Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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674 document 22 (1527)

And moreover, King Casimir had violated the oath [concluded] with my

father and had remained in brotherhood and friendship with Seyyid Ahmed

Khan and Murtaza Khan. And as you, our brother, in desire to unite with

the Nogays while regarding me, your brother, as a nobody, wished to set free

the Trans-Volgine khan, Sheikh Ahmed,

hence demonstrating enmity to us,

and delivered him to the hands of the Nogay envoy named Isfendiyar with the

aim to make him the khan of the Nogays, [being] our enemies, on hearing this

we said [to ourselves]: “the king is indeed our enemy.” For this reason we sent

another time our younger brother, Sahib Giray Sultan,

along with our great

army, to raid your state.

Ever since I, your brother, have assumed the place and reign of my father, I

have not seen any kind word or gis from you. We know from our ancestors

that you had remained in brotherhood and friendship. Yet, when I ascended

the throne of my father, I did not experience anything good from you, my

brother, but I saw only that your men destroyed my towns. So I sent my servant

to you, my brother, in order to learn why you had done this harm to me. And

you detained this servant of mine as if regarding me as a nobody, as if there

were no men le in my state, and as if not caring any more whether we would

be friendly or hostile to you. And you wanted to unite with our enemies, the

Nogays, while already forgetting our friendship that you had had with us from

the ancient years, and violating your oath. For that reason such a turmoil

occurred between us and for that reason I was raiding your states.

Yet, you should know that what has happened has happened and it is

already gone, and now we nally live in brotherhood and great amity, as you,

our brother, have sent us your servant Myxajlo

so that we may live in rm

friendship with you, our brother, and so that we should be a friend of [the

other’s] friend and an enemy of [the other’s] enemy. And Myxajlo said to us:

“our lord, the king, wants to keep friendship with you, his brother, so that [his]

state may remain in peace.” And [he asked] that I send a great envoy to replace

Djan Giray Mirza

to be hosted [in Lithuania] as a security for the oath to

On Sheikh Ahmed, the last khan of the Great Horde, who spent over 20 years in

the Lithuanian captivity and was set free in 1527 to regain the throne in Astrakhan,

see Document 9, n. 27.

Here the name of Sahib Giray is rendered more correctly as Sap Kirej; cf. notes

9–10 above. e khan apparently refers to a huge raid eected by the Tatar troops,

who were defeated by the Lithuanians near Čerkasy in February 1527. In fact, Sheikh

Ahmed was released from Lithuanian custody only aer that raid, although the nego-

tiations with the Nogay envoys had begun much earlier; see Čerkas, “Ordyns’ka poli-

tyka Velykoho Knjazivstva Lytovs’koho,” p. 230.

Myxajlo Hryhorevyč, the royal courtier sent to the Crimea from Danzig (Gdańsk)

in June 1526; see Banionis, LDK pasiuntinybių tarnyba, p. 197. On the contents of

royal proposals, cf. Opisanie dokumentov i bumag, xranjaščixsja v Moskovskom Arxive

Ministerstva Justicii. Kniga 21: Knigi Litovskoj Metriki (Moscow, 1915), pp. 127–128.

Djan Giray Mirza, referred to in the Ruthenian and Russian sources as Dčan/

Čan Kgirej (cf. n. b above), Čyn Kgirej, Dčyn Girej and Jan Girej, was a member of the

Shirin clan and the son of Bakhtıyar Mirza; see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij,

vol. 2, p. 636; Manz, “e Clans of the Crimean Khanate,” p. 308. He probably should

document 22 (1527) 675

be rmer. [And] I, your brother, have committed great aection and diligence

with all my heart so that this state remain in peace and the brotherhood and

friendship between us increase from this point, and I could not select anybody

more tting from among the other beys than my nephew [lit. my sister’s son],

Ma‘qul Mirza.

[So] I asked my brother-in-law, Bakhtıyar Bey, [to let him

go,] as I saw that I could not fulll such a task by [sending] anyone else. And

Bakhtıyar Mirza,

who also wished that brotherhood and friendship remain

between us, gave me this son of his. Having called him [i.e., Ma‘qul Mirza]

to us, we have made him our son and appointed great envoy in the presence

of your servant Myxajlo, and we have added another envoy to [assist] him,

[namely] Mehmed Haruz, the son of Asancha

Haruz.

