Daunton M. The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, Volume 3: 1840-1950
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economies and diseconomies are as relevant in the later twentieth century as in
the late nineteenth century. The issues of urban externalities, of systems of
governance, of contesting claims on the urban environment are still important
issues in contemporary Britain.
The difficulties of resolving these issues have been intensified by disruption of
urban governance. The marginalisation of urban government in the last quarter
century should not be read as a sign that urban history has lost its relevance.
Rather, it should be seen in the same light as the disruption of urban govern-
ment in the second quarter of the nineteenth century: there are serious prob-
lems to be resolved, without effective means of creating consensus and resolving
conflicts. Local government at the end of the twentieth century attracts a very
low turn-out in elections, in part reflecting reorganisation since the s and
the onslaught of the Thatcher government. The reforms of local government by
the Heath administration in the early s created large new metropolitan
councils for Merseyside, Tyneside and so on, subsuming the old city councils and
failing to develop a new sense of local identity. By the s, so it appeared to
many Conservatives, local government was out of control, in the hands of dan-
gerous militants. Many officials in Whitehall were suspicious of the ‘extrava-
gance’ of local government, and had little or no experience of the problems and
difficulties facing councillors and officers in the town halls. Local government
was seen as part of the problem of governance in the s, rather than a means
of resolving tensions over the nature of urban society.
The greatest irritant was the Greater London Council under the control of
Ken Livingstone, who turned County Hall, at the other end of Westminster
Bridge from the Commons, into a centre of opposition to Thatcherism, a con-
stant and deliberate irritant. Abolition of the GLC meant that London, alone
amongst the great capital cities of the world, had no overall political authority.
Responsibility was left to the metropolitan boroughs which would consult over
major issues, but there was a lack of real agreement. Outer London boroughs
such as Croydon had little interest in the difficulties of desperately poor inner
London boroughs such as Hackney. And many strategic issues were in the hands
of unaccountable and anonymous officials in Whitehall, so removing problems
such as an integrated transport system from the agenda for local or metropolitan
politics. The privatisation of the railways and buses, and uncertainty over the
status of the underground, caused additional complications. Redevelopment of
the dock lands, one of the largest schemes of urban regeneration in Europe, was
left to commercial concerns, with remarkably little public control over the pro-
vision of the infrastructure, and with a destructive competition with the City of
London for the provision of new office space. In a longer-term perspective, the
outcome was akin to the mid-nineteenth century: the forces of localism of the
vestries, and the provision of metropolitan services by specific agencies such as
the Metropolitan Commissioners of Sewers or the Metropolitan Police under
Martin Daunton
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
the control of the Home Office. In the opinion of some critics, the outcome
was unfortunate, and there was a serious deficit of democratic accountability –
after all, the Metropolitan Police was the source of constant criticism as corrupt,
racist and inefficient. The decision of the Blair government to create an elected
mayor for London marks an attempt to recreate a political forum for resolving
some of the problems of externalities and diseconomies in the metropolis.
The issue is not simply the creation of new systems of governance; finance is
also vitally important. Nothing was done to widen the tax base of local govern-
ment from dependence on the rates, which started to cause difficulties at the end
of the nineteenth century. The alternatives of a local sales tax or income tax
simply seemed too complex and the rates continued, with grants from central
government. However, the politics of local government finance was to cause one
of the gravest political problems of the Thatcher administration and contributed
to her downfall. It had been accepted that the rates were regressive, so poor
households were given rebates. Further, rateable values were periodically reas-
sessed, so that some voters might find that their rate demands increased. These
issues came together, and led to a revision of the entire system of local govern-
ment finance. To many Conservatives, the existing fiscal system was the source
of irresponsible urban government, for ratepayers were a minority of the electo-
rate: only household heads paid, and even they might receive a rebate. The result,
so they argued, was that most voters had an incentive to vote for expensive, irre-
sponsible government. As a result – so the argument continued – a widow living
alone would pay a large amount in rates, whereas a family of tenants on a council
estate, with parents and children all earning, might pay less and vote for expen-
sive policies. Here, it seemed, was the electoral basis for the schemes of the GLC
or the left-wing Labour councils in Liverpool or Sheffield. One solution was to
impose ever stricter controls over local spending, by ‘capping’ the rates and
eroding the autonomy of local government. The permanent solution – so it was
hoped – was to impose a flat-rate ‘community charge’ – the infamous poll tax –
on all adults, so that all voters would be responsible. At least some advocates of
the poll tax believed that it would recreate the conditions for efficient local
government. In reality, the poll tax was highly unpopular, with a high level of
non-payment which weakened local government finance. The picture of the
poor widow could easily be countered by the millionaire in his mansion, paying
less than a working-class family in a small inner-city terrace house. The failure
of the poll tax meant a further undermining of local government autonomy. The
result has been a disruption of urban governance and serious difficulties in
resolving major debates over urban diseconomies.
