
Environmental Encyclopedia 3
Conservation
large portion of the public and to government leaders. Since
then, international conservationist efforts, including work of
the United Nations, have been responsible for monitoring
natural resource use, setting up
nature
preserves, and con-
trolling environmental destruction on both public and private
lands around the world.
The name most often associated with the United
States’ early conservation movement is that of
Gifford Pin-
chot
, the first head of the U.S.
Forest Service
. A populist
who fervently believed that the best use of nature was to
improve the life of the common citizen, Pinchot brought
scientific management methods to the Forest Service. He
also brought a strongly utilitarian philosophy, which contin-
ues to prevail in the Forest Service. Beginning as an advisor
to
Theodore Roosevelt
, himself an ardent conservationist,
Pinchot had extensive influence in Washington and helped
to steer conservation policies from the turn of the century to
the 1940s. Pinchot had a number of important predecessors,
however, in the development of American conservation.
Among these was George Perkins Marsh, a Vermont forester
and geographer whose 1864 publication, Man and Nature,
is widely held as the wellspring of American environmental
thought. Also influential was the work of John Wesley Pow-
ell, Clarence King, and other explorers and surveyors who,
after the Civil War, set out across the continent to assess
and catalog the country’s physical and biological resources
and their potential for development and settlement.
Conservation, as conceived by Pinchot, Powell, and
Roosevelt was about using, not setting aside, natural re-
sources. In their emphasis on wise resource use, these early
conservationists were philosophically divided from the early
preservationists, who argued that parts of the American
wil-
derness
should be preserved for their aesthetic value and
for the survival of wildlife, not simply as a storehouse of
useful commodities. Preservationists, led by the eloquent
writer and champion of Yosemite Valley,
John Muir
, bitterly
opposed the idea that the best vision for the nation’s forests
was that of an agricultural crop, developed to produce only
useful
species
and products. Pinchot, however, insisted that
“The object of [conservationist] forest policy is not to pre-
serve the forests because they are beautiful...or because they
are refuges for the wild creatures of the wilderness...but the
making of prosperous homes...Every other consideration is
secondary.” Because of its more moderate and politically
palatable stance, conservation became, by the turn of the
century, the more popular position. By 1905 conservation
had become a blanket term for nearly all defense of the
environment
; the earlier distinction was lost until it began
to re-emerge in the 1960s as “environmentalists” began once
again to object to conservation’s anthropocentric (human-
centered) emphasis. More recently deep ecologists and biore-
gionalists have likewise departed from mainstream conserva-
305
tion, arguing that other species have intrinsic rights to exist
outside of human interests.
Several factors led conservationist ideas to develop and
spread when they did. By the end of the nineteenth century
European settlement had reached across the entire North
American continent. The census of 1890 declared the Amer-
ican frontier closed, a blow to the American myth of the
virgin continent. Even more important, loggers, miners, set-
tlers, and livestock herders were laying waste to the nation’s
forests,
grasslands
, and mountains from New York to Cali-
fornia. The accelerating, and often highly wasteful, commer-
cial exploitation of natural resources went almost completely
unchecked as political corruption and the economic power
of timber and lumber barons made regulation impossible.
At the same time, the disappearance of American wildlife
was starkly obvious. Within a generation the legendary flocks
of passenger pigeons disappeared entirely, many of them
shot for pig feed while they roosted. Millions of
bison
were
slaughtered by market hunters for their skins and tongues
or by sportsmen shooting from passing trains. Natural land-
marks were equally threatened—Niagara Falls nearly lost its
water to hydropower development, and California’s Sequoia
groves and Yosemite Valley were threatened by
logging
and
grazing.
At the same time, post-Civil War scientific surveys
were crossing the continent, identifying wildlife and forest
resources. As a consequence of this data gathering, evidence
became available to document the depletion of the conti-
nent’s resources, which had long been assumed inexhaustible.
Travellers and writers, including John Muir, Theodore Roo-
sevelt, and Gifford Pinchot, had the opportunity to witness
the alarming destruction and to raise public awareness and
concern. Meanwhile an increasing proportion of the popula-
tion had come to live in cities. These urbanites worked in
occupations not directly dependent upon resource exploita-
tion, and they were sympathetic to the idea of preserving
public lands for recreational interests. From the beginning
this urban population provided much of the support for the
conservation movement.
As a scientific, humanistic, and progressive policy,
conservation has led to a great variety of projects. The devel-
opment of a professionally trained forest service to maintain
national forests has limited the uncontrolled “tree mining”
practiced by logging and railroad companies of the nine-
teenth century. Conservation-minded presidents and admin-
istrators have set aside millions of acres
public land
for
national forests, parks, and other uses for the benefit of the
public. A corps of professionally trained game managers and
wildlife managers has developed to maintain game birds,
fish, and mammals for public
recreation
on federal lands.
(For much of its history, federal game conservation has
involved extensive predator elimination programs, however