Foyster E., Whatley C.A. A History of Everyday Life in Scotland, 1600-1800
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
292 Christopher A. Whatley
male labour in manufacturing in 1800; not only was this work more regular
and almost exclusively full-time compared with a century earlier, it was all
hand- and foot-powered. But the seasons continued to pulse through this
and other occupations, with weavers leaving their looms at seed-time and
for the harvest well into the next century. The bleachfi elds that were laid
out in many Lowland parishes demanded more or less continuous working
when they were in operation, that is, during the brighter days from April to
October. Many employed only the male master bleacher and a handful of his
assistants throughout the year. Even the water-powered cotton mills could
be stopped during dry weather, a hard frost – which could last for weeks – or
an excess of rain that could swamp the water-wheel.
97
There had long been employers who had sought to exert their author-
ity over their workers. Sir John Clerk’s ceaseless (but largely unsuccessful)
attempts to inculcate regular habits in his coal mines are one example from
the seventeenth century; another is the managers of the cloth manufactory
at Newmills in Haddington, formed in 1681, who struggled for decades to
recruit and retain the labour they required, and resorted to a mix of pater-
nalist strategies which included inducements and punishments – physical as
well as monetary – to encourage their employees to work hard and without
embezzling materials or removing themselves and seeking better paid and
perhaps easier work elsewhere.
98
Over the course of the eighteenth century, however, such approaches
became more widespread. Under assault were customary practices – the aim
being to create an army of workers whose sole source of support was the
wage earned in return for a given amount of regular labour. To stamp out the
freer and easier attitudes to work inherent in pre-industrial society, where
possible, workpeople were cut off from their families, friends and neigh-
bours – and drink. At the revolutionary Carron Iron Works near Falkirk
– situated in a ‘country of Idleness’, according to the company’s directors
– walls were erected and gatekeepers appointed to monitor time-keeping,
prevent embezzlement and to keep out undesirables. A challenge for many
employers was to recruit middle managers – supervisors who would exercise
day-to-day control over operations, although it could be diffi cult to fi nd men
who were prepared to distance themselves from the value systems of the
communities from which they were drawn and to adopt the harder-edged
attitudes to work of their masters. Accordingly, a high proportion of the
workforce in the fi rst mills and factories were vagabonds, the unemployed
and desperate and those without friends or family, although there were some
rural mill-owners who deliberately recruited families for the range of labour
requirements these self-regulating units conveniently satisfi ed.
99
Neither in
the countryside was the new regime welcomed, loosening as it did the older
bonds of paternalism. At the heart of the greater rationality that was being
applied to labour matters was the afore-mentioned concept of the division of
labour; it was in parts of the country like the Hebrides, where the impact of
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 292FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 292 29/1/10 11:14:0729/1/10 11:14:07
Work, Time and Pastimes 293
industrialisation was indirect, where multi-tasking was more likely to survive
among the adult male population; it had long been the lot of women.
100
The watchwords were ‘order and economy’, and they were applied more
or less universally. Edinburgh bookbinders, for instance, complained that
the lighter parts of the process were being done by boys and girls, whereas
the efforts of the skilled journeymen were being concentrated on the heavier
work, upon which they had to labour solidly for eleven hours or so, in con-
trast to their previous ‘inconstant’ pattern of working.
101
Master glovers in
Perth had frowned on card and dice playing by their servants and apprentices
from the early seventeenth century, but in 1784 they made it clear that it was
when these games – and quoits – were played ‘during . . . ordinarie working
hours’, that the most severe punishments would follow.
102
The same forces
were evident in the countryside. James Boswell, proprietor of the improving
estate of Auchinleck in Ayrshire declared in 1793 that ‘no estate can fl ourish
where the tenants are not kept to steady order and regularity’. Accordingly,
perquisites like gleaning rights and even the liberty of keeping of a milk cow
were subject to attack. Workmen were to be accustomed to buy milk from
their waged work.
103
Initially at least, and where those concerned were able to fi nd alternative
ways of making a living, attempts to impose new working regimes found
little favour. At most of the new centralised workplaces – from Newmills in
the 1680s through to the New Lanark cotton mills a century later – employ-
ees who stayed for more than a year were probably in the minority.
