47
probably formally constituted; but it is when the Claudian legions landed. In
this sense, AD 43 appears to mark a signifi cant change in the articulation of
power in Britain. However, again I think that the authority of a precise histor-
ical date and event is obscuring a much broader continuum of change. Indeed
I believe that ‘Roman’ troops may have been present in Britain for a while
before, but because of our fi xation with one particular reading of history, we
have blinded ourselves to the archaeological evidence that may indicate this.
It is not that we have rejected such suggestions; it is that we have never even
considered them.
Knowledge of Roman military matters and the use of force would have
been relatively well understood in southeast Britain in the early fi rst century
AD. Part of this would have been historical, the memory of Caesar’s con-
quest. However, in Gaul many of the warriors of the defeated and allied
communities went on to fi ght as auxiliary units in the civil wars that engulfed
the Roman world. If Gauls had gone to fi ght, it is more than likely that some
Britons had as well; if so, many back in Britain could have had direct experi-
ence of fi ghting against and alongside Roman troops. None the less, what I
am interested in here is not just the memory of individual life experiences in
Britain, but the articulation of power, which means examining the mindset of
the ruling individuals, and how they implemented force. Again we must recall
the range of experiences to which obsides were exposed, and then consider
if the archaeological evidence in Britain offers any support for the notion
that British ‘royalty’ shows signs of having been treated in the same way.
Many obsides spent time not just in Rome, but also with the Roman army
on campaign. This was a learning experience which some of them turned
to their own advantage years later. One such was Jugurtha, the illegitimate
nephew of Micipsa, King of Numidia. In his own kingdom he was over-
shadowing Micipsa’s own two sons, so he was sent away. In this case he
went, with a Numidian contingent, to assist Scipio Aemilianus in his siege
of Numantia in northwest Spain. Here he proved his capabilities, won much
admiration and even learnt Latin (Sall. BJ 7); but more importantly, he learnt
the art of war. So impressive were his achievements that he became Micipsa’s
heir. Upon fi nally becoming king he also put this learning experience into
effect when circumstances drew him into confl ict with Rome herself, during
which he proved a formidable enemy, knowing and understanding Roman
strategy. We know more about Jugurtha than anyone else since an entire
volume about the wars survives for us written by Sallust. However, remarks
about other obsides’ adventures with the Roman army are scarce, as they are
usually only inconsequential asides in narratives fulfi lling another purpose.
Juba II of Mauretania served in various campaigns during his youth with
Octavian; however this is only learnt from a passing comment in a history
summing up what happened to all the children of Cleopatra, since Juba was
married to one of her daughters as a reward for his service (Dio 51.15.6).
Another foreigner engaged in the Roman army was the Parthian Ornospades.
FORCE, VIOLENCE AND THE CONQUEST