And the sultans [i.e., princes], my brothers, along with the beys and ulans:

Devlet Ulan, Murtaza Ulan, Abdullah Ulan,

and our qaraçı beys, to begin

with Memesh Bey,

and Asenek Bey,

and Mahmud Bey,

and Osman Bey,

and all the beys have come out with the following demand: “whatever your

brother, the king, promised us, if he is to keep his word and oath, he should

be identied with a son of Bakhtıyar, who arrived in Lithuania late in the year 1521

and was probably detained as an honorary hostage until 1527; see Kazimierz Pułaski,

“Machmet-Girej,” p. 338. In 1532, King Sigismund recalled his sojourn in his letter

to the Lithuanian Council, adding that it had not prevented his domains from Tatar

raids; see Lietuvos Metrika. Knyga Nr. 15 (1528–1538). Užrašymų knyga 15, p. 178.

Ma‘qul Mirza was another son of Bakhtıyar Mirza and the brother of Djan Giray

Mirza; he was nally sent to Poland-Lithuania more than three years later and arrived

early in the year 1531. Shortly aer his arrival, Sa‘adet Giray executed several Shirin

leaders including Ma‘qul’s father (cf. n. 8 above) and notied Sigismund that he no

longer regarded Ma‘qul as his envoy. In 1532, aer Islam Giray ascended the throne,

Ma‘qul was released on the new khan’s request and sent to the Crimea along with

a Lithuanian envoy, Andrej Mackevyč; see Čerkas, “Ukrajina v polityčnomu protys-

tojanni Velykoho knjazivstva Lytovs’koho z Moskovs’koju deržavoju i Krymom u

20–x—30–x rr. XVI st.,” p. 22, n. 73; cf. Lietuvos Metrika. Knyga Nr. 15, pp. 178, 251,

255, 280–281.

In the document, Bakhtıyar is alternatively referred to as bey (Ruth. knjaz) and

mirza (murza).

Perhaps a diminutive from Hasan.

Devlet Ulan and Abdullah Ulan might have been identical with the envoys sent

to Poland-Lithuania in 1514; cf. Document 15, n. 16. All the three ulans, Abdullah,

Devlet, and Murtaza, figured among the dignitaries who swore an oath to keep peace

with Muscovy in 1524; see Malinovskij, “ Istoričeskoe sobranie,” p. 414.

On Memesh, the leader of the Shirin clan, see n. 7 above.

Asenek or Isenek, a brother of Devlet Bakhtı, who replaced the latter as the qaraçı

of the Barın clan in 1526; cf. Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” p. 59.

Perhaps a leader of the Qıpchaq clan, identical with his namesake mentioned

already in 1507; cf. Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” p. 35 and Docu-

ment 9, n. 40. Yet, on the list of the Crimean dignitaries from 1524 the leader of

the Qıpchaqs was referred to as Ismail Bey (Kipčak Ismail kniaz’); see Malinovskij,

“Istoričeskoe sobranie,” p. 415.

Perhaps a leader of the Arghın clan? Yet, on the list of the Crimean dignitaries

from 1524 the leader of the Arghıns is referred to as Ali Shukur Bey (Argin Ali Šukur

knjaz’); see Malinovskij, “Istoričeskoe sobranie,” p. 415.

676 document 22 (1527)

send you, our lord Sa‘adet Giray Khan, the same gis that he had always sent

your elder brother, Mehmed Giray Khan, while he had remained in brother-

hood and friendship [with him]; and if you ask for anything apart from these

gis, he should not make any excuses in this respect and he should sincerely

keep the brotherhood and just friendship; and as he used to send gis to your

father and your elder brother, Mehmed Giray Khan, he should likewise agree to

give the respective incomes to the qalga sultan—to begin with, and the [other]

sultans [i.e., princes], starting from the oldest to the youngest, the beys, mirzas,

other beys, ulans, and to the landlords, courtiers, and other loyal servants, who

are always present with you [and whose names are] in the register.”

I have already sworn by the above written [conditions]. And you should let

me, your brother, know, without any delay, whether you wish to keep it [as

well]. And you should send back to me my envoy, Djan Giray Mirza, along

with the gis, adding to him your great envoy and having conrmed [the peace]

with [your] oaths, so that my envoys, who go to you with [my] oaths, meet

Djan Giray Mirza and your envoy in Kiev; and may my envoys go [further] to

you, and your envoys come to me, bringing brotherhood and rm friendship

between us.