104
We can question, however, the degree to which everyday experience for
most adult males changed, certainly in comparison with many women and
children. As far as everyday life in Scotland’s fi rst industrial revolution was
concerned, it was several thousand of those aged between six and seven
and up to the age of around sixteen, who experienced most intensely the
regularity, monotony and close supervision of the new age; it was the young
along with sizeable numbers of largely adolescent females who were the
shock troops of the emergent industrial army.
105
The scale of employment
of children in the new workplaces was in some instances phenomenal: in
Renfrewshire they accounted for more than 80 per cent of mill employees in
1809. Around the same time, 62 per cent of Scotland’s manufacturing work-
force comprised females, youths and children.
106
Yet even within textiles the picture was far from universal; in 1812 most of
the 150,000 people the industry was thought to have employed still worked
at home, alone or with family members and perhaps one or two others. This
was the situation that prevailed in most other sectors too.
But for most of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however many
days were spent at work, there was one – the Sabbath – where little or no
labour was expended. In the seventeenth century church attendance was
the normal expectation even within a large town like Edinburgh.
107
Even in
Glasgow, at the start of the nineteenth century the Sabbath was fairly strictly
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 293FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 293 29/1/10 11:14:0729/1/10 11:14:07
294 Christopher A. Whatley
observed: with the streets, according to one visitor, resembling ‘a City of
the Dead’ during divine service.
108
One Ayrshire minister recalled the late-
eighteenth-century Sabbath’s ‘solemn stillness’, with the only sound being
the chime of parish church bells.
109
Admittedly his reference point was rural
Ayrshire, but within Scottish society generally the concept of the Sabbath as
a holy day was deeply internalised, even if for many by the later eighteenth
century it was at rest, or in the pursuit of leisure and drink-induced pleasures
that the day was spent – increasingly so the urban working classes, for whom
there were few pews in the overcrowded churches even though a substan-
tial proportion of them were of a pious inclination.
110
Nor were labouring
people and their families always welcomed, other than at special services, or
at the civic Sundays schools opened from the mid-1780s in a bid to stem the
tide of ‘licentiousness’ among the young.
111
There were those, however, who
did break with church strictures about working on the Sabbath: examples
include sellers of milk and drawers of water in Edinburgh and Dundee and
Tay ferrymen; countless others appear in kirk session minute books, with
those accused of Sabbath breach being keen to prove that they had worked
out of necessity, as in harvesting grain on the fi rst dry day following several
days of rain; harvesters as a body were notorious Sabbath-breachers, cer-
tainly in the seventeenth century.
112
Some simply defi ed the kirk, like the salt
workers of Dysart who, for a time in the fi rst half of the eighteenth century,
continued to tend their pans on Sundays.
113
But there was considerable
enthusiasm for religion among working people in Scotland, no more so than
the hand-loom weavers for whom, during their so-called ‘golden age’ toward
the end of the eighteenth century, Sunday was a day of devotion.
114
WORK, STATUS AND IDENTITIES
Cultural historians have contested the Marx-derived notion that labour was
‘the defi ning human activity and the bedrock of culture’, arguing instead
that this was simply one of the ‘bundles of association’ that formed an indi-
vidual’s social identity.
115
In early modern Scotland, loyalties, identities and
status were determined by a series of concentric but interlocking bonds, the
elements of which changed according to circumstances and over time. Place,
neighbourhood, religion, values, family, kin and gender all mattered, as at
times did the antiquity of Scottish nationhood, and nation – especially in
opposition to England: a visitor to Edinburgh in 1705 observed that even
‘the children, which can just speak, seem to have a naturall Antipathy to
the English’.
116
But for many, occupation was more simply than a means of
making a living, important as that was. It was a ‘badge of social acknowledge-
ment’;
117
it also conferred a degree of status – not only for observers but for
working people too.
The importance of occupation in this respect is more easily documented
in the towns than the countryside. The merchant guildry and craft brethren
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 294FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 294 29/1/10 11:14:0729/1/10 11:14:07
Work, Time and Pastimes 295
of the trade incorporations founded in previous centuries were dominant
forces within burgh society, and often sat on town councils and kirk ses-
sions. The various trades guilds, associations and incorporations jealously
protected their members from the incursions of strangers – ‘unfreemen’
and unqualifi ed men – who sought to undercut the prices of burgesses and
freemen who had served craft apprenticeships. Often (but not always) they
were wealthy, with members contributing to common funds, or a ‘box’, for
the support of aged members of the craft and their dependants. The Sea Box
Society – for seamen – was the most affl uent organisation in the burgh of
Bo’ness at the end of the seventeenth century.
