may be that people seek social support when they are

experiencing high levels of stressors and strains. Searle et al. found that how

much and what type of social support mattered. People benefited the most from

social support when it met their wants and needs. van Emmerik (2002) found

that social support and practical assistance from supervisors and colleagues

buffered the effects of stressors on job dissatisfaction, but social and practical

support from home did not.

Perceived organizational support, the extent to which employees feel that their

contributions are valued and that the organization cares about them, is another

potential buffer of the stressor-strain relation. For example, Stamper and Johlke

(2003) found lower correlations between role ambiguity and job satisfaction for

individuals who perceived high organizational support. They stated, “Firms that

send signals indicating that they value employee contributions and care about

their well-being not only reduce the amount of role stress, but also help workers

cope with the expected role stress associated with job tasks” (p. 581).

ISPOSITIONAL

PPROACH

The dispositional approach maintains that job satisfaction is due to general ten-

dencies to experience positive or negative affect. This approach suggests that cer-

tain individuals have dispositions that influence them toward feeling positive

generally in their lives and includes being positive about their jobs. Moreover,

these general tendencies are assumed to be independent of positive or negative

situational characteristics (H. M. Weiss & Cropanzano, 1996). Staw and Ross

(1985) were the first to suggest the dispositional approach to job satisfaction.

They conducted a longitudinal study of more than 5,000 men and found that job

satisfaction was stable over the five-year period in which the study was con-

ducted. Job satisfaction was most stable for participants who remained in the

same organization or occupation, but the correlations were still reasonably high

even for participants who changed organizations or occupations. In addition,

prior job satisfaction was a better predictor of current job satisfaction than were

changes in pay and job status. Staw, Bell, and Clausen (1986) reported significant

correlations between job satisfaction measures obtained over multiple time

points in a longitudinal study that spanned 40 to 50 years. For example, affective

dispositions collected during early adolescence correlated 0.37 with overall job

satisfaction almost 50 years later. From their results, Staw and Ross (1985) con-

cluded: “. . . it may be easier for organizations to improve the job attitudes of its

[sic] employees by simply selecting individuals for membership who have posi-

tive dispositions than by trying to build positive attitudes through situational

changes” (p. 478). This is a premature conclusion because job attitudes were less

stable among those who changed jobs, and stability in job satisfaction could be in-

dicative of stable job characteristics rather than dispositions (Gerhart, 1987). Nev-

ertheless, Staw and Ross’s study provided the impetus for work that examines

potential genetic and personality determinants of job satisfaction.

In a study of genetic determinants of job satisfaction, Arvey, Bouchard, Segal,

and Abraham (1989) studied 34 monozygotic twins reared apart (MZA) who were

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given the Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire. They found a heritability estimate

of 0.30, suggesting that 30% of the variance in job satisfaction may be due to genet-

ics. Cropanzano and James (1990) strongly criticized the methodology used in

Arvey et al.’s study. In a later paper, H. M. Weiss and Cropanzano (1996) stated that

it is likely that there is a genetic component to job satisfaction, but knowing that

does not really help us to better understand the psychological processes involved.

Most studies that have examined dispositions have focused mainly on the

traits of negative affectivity, positive affectivity, and locus of control as predictors

of job satisfaction. Negative affectivity (NA) is the tendency to experience negative

mood states such as distress, hostility, and depression, and positive affectivity (PA)

is the tendency to experience positive mood states such as being cheerful, confi-

dent, and active. It is well documented that individual differences in NA and PA

relate to job satisfaction (e.g., Cropanzano, James, & Konovsky, 1993; Duffy et al.,

1998; Ilies & Judge, 2002; Watson & Slack, 1993); however, the mechanisms

through which this occurs are unclear (Brief & Weiss, 2002). Brief and Weiss sug-

gested that dispositions influence job satisfaction through mood at work and

through affecting how an individual interprets objective circumstances of the job.

Locus of control is another widely studied dispositional predictor of job satis-

faction (e.g., Lee, Ashford, & Bobko, 1990; Spector, 1982). As stated earlier, those

who have an external locus of control tend to attribute the causes of their behavior

to outside forces, whereas those who have an internal locus of control tend to view

themselves as the causal factor. Job satisfaction has been found to be associated

with a high internal locus of control (Spector, 1982). Spector provided four main

reasons for this finding:

1. If internals are dissatisfied, they are more likely to quit the job than are

externals.

2. Internals may have higher job performance, and when rewards are associ-

ated with higher performance, they are likely to be more satisfied.

3. Internals will be more satisfied because they tend to achieve greater ad-

vancement than do externals.

4. If internals are dissatisfied but choose not to quit the job, they are likely to

cognitively reevaluate their situation in an effort to justify their decision to

stay and avoid discrepancies between their attitudes and behavior.