In the s, a beleaguered Minister of Transport faced great difficulties in
allocating the costs of pollution and congestion, and the use of urban space con-
tinues to be contested. In the twentieth century, urban spaces were redesigned
to separate traffic and create arterial roads. The approach reached its apogee – or
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nadir – with Colin Buchanan’s report on traffic in towns, and the plans to con-
struct a new road through Georgian Bath and a motorway ‘box’ around central
London. The massive clearance schemes of the s and s far surpassed the
efforts of the s, with Harold Macmillan’s pledge to build , new
houses. The answer, so it seemed, was high-rise tower blocks and system build-
ing to increase productivity. Le Corbusier’s image of the city was quite unlike
that of the strolling, parading boulevardier: it was the street as ‘a factory for pro-
ducing traffic’, of high-rise apartments as ‘machines for living’, separated by grass
and linked by highways. In Marshall Berman’s words, modernist architecture
systematically attacked . . . the ‘moving chaos’ of nineteenth century urban life . . .
In the new urban environment . . . the old modern street, with its volatile mixture
of people and traffic, businesses and homes, rich and poor, is sorted out and split
up into separate compartments, with exits and entrances strictly monitored and
controlled, parking lots and underground garages the only mediation . . . The anar-
chic, explosive forces that urban modernisation once brought together, a new wave
of modernization, backed by an ideology of developing modernism, has pulled
apart.
1
The mall, with its private space and regulated behaviour, stands as the image of
the new urban environment.
Although these schemes are often attacked as the product of arrogant archi-
tects and planners, or the greed of a new breed of property speculators, their
vision of a new, modern city had considerable popular support. Indeed, in the
s local politicians were urged to press ahead with the building of high-rise
flats by tenants, and in turn urged the central government to allow them to
proceed. By the s and s, a reaction was already evident with the emer-
gence of a powerful conservation movement to protect even mundane Georgian
terraces from demolition. High-rise flats soon took on images of fear and alien-
ation; the collapse of one block in east London was soon followed by a pro-
gramme of deliberate demolition. The reaction was not simply against the form
of housing erected by city councils; there was also an attack on council housing
as a tenure. Tenants were given an absolute right to buy council houses, and the
funds could not be spent on new public services. Any new social housing was to
be provided by housing associations rather than local authorities which were no
longer considered trustworthy. In fact, the stock of property for rent to low-
income families was small, and homelessness became a serious political issue.
Meanwhile, Britain was obsessed with buying and selling houses, with massive
increases in prices as the market overheated and ran ahead of incomes. The polit-
ical dangers of a subsequent fall in prices which would leave many people with
‘negative equity’, or of variations in interest rates which would affect mortgage
repayments, were apparent.
Martin Daunton
1
M. Berman, All That is Solid Melts into Air (New York, ), pp. –
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
These tensions within the housing market may be explained in national terms,
but they do have a local, urban dimension. The massive gap between house
prices in different parts of the country is a serious constraint on the movement
of labour, and affects accumulation of wealth. The owner of a house in
Liverpool would scarcely be able to buy a house or flat in London – and would
certainly not make the large, untaxed, capital gains experienced in the South-
East of England. As the owner-occupiers of the s died, their children inher-
ited considerable sums of money. In inner London and, to an extent in other
prosperous urban areas, ‘gentrification’ became an issue. In one of the first pres-
ervation battles, Richard Crossman – Minister of Housing and Local
Government in the Labour government of – halted the bulldozers as they
were razing swathes of Islington to the ground. As he realised, the main danger
would be that the houses would soon be ‘gentrified’ and the working-class
tenants displaced. The issue, as he saw it, was how to keep out the middle class.