118
Admission to the incorpo-
rations was prized and certain standards of behaviour could, therefore, be
expected, with those offending society rules risking expulsion. There were
also strict rules for dress – another distinguishing mark.
119
Occupation was
also a determinant of what place was allotted during civic rituals – one of
the most public in the burghs being the annual or bi-annual ridings of the
town’s marches or boundaries. At Dundee in 1709 it was decreed that in the
fi rst rank of perambulators would be the magistrates and town council, but
Figure 11.2 Weaver’s headstone, Kilspindie Parish Church graveyard, Perthshire.
This headstone, dating from 1786, upon which are also carved a handloom and shuttle,
illustrates two important points: craft pride and the relatively high standing of handloom
weavers within their communities in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Source:
Christopher A. Whatley.
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 295FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 295 29/1/10 11:14:0729/1/10 11:14:07
296 Christopher A. Whatley
following them were to be the merchants, seamen and maltsters. The trades
were in third place, followed by ‘the small branches of the gildrie’. To be at
the rear implied inferior status, and squabbles and even fi ghts could break
out if members of a particular trade felt that their dignity was being offended,
as at Musselburgh in 1732 when the weavers found themselves placed behind
the tailors. Nor were they inclined to march near the butchers, whom they
described as ‘Men of Blood’.
120
The elevated status the trades sought and obtained within their communi-
ties was refl ected in the special pews, galleries, boxes and lofts in the towns’
churches for which they paid rent and then let to their members.
121
Traces
of this long-standing tradition survive in the panelling in Burntisland parish
church, upon which are depicted the various crafts’ insignia. Not surpris-
ingly for a maritime burgh, ships, shipmasters and seamen are prominent.
122
Masters and journeyman (and their womenfolk and families if there was
room), and apprentices, sat together as a body, although the fi rst-named
had the best seats. That the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries comprised
a period in which craft status was of particular importance is to be seen in
the many headstones of deceased masters and journeymen that survive in
greater numbers from the early 1600s, on to which are carved the distinctive
tools and other once easily recognised emblems of their trades.
123
Epitaphs
in praise of particular trades further emphasised the place of occupation as
a marker of social worth, reinforced in appropriate cases where the moral
attributes of the deceased were recorded too, such as truthfulness and honest
dealing, piety, kindness or bravery. Yet funerary monuments of this kind
which celebrated a man’s lifetime’s work were by no means confi ned to the
towns: the survivors of farmers, gardeners, foresters, colliers and others also
erected gravestones depicting these occupations.
The status of occupations was not fi xed, but altered over time; Edinburgh
over the course of the seventeenth century saw the number and material cir-
cumstances of the fl eshers drop, while the position of apothecaries improved
markedly.
124
By the end of the eighteenth century the weaving craft in some
cloths had lost much of its former esteem, with the length of apprenticeships
in linen for instance having been reduced severely – to months in some areas,
where women were picking up the trade.
125
Shoemaking, too, was under
threat; even though in 1763 the deacon and masters of the incorporation
of shoemakers in Kirkwall could claim that their rules had ‘subsisted past
memory’, there was little they could do to resist the encroachment into the
burgh of outsiders, or even the town’s piper from setting up as a shoemak-
ers.
126
In the manufacturing heartlands of Scotland in the second half of
the eighteenth century, a series of employers, operating in defi ance of the
vested interests of the guilds – and sometimes from within – exercised their
right to employ what workers they wanted, regardless of whether those they
employed had satisfi ed the craft courts. Nor were they concerned if those
they employed worked outside the burgh boundaries.