A recent cross-national study conducted across five continents found that the

locus of control-job satisfaction relationship is not just a Western finding (Spector

et al., 2002). Spector et al. found that locus of control was significantly associated

with job satisfaction across all but one of the Eastern and Western nations studied.

In the French sample, the correlation was similar in size to the correlations in other

countries (r =−.24), but the sample size (n = 61) was much smaller. In addition,

none of the correlations from other countries differed significantly from that of the

United States. This suggests that the finding is universal, though small in size.

ERSON

-E

NVIRONMENT

We have discussed situational variables that influence job satisfaction, such as job

characteristics and the social context of work. We have also discussed personal

variables, such as locus of control and negative affectivity, which influence job

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Theories and Research on Job Satisfaction 193

satisfaction. Rather than searching for specific environmental or personality char-

acteristics that contribute to job satisfaction, the person-environment fit (P-E fit)

approach posits that job satisfaction is influenced by the extent to which good com-

patibility exists between people and their work environments. Thus, situational

variables interact with personal variables to produce job satisfaction. Two popular

P-E fit theories are the theory of work adjustment (TWA; see Dawis, Chapter 1, this

volume) and Holland’s RIASEC theory (see Spokane & Cruza-Guet, Chapter 2,

this volume). Because these theories have been presented in earlier chapters of this

book, we discuss only their hypotheses related to job satisfaction.

According to the TWA, work adjustment is, “. . . the process and the outcome of

the interaction between an individual and a work environment that results in

mutual satisfaction” (Lofquist & Dawis, 1984, p. 217). Satisfaction is influenced

by the fit between the individual’s needs and the reinforcers provided by the

work environment. In addition, the fit between the ability of the individual and

the abilities required by the occupation influences how satisfied the organization

is with the individual (called satisfactoriness). Satisfaction occurs when organiza-

tions meet individuals’ needs and when individuals meet organizations’ needs. A

reciprocal relation between satisfaction and satisfactoriness is also proposed.

That is, satisfactoriness influences satisfaction and satisfaction influences satis-

factoriness. Empirical support for this theory exists (e.g., see Breeden, 1993;

Lofquist & Dawis, 1984).

According to Holland’s RIASEC theory, there are six basic personality types

(Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional) that de-

scribe people. Holland (1997) proposed a hexagonal structure for personality, in

which each of the six types appears on one point in the hexagon. Personality

types that appear closer to each other on the hexagon are more similar or have

greater psychological resemblance. The same six basic personality types can de-

scribe the personality requirements and structure of work environments. People

seek environments that match their personality, and congruence between people

and environments is expected to lead to positive outcomes, such as achievement

and satisfaction (Holland, 1997). Thus, people view their environments as satisfy-

ing when their personality matches the environment in which they work.

Several reviews and meta-analyses have examined the congruence-satisfaction

relationship (e.g., Assouline & Meir, 1987; Spokane, 1985; Tranberg, Slane, &

Ekeberg, 1993), and results have been mixed. Across 63 studies, Spokane found that

congruence was positively correlated with job satisfaction. In contrast, two other

meta-analyses found weak-to-moderate correlations (rs = 0.13 to 0.20) between con-

gruence and job satisfaction (Assouline & Meir, 1987; Tranberg et al., 1993). Tran-

berg et al. noted several methodological weaknesses with some of the studies that

were reviewed, such as the use of crude congruence indexes that do not sufficiently

capture the essence of Holland’s theory. Moreover, they found that Holland type

may affect the strength of congruence-satisfaction relations. Specifically, they

found the strongest congruence-satisfaction relations for social types (r = 0.33) and

the weakest correlations for realistics (r = 0.05). Later studies have found that con-

gruence might better relate to job satisfaction for individuals early in their careers

(Tokar & Subich, 1997), possibly because individuals become more congruent and

satisfied with their environments over time, and that congruence might better re-

late to facets of job satisfaction that involve the work itself rather than to facets

such as pay or coworkers (Owings & Fritzsche, 2000).

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Kristof (1996) argued that vocational fit theories, such as the TWA and Holland’s

RIASEC theory, focus on fit in the broadest level of the work environment, and,

thus, may best predict vocational choice. However, she argued that fit in specific

organizations is generally better predicted by person-organization fit (P-O fit).

Her model of P-O fit suggests that (1) job satisfaction will result when people bring

values, goals, and personality that are similar to those espoused by the organiza-

tion, and (2) good job performance will result when people bring knowledge, skills,

and abilities that are not already available, but needed, at the organization. Thus,

supplementary fit (similarity to others) is important in predicting job attitudes,

whereas complementary fit (adding what is missing) is important in predicting job

performance. People who are high on both types of fit are assumed to have positive

work attitudes and to stay with an organization longer. However, Kristof posited

that the job satisfaction of people who identify strongly with their vocations will be

more influenced by person-vocation fit, such as that proposed by Holland (1997),

than by P-O fit.