By the s, his fears were realised, and the middle class was well entrenched
in Islington. Working-class tenants survived in the remaining unmodernised
properties, or inner-city council flats. These streets in Islington – where most of
this volume was edited – may stand for a wider process of social change. They
were built by a speculative builder in the s and s on year leases. By
the late nineteenth century, respectable city clerks had moved out to the newer
suburbs, and the houses were subdivided with small workshops and factories
inserted. Rent controls meant that little money was spent on maintenance, and
damage during the war led to further decay. In the late s, the freehold of
the estate was purchased by the London and Manchester Insurance Company,
which held the houses until the old tenants moved or died, when they could be
renovated and sold to a new, affluent middle class. Different identities and sub-
jectivities collide in the streets of Islington, and the urban environment was
remade, with the profits of gentrification and redevelopment going to some
interests and not others.
The pressure on the housing stock created political tensions over the location
of new housing and planning controls over the green belt. Should the flight to
the urban fringe for housing and out-of-town shopping be halted and building
encouraged on ‘brown’ land within the city? Or should the green belt be
sacrificed to the needs of housing and out-of-town shopping centres? These
debates involve the economic interests of large builders and supermarket chains
with their expectations of private profit – but there is also the matter of social
costs, and how they should be balanced and by whom. Owners of shops in the
city centre, or residents without access to motor transport, would have a different
set of priorities. Many of the issues addressed in this third volume of the Cambridge
Urban History remain relevant to these debates – and not least to Cambridge itself,
where the editing has been completed. The sleepy market town of the nineteenth
century has been transformed into one of the most prosperous cities in Britain,
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with the university generating science-based research. The strict limits of the
green belt, and the conservation of the city centre, are creating pressure on the
housing stock, with high prices and serious traffic problems. The debates over
amenity and economic growth, over the desirability of controlling building or
removing restrictions on the green belt, over the provision of improved public
transport and limits on the private car, are simply further variations on the theme
of urban externalities explored in this volume. The policy of containing urban
England with a green belt, introduced in , is now highly contentious, with
implications for the allocation of profits from urban growth.
The creation of out-of-town shopping and new suburban estates has been
countered by another trend, of regeneration of the inner city. In the s and
s, cities were adapted to the motor car, with new roads and an insistence
that new office buildings provide parking spaces. By the s and s, ‘park
and ride’ schemes, pedestrianisation of city centres and the provision of new
urban tram systems in a number of cities have taken a different approach. In
some cases, the decline of inner-city shopping has been halted, and the vitality
of the old city centre preserved or increased. One of the first triumphs of pres-
ervation was the old market at Covent Garden, which was renovated and con-
verted into a centre for shops and restaurants and buskers, recreating in a sanitised
way some of the ‘moving chaos’ celebrated by Marshall Berman. The process is
highly commercial, a way of marketing the city and its bustle. In some cities –
Glasgow, Leeds, Birmingham – a combination of public initiatives and commer-
cial interests have invested in the central areas and given a new life to the
Victorian city. In Birmingham, the symphony orchestra – the creation of an
urban elite in the early twentieth century – is supported by the city as a sign of
cultural confidence. The offices of the municipal gas undertaking – whose
profits sustained the city’s art gallery – has itself been converted into a new exhi-
bition space, to host touring international exhibitions. A poster for the exhibi-
tion of paintings by Edward Burne-Jones – a native of the city – proudly
announced it was visiting New York, Paris and Birmingham. Culture is a way
of establishing status. On the old, derelict docks of London, Liverpool and
Cardiff, massive investment has created new offices, housing and public build-
ings. In Saltaire and Halifax, the huge spinning mills of Titus Salt and the
Crossleys have been converted into shops, galleries, restaurants, studios and
offices for the new growth sectors of computing and design. The Bradford wool
exchange, where Ruskin berated the philistines, is now a book shop, and
Smithfield is far from the stench and stickiness of Dickens. The old meat ware-
houses have been converted into studios for architects and designers, chic res-
taurants and loft conversions. Clerkenwell, once the home of clock and scientific
instrument makers as part of the web of interchange of skills and information
has re-emerged as the base for design firms and consultants, who use the city in
much the same way. Of course, other decayed industrial towns have been unable
Martin Daunton
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
to transform themselves into sites of post-modernity – and loft conversions in
mills and warehouses scarcely deal with the problems of deprivation in Liverpool
or Bradford.