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 296FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 296 29/1/10 11:14:0729/1/10 11:14:07
Work, Time and Pastimes 297
Without clear occupational designation, craft pride and the sense of unity
and collective concern this created, a man’s – or a woman’s – position within
society was much less certain; those without a craft or other ‘skill’ were more
likely to be poor, dependent upon the kirk and the charity of individual ben-
efactors for relief. It was presumably the knowledge that this could be their
fate that caused females to resist where they could the consequences of the
strengthening male-driven conceptualisation of the worlds of business, com-
merce and crafts as masculine realms. They did so by gaining equal entry as
masters in some trades – to the glovers’ incorporation in Dundee in the early
years of the seventeenth century, for example, and to the tailors in Glasgow
from the 1730s as mantua-makers; by working independently or alongside
their husbands as equal partners in others; and by carrying on the businesses
of deceased husbands who had been merchants or master craftsmen.
127
The occupational associations referred to so far comprised primarily masters,
although journeymen were also admitted. In some trades, however, journey-
men – along with apprentices and servants – formed their own associations,
the main function of which was to create their own relief funds. As observed
already they also began to mount challenges against their employers, over
wages, hours and working conditions. With regular meetings and sharing joint
concerns a collective consciousness within particular employments emerged,
which by the end of the eighteenth century showed signs of widening into a
consciousness of class and an interest in radical politics. But identifi cation
with, and pride in, craft skills also played their part in maintaining workers’
identities. In several places journeymen cordiners paraded each year on 25
October, St Crispin’s day, their patron saint. In many trades apprenticeship
regulations were enforced, the occasion of their completion often marked by a
brothering ceremony, usually involving copious quantities of liquor.
128
While
acknowledging that the workplace had long been a place that had the potential
for confl ict, by the end of the eighteenth century, for more Scots than ever
before, the workplace was becoming something of a battleground.
129
Notes
1. For a fuller account of labour market conditions see K. Wrightson, Earthly
Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven, CT, 2000),
p. 308.
2. T. C. Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of the Union, 1660–1707 (Edinburgh,
1963), pp. 47–80.
3. R. S. Craig and A. Laing, The Hawick Tradition of 1514 (Hawick, 1898), pp.
18–39.
4. National Archives of Scotland (NAS), Marchmont Papers, GD 158/965, ff.
279–80, earl of Marchmont to King William, 19 July 1700.
5. M. B. Sanderson, Scottish Rural Society in the 16th Century (Edinburgh, 1982), pp.
170–1.
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 297FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 297 29/1/10 11:14:0729/1/10 11:14:07
298 Christopher A. Whatley
6. L. Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (New Haven, CT, 1992), pp.
125–32.
7. R. Sunter, Patronage and Politics in Scotland, 1707–1832 (Edinburgh, 1986), pp.
22–76.
8. Perth and Kinross Council Archives (PKCA), Perth Burgh Records,
B59/24/11/222/1, A List of Persons applying for the Offi ce of Town Serjand,
April 1784.
9. B. F. Duckham, A History of the Scottish Coal Industry, Vol I :1700–1800 (Newton
Abbot, 1970), pp. 66–72; A. B. Campbell, The Lanarkshire Miners: A Social
History of their Trade Unions, 1775–1874 (Edinburgh, 1979), pp. 26–48.
10. Orkney Archives (OA), Kirkwall, SC 11/5/1791/16, Answers to the petition of
Andrew Dreaver, 6 July 1791.
11. Anon., The Present State of Scotland Considered (Edinburgh, 1745), p. 22.
12. T. C. Smout, N. C. Landsman and T. M. Devine, ‘Scottish emigration in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, in N. Canny (ed.), Europeans on the
Move: Studies on European Migration, 1500–1800 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 76–111;
A. I. Macinnes, M.-A. Harper and L. G. Fryer (eds), Scotland and the Americas,
c. 1650–c. 1939: A Documentary Source Book (Edinburgh, 2002), pp. 8–26;
D. Ditchburn and M. Harper, ‘Aberdeen and the outside world’, in E. P.
Dennison, D. Ditchburn and M. Lynch (eds), Aberdeen Before 1800: A New
History (East Linton, 2002), p. 395.
13. R. Mitchison, ‘Who were the poor in Scotland, 1690–1830?’, in R. Mitchison
and P. Roebuck (eds), Economy and Society in Scotland and Ireland 1500–1939
(Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 142–4.
14. I. D. and K. Whyte, ‘The geographical mobility of women in early modern
Scotland’, in L. Leneman (ed.), Perspectives in Scottish Social History (Aberdeen,
1988), p. 97.