And the beys, ulans, and mirzas told me and swore along with me that if

you, my brother, live in friendship with me, they should raid the Muscovian

[duke] always from now on and prove their enmity with their sabers, and they

should be enemies to any of your enemies and friends to any of your friends.

And in unity, along with our council we have sworn by our [holy] books: by

God and with God!

And in display of our brotherhood and friendship that

we want to bring about, we have appointed our great envoy, we have sworn,

and we have sent you our present great oath-letters through this envoy, our

good and loyal servant, Yankura

son of Belechik, and [through] our scribe

Djanaka. And whatever words this servant of mine passes to you, my brother,

you, my brother, should trust, as these will be my words. Just as there is one

God in heaven, so let there be one word and rm oath between us.

And you, my brother, should rmly keep the friendship and oath as I do, and

you should be the master of your word. And my scribe Djanaka should read

my present letter in front of you, my brother.

I have sent my present oath-yarlıq [Ruth. jarlyk prysjažnyj] under the signet

seal. Written in Perekop, 933

years aer the birth

of Muhammad.

e Arabic formula vallahi ve billahi is rendered (in Tatar pronunciation) in the

Cyrillic text as vollaha vel’biljaha.

Perhaps identical with Yanchura (Jančura), the Crimean envoy sent to Moscow

in 1515; cf. Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, p. 201. On the personal name Yan-čura (<Ğan

Čora), see Jankowski, Historical-Etymological Dictionary, p. 499.

Cf. n. c above; the Muslim year 933 A.H. lasted from 8 October 1526 till 26

September 1527.

An obvious mistake or superuous interpretation by a Ruthenian translator,

since the Muslim calendar begins with the emigration (Hegira) and not the birth of

Prophet Muhammad.

DOCUMENT 23 (1527)

e oath-letter (lyst prysjažnyj) sent by the qalga, Islam Giray,

to King Sigismund

e original document is missing.

Ruthenian copies:

A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 1193–1195 [old folia-

tion: 601b–602b].

A.* 18th-century Latin transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no. 193,

pp. 718–719.

Великое Ѡръды великого царѧ Садетъ Кирева брата Слагаль Кгево

слово:

Ѡтъ сына вашое милости, ѡтъ Исламъ солтана, ѡтъцꙋ нашому

Жикгимонътꙋ королю полскомꙋ, великомꙋ кнꙗзю литовскому, рꙋскому,

прꙋскомꙋ, жомоитъскому, и иных многих панствъ господарю, много-

кроть поклонъ.

Слово мое то естъ, што ѡтъ предка нашого Хас Киреѧ царѧ, а

предокъ вашъ Казимиръ король, ѡдного господарѧ дети, а длѧ тое

прычыны добре в братстве и въ прыꙗзни бꙋдꙋчы, а потомъ з нашими

предки, Менъкгиреемъ царем а с царемъ Магъметъ Киреемъ, в братс-

тве и в прыꙗзни были, завъжъды с прысѧжъными листы черезъ вели-

кии послы поклоны и впоминъки хожывали. А теперъ тых часов межы

нами ни добрыи поминъки, ани добрыи поклоны не ходѧть. Чы длѧ

тое прычыны, што мы тых часовъ межы собою в незгоде были, али

пакъ длѧ тое прычыны не видети

мене, сына своего, собе за сына

и за прыꙗтелѧ? Ино ведже, ласкою божъею в семъ моемъ паньстве

такожъ есьми господарѧ сынъ, прыꙗтелю нашомꙋ могу прыѧзни

довести, а непрыꙗтелю нашомꙋ непрыꙗзни воиском своимъ чысте

могу довести.

А тепер с царемъ Садетъ Кгиреемъ, братомъ моимъ старъшымъ,

ѡтъца нашого паньство и люди вси в одно слово содиночыли сѧ, и

коли бꙋдеть братъ мои старъшии и ꙗ тежъ здорови, можемъ чисте

кождому непрыꙗтелю нашомꙋ ѡтъказъ и ѡтъпоръ вчынити, а то

длѧ тое прычыны ижъ хочемъ