Empirical support has been found for the relation between P-O fit and job satis-

faction (e.g., Saks & Ashforth, 1997). Saks and Ashforth also found support for the

relation among a more specific form of person-environment congruence, person-

job fit, and job satisfaction. Thus, it appears that person-environment fit, measured

on a variety of levels, is important for job satisfaction.

NTEGRATED

ODEL OF

ATISFACTION

Situational influences on job satisfaction (e.g., job characteristics, job stressors) are

the focus of bottom-up theories, in which pleasurable and unpleasurable experi-

ences are believed to sum to form satisfaction. In other words, “. . . a happy indi-

vidual is happy precisely because he or she experiences many happy moments”

(Brief, Butcher, George, & Link, 1993, p. 646). Dispositional influences (e.g., nega-

tive affectivity) are the focus of top-down theories, in which people are believed to

be predisposed to experience pleasure or displeasure. Thus, “Individuals who are

happy are happy because they enjoy life’s pleasures and not necessarily because

they experience more of them in an objective sense” (p. 646).

Brief (1998) offered a model of job satisfaction that acknowledges both the top-

down and bottom-up approaches. The model integrates research on the situational

and dispositional influences on job satisfaction with some of the ideas about how

person-environment fit predicts job satisfaction. His model posits that global in-

ternal personality dimensions (e.g., negative affectivity) and objective, external

job circumstances (e.g., pay, social cues, status) both combine to influence an indi-

vidual’s interpretations of job circumstances. Interpretations are descriptions of

how a person understands the objective aspects of his or her job and are based on

what is encoded into memory about the job. Thus, when situational and personal

factors interact, the model shifts focus from objective job circumstances to the in-

dividual’s subjective interpretations of the job (e.g., perceptions of how fairly he or

she is paid). Then, job attitudes are formed by cognitively and affectively evaluat-

ing his or her interpretations of job circumstances (e.g., What do I think about this

fairness of pay? Does this perceived pay fairness feel good or bad?).

Brief (1998) based his integrated model on prior theoretical and empirical

work on subjective well-being, but empirical support for the integrated model of

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Theories and Research on Job Satisfaction 195

job satisfaction has not yet been established. Despite this, the integrated model

helps to rectify the seemingly incompatible person and situation approaches to

job satisfaction by acknowledging that stable individual differences and charac-

teristics of the situation influence job satisfaction. A key aspect of the theory is

the central role that subjective interpretation plays in forming job satisfaction. Ac-

cording to Folger (1986), job satisfaction is “inherently referential.” Individuals

will be dissatisfied if actual outcomes differ from thoughts about “what might

have been,” particularly if unfair treatment has caused the discrepancy. As re-

viewed in this section, salient referent cognitions can be based on personality,

comparisons to prior job experiences, perceived alternatives, or relevant others’

perceptions.

IMPLICATION FOR CAREER COUNSELORS

Most of the theories and research cited in this chapter come from the industrial

and organizational psychology literature. Thus, studies focus on job satisfaction

within a work environment rather than on longer term career satisfaction that is

more the focus of theory and research in career psychology (Lofquist & Dawis,

1984). However, despite the lack of research on job satisfaction and its promotion

in the career literature, career counselors who see adults in their practices un-

doubtedly have many clients seeking help for issues related to job dissatisfaction.

We have attempted in this chapter to review theories and research that seem most

useful to helping counselors conceptualize clients’ problems with job dissatisfac-

tion and work with them to improve their feelings of satisfaction. This final sec-

tion provides recommendations for counseling practice that we think derive

clearly from prior sections of the chapter.

Not only is job satisfaction an important end goal in and of itself, but also re-

search suggests that job satisfaction is associated with a variety of affective, be-

havioral, and health outcomes. For these reasons, the broadest implication of job

satisfaction research is that career counselors should strive to help individuals

achieve satisfying careers. Empirical evidence does suggest that there is a grain of

truth to commonly held beliefs that individuals who are satisfied at work also tend

to lead happier and healthier lives. Research also suggests that job satisfaction is

impacted by many situational, personal, and fit factors, and these factors vary in

importance for different individuals. Thus, counselors working with job dissatis-

fied clients need to assess the particular work environment, person, and person-

environment fit factors that may be contributing to each client’s dissatisfaction.

As reviewed in this chapter, job characteristics (e.g., amount of autonomy)

and job stressors (e.g., role ambiguity) can be important contributors to job sat-

isfaction. Some clients may have made appropriate vocational choices for their

personalities and abilities, but their current job context may be the cause of the

dissatisfaction. Using job characteristics measures such as the Job Diagnostic

Survey (JDS; Hackman & Oldham, 1975) or job stress measures such as the Oc-

cupational Stress Inventory-Revised (OSI-R; Osipow & Spokane, 1998), coun-

selors can help individuals identify the nature of their job and their experienced

psychological states that result from the job characteristics. When problems are

identified, clients can be advised on how to determine whether job redesign is

likely (or possible) within their current job context, whether coping strategies

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