15. W. Howatson, ‘The Scottish hairst and seasonal labour 1600–1870’, Scottish
Studies, 26 (1982), 15–18.
16. Dumfries Archive Centre, Dumfries Council Minutes, A2/8, 6 March 1704.
17. E. C. Sanderson, Women and Work in Eighteenth-Century Edinburgh (Houndmills,
1996), pp. 74–107.
18. A. M. Smith, The Nine Trades of Dundee (Dundee, 1995), pp. 33–4.
19. R. A. Houston, ‘The demographic regime’, in T. M. Devine and R. Mitchison (eds),
People and Society in Scotland, Volume 1, 1760–1830 (Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 20–1.
20. J. Aitchison, Servants in Ayrshire, 1750–1914 (Ayr, 2001), pp. 43–5; T. Barry and
D. Hall, Spottiswoode: Life and Labour on a Berwickshire Estate, 1752–1793 (East
Linton, 1999), pp. 136–7; A. J. S. Gibson and T. C. Smout, Prices, Food and
Wages in Scotland, 1550–1780 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 284.
21. D. Buchan, The Ballad and the Folk ([1972], 1997 East Linton, edn), p. 25.
22. Sanderson, Women and Work, pp. 16–22.
23. W. Makey, ‘Edinburgh in mid-seventeenth century’, in M. Lynch (ed.), The
Early Modern Town in Scotland (London, 1987), pp. 205–16.
24. See P. Aitchison and A. Cassell, The Lowland Clearances: Scotland’s Silent
Revolution 1760–1830 (East Linton, 2003).
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 298FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 298 29/1/10 11:14:0829/1/10 11:14:08
Work, Time and Pastimes 299
25. A. Fenton, Scottish Country Life (East Linton, 1999 edn), p. 227.
26. See Aitchison, Servants, pp. 128–33.
27. W. H. Fraser, Confl ict and Class: Scottish Workers 1700–1838 (Edinburgh, 1988),
pp. 28, 30.
28. J. J. Wilson, Annals of Penicuik (Edinburgh, 1891), p. 187.
29. C. A. Whatley, Scottish Society, 1707–1830: beyond Jacobitism, towards
Industrialisation (Manchester, 2000), pp. 227–33.
30. OA, Kirkwall, SC 11/5/1764/28, Petition of William Lindsay, 16 April 1764.
31. T. M. Devine, ‘Urbanisation’, in Devine and Mitchison, People and Society, pp.
28–9, 35.
32. J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society, 1707–1764 (Edinburgh, 1983),
pp. 124–43; A. J. Durie (ed.), The British Linen Company, 1745–1775 (Edinburgh,
1996); Whatley, Scottish Society, p. 131.
33. I. Mackay, ‘Spinning & spinning wheels in the National Museums of Scotland’,
History Scotland, 7:2 (March/April 2007), pp. 22–7.
34. D. McClure (ed.), Ayrshire in the Age of Improvement (Ayr, 2002), p. 129.
35. R. E. Tyson, ‘The rise and fall of manufacturing in rural Aberdeenshire’, in J.
S. Smith and D. Stevenson (eds), Fermfolk & Fisherfolk: Rural Life in Northern
Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Aberdeen, 1989), pp. 68–71,
76–8.
36. I. D. Whyte, ‘Scottish and Irish urbanisation in the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries: a comparative perspective’, in S. J. Connolly, R. A. Houston
and R. J. Morris (eds), Confl ict, Identity and Economic Development: Ireland and
Scotland, 1600–1939 (Preston, 1995), pp. 17–18.
37. I. D. Whyte, ‘The occupational structure of the Scottish burghs in the late
seventeenth century’, in Lynch (ed.), Early Modern Town, pp. 222–233; E. Ewen,
‘“For whatever ales ye”: women as consumers and producers in late medieval
Scottish towns’, in E. Ewen and M. Meikle (eds), Women in Scotland c. 1100–c.
1750 (East Linton, 1999), pp. 129–32; R. E. Tyson, ‘People in the two towns’, in
E. P. Dennison, D. Ditchburn and M. Lynch (eds), Aberdeen Before 1800: A New
History (East Linton, 2002), p. 123.