The issue of public investment in the urban infrastructure continues to be
controversial. The redevelopment of the docklands in London was largely left to
private enterprise, which was to take any profits – as well as the disastrous loss
threatened when the property boom broke. The role of public investment was
small, with a failure to provide adequate transport. Strict controls by central
government over public investment by nationalised utilities meant a backlog of
repairs and maintenance for sewers and water supply. Whether privatisation pro-
vided the answer was highly contentious. Essentially, the debates of the mid-
nineteenth century, when public ownership started to replace regulated private
monopolies, has been rerun, with a different outcome: competing suppliers can
use the network of rails, cables, pipes to provide trains, gas, electricity and tele-
phones, with prices and quality of service regulated by a public body. The
current system of regulation is rather different from the maximum dividends or
sliding scales introduced in the mid-nineteenth century, and gives more discre-
tion to regulators to determine what is reasonable. What it does suggest is a con-
tinued concern with the allocation of monopoly profits between shareholders
and consumers.
Since , patterns of migration into cities have also changed. By ,
migration into Britain from the Commonwealth was still small. The Jewish
communities in London, Leeds and Manchester, the small black communities in
Liverpool and Cardiff, were still unusual; perhaps more significant than racial
tensions were the rivalries between Catholics and Protestants which still lingered
in Glasgow and Liverpool. From the late s, immigration from the
Caribbean, the Indian sub-continent, and Cyprus marked a major change in the
ethnic complexity of many British cities. Old inner-city districts were trans-
formed, and serious tensions arose in the housing market. The limited stock of
rented property led to conflict over access of housing, which contributed to riots
in Notting Hill. A related issue was entitlement to welfare. Entry into the
country gave access to many welfare services, in theory on an equal basis; in prac-
tice, the allocation of resources for health care was grossly unequal between areas,
and many inner-city districts faced serious problems of ill-health, with high
levels of infant mortality and the reappearance of tuberculosis. Local variations
therefore continued in the provision of national services; and many services were
still provided by local authorities. The most obvious was housing, and access to
property might well exclude recent immigrants who would be forced into poor-
quality housing as well as into poorly paid jobs. One result has been a revival of
interest by the medical profession and social scientists in local variations in stan-
dards of mental and physical health, which has put the urban variable back on
the agenda.
Epilogue
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The flow of resources within the urban network continues to affect standards
of well-being and prosperity. The economic regeneration of some towns rests on
the arrival of investment from overseas, such as the Nissan car plant in Sunderland
or Toyota in Derby, in place of the locally owned shipyards and railway work-
shops. Power within the urban network has moved to Tokyo and to a global
economy. The result might be to create local employment; but ownership is else-
where, and profits do not remain within the locality. The City of London itself
– so often criticised for its destructive impact on investment in manufacturing
industry – might not be immune. In , it was a shadow of its former self,
eclipsed by New York and constrained by exchange controls. It was reborn in the
s, as one of the three financial centres of the world economy: will it be able
to sustain this role in the face of potential competition from European centres?
However, the significance of local urban structures should not be dismissed. The
economies of Cambridge or Oxford show the importance of knowledge and
‘talk’ for urban growth and dynamism, with spin-offs from university research
laboratories into science parks. In some sectors of the economy, ‘flexible spe-
cialisation’ has re-emerged as efficient, with a positive role for external urban
economies. Even in the poverty-stricken inner London borough of Hackney, the
council is actively sponsoring small workshops, where independent designers
make furniture or metalware for the affluent consumer market of London.
Indeed, the World Bank predicts that cities will be central to the changing
political, economic and social structure of the coming century. The power of
national governments is facing challenge from two directions, from the forces of
globalisation and from a growing devolution to cities and provinces. The process
of delegation of power to the localities allows for a degree of autonomy and par-
ticipation, and might create more responsive and efficient local government. But
it might also pose serious dangers, where local governments are spend-thrift and
threaten macro-economic stability. The World Bank is also concerned about the
social costs of urbanisation in developing countries, with serious problems of
pollution and public health as a result of low levels of investment in the infra-
structure. As the World Bank points out, similar problems in Europe and North
America were overcome in the nineteenth century, as a result of processes ana-
lysed in this volume. Essentially, the problems of free riding and collective action
were resolved. But the World Bank is less optimistic for the future, fearing that
urban residents with higher incomes might be able to insulate themselves from
urban problems through private provision, and so avoid collective action. The
issues facing British cities in the nineteenth century have a new relevance to pol-
iticians and economists in the present, and urban historians should have some-
thing to contribute to the debate about long-term trends. At the very least, the
realisation that cities are crucial to economic growth, stability and welfare should
encourage historians to put the history of cities, and the issues considered in this
volume, at the centre of their concerns.
Martin Daunton
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
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