38. A. Fenton, ‘The people below: Dougal Graham’s chapbooks as a mirror of the
lower classes in eighteenth-century Scotland’, in A. Gerdner-Medwin and J. H.
Williams (eds), A Day Festivall (Aberdeen, 1990), p. 75.
39. J. R. Coull, ‘The fi sherfolk and fi shing settlements of the Grampian region’, in J.
S. Smith and D. Stevenson (eds), Fermfolk & Fisherfolk (Aberdeen, 1989), p. 37;
Buchanan, Travels, p. 36.
40. Dingwall, Late 17th Century Edinburgh, pp. 128–31.
41. J. Penny, Traditions of Perth (Perth, 1836), pp. 243–4.
42. Revd J. L. Buchanan, Travels to the Western Hebrides from 1782 to 1790
(Waternish, 1997 edn), pp. 22–3, 67.
43. D. Simonton, ‘Work, trade and commerce’, in L. Abrams, E. Gordon,
D. Simonton and E. J. Yeo (eds), Gender in Scottish History since 1707 (Edinburgh,
2006), p. 201.
44. Gibson and Smout, Prices, pp. 264–9, 289–91; C. Young, ‘Rural independent
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 299FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 299 29/1/10 11:14:0829/1/10 11:14:08
300 Christopher A. Whatley
artisan production in the east central Lowlands of Scotland, c. 1600–c. 1850’,
Scottish Economic & Social History, 16 (1996), 19–23, 31–3.
45. Leneman, Atholl, pp. 19–20; R. A. Dodgshon, From Chiefs to Landlords:
Social and Economic Change in the Western Highlands and Islands, c. 1493–1820
(Edinburgh, 1998), pp. 109–10, 237–9.
46. PKCA, Perth Burgh Records, B59/24/8/12, Memorial, March 1730.
47. M. Young, ‘Rural society in Scotland from the Restoration to the Union: chal-
lenge and response in the Carse of Gowrie, c. 1660–1707’, unpublished Ph.D.
thesis (University of Dundee, 2004), pp. 280–302.
48. Sanderson, Scottish Rural Society, pp. 171–6.
49. I. D. and K. A. Whyte, ‘Debt and credit, poverty and prosperity in a seven-
teenth-century Scottish rural community’, in R. Mitchison and P. Roebuck
(eds), Economy and Society in Scotland and Ireland 1500–1939 (Edinburgh, 1988),
pp. 70–80; I. B. Inglis, ‘Scottish testamentary inventories: a neglected source for
the study of Scottish agriculture – Dunblane, 1660–1740’, Scottish Archives, 10
(2004), 62–3.
50. R. A. Dodgshon, ‘The Little Ice Age in the Scottish Highlands and islands: docu-
menting its human impact’, Scottish Geographical Journal, 121:4 (2006), 328–33.
51. Whatley, Scottish Society, pp. 80–1.
52. Present State of Scotland Considered, pp. 19–20; Wrightson, Earthly Necessities,
p. 321.
53. M. Gray, ‘The social impact of agrarian change in the rural Lowlands’, in Devine
and Mitchison, People and Society, p. 60; A. Orr, ‘Farm servants and farm labour
in the Forth valley and south-east Lothians’, in T. M. Devine (ed.), Farm Servants
and Labour in Lowland Scotland, 1770–1914 (Edinburgh, 1984), p. 30.
54. Gibson and Smout, Prices, p. 263; see also Barry and Hall, Spottiswoode, chs. 12
and 13; Aitchison, Servants, pp. 62–3.
55. B. Smith, Toons and Tenants: Settlement and Society in Shetland, 1299–1899
(Lerwick, 2000), pp. 65–76.
56. Young, ‘Rural independent artisan production’, pp. 27–35; J. Mitchell,
‘Memories of Ayrshire about 1780’, in W. K. Dickson (ed.), Miscellany
(Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1939), pp. 266–7.
57. G. Sprott, ‘The country tradesman’, in Devine, Farm Servants, p. 149.
58. J. R. Coull, ‘The fi sherfolk and fi shing settlements of the Grampian region’, in
J. S. Smith and D. Stevenson (eds), Fermfolk & Fisherfolk (Aberdeen, 1989), pp.
38–41; Simonton, ‘Work’, p. 205; D. A. Symonds, Weep Not for Me: Women,
Ballads and Infanticide in Early Modern Scotland (University Park, PA, 1997),
p. 121; McClure, Ayrshire, p. 16.
59. Burt’s Letters from the North of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1998 edn), p. 207; W. S.
Hewison (ed.), The Diary of Patrick Fea of Stove, Orkney, 1766–96 (East Linton,
1997), pp. 27–8.
60. Gibson and Smout, Prices, ch. 8.
61. J. Treble, ‘The standard of living of the working classes’, in Devine and
Mitchison, People and Society, pp. 194–200.
62. Whatley,
Scottish Society, p. 223.
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 300FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 300 29/1/10 11:14:0829/1/10 11:14:08
Work, Time and Pastimes 301
63. Fraser, Confl ict and Class, p. 39.
64. Aitchison, Servants, p. 48.
65. R. E. Tyson, ‘Contrasting regimes: population growth in Ireland and Scotland
during the eighteenth century’, in S. J. Connolly, R. A. Houston and R. J.
Morris (eds), Confl ict, Identity and Economic Development: Ireland and Scotland,
1600–1939 (Preston, 1995), p. 69.
66. Gibson and Smout, Prices, pp. 338–9.
67. Sanderson, Women and Work, pp. 108–35.
68. Gibson and Smout, Prices, p. 350; Penny, Traditions, pp. 138–43; see also
C. A. Whatley, ‘Roots of 1790s radicalism: reviewing the economic and social
background’, in Bob Harris (ed.), Scotland in the Age of the French Revolution
(Edinburgh, 2005), pp. 23–48.
69. R. A. Dodgshon, ‘Coping with risk: subsistence crises in the Scottish Highlands
and islands, 1600–1800’, Rural History, 15 (2004), 16–17.
70. S. Nisbet, ‘The rise of the cotton factory in eighteenth-century Renfrewshire’,
unpublished Ph.D. (University of Paisley, 2003), p. 125.
71. C. A. Whatley, ‘Labour in the industrialising city’, in T. M. Devine and G.
Jackson (eds), Glasgow, Volume I: Beginnings to 1830 (Manchester, 1995), pp.
370–2.
72. Gibson and Smout, Prices, p. 354.
73. E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common (1991), pp. 361–82.
74. See H. J. Voth, Time and Work in England 1750–1830 (Oxford, 2000).
75. Whatley, ‘Labour’, p. 362.
76. D. Watt, The Price of Scotland: Darien, Union and the Wealth of Nations
(Edinburgh, 2007), p. 75; Gibson and Smout, Prices, pp. 280–1.
77. J. Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, Volume 1, Before 1700 (Oxford,
1993), p. 386.
78. Fraser, Confl ict and Class, p. 34.
79. A. Gibson and T. C. Smout, ‘Scottish food and Scottish history’, in R. A.
Houston and I. D. Whyte (eds), Scottish Society 1500–1800 (Cambridge, 1989),
pp. 73–4; Whatley, Scottish Society, p. 227; L. A. Clarkson and E. M. Crawford,
‘Dietary directions: a topographical survey of Irish diet, 1836’, in Mitchison
and Roebuck, Economy and Society, p. 190; Aitchison, Servants, pp. 56–9.
80. Bil, The Shieling, p. 174.
81. Bogle, Common Ridings, pp. 87–90.
82. R. S. Fittis, Sport and Pastimes of Scotland (London, 1891), pp. 158–70; see also,
R. I. M. Black, ‘Scottish fairs and fair names’, Scottish Studies, 33 (1999), 1–64.
83. J. Morris, ‘The Scottish fair as seen in eighteenth and nineteenth century
sources’, Scottish Studies, 33 (1999), 89.
84. Penny, Traditions, pp. 122–3.
85. R. W. Malcolmson, Popular Recreation in English Society, 1700–1850 (Cambridge,
1973), p. 15.
86. A. Thomson, Maryhill, 1750–1894 (Glasgow, 1895), p. 17; Penny, Traditions, p. 245.
87. Fenton, Scottish Country Life, p. 72; see also A. Philip, The Parish of Longforgan:
A Sketch of its Church and People (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 234–5.
FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 301FOYSTER PAGINATION (M1994).indd 301 29/1/10 11:14:0829/1/10 11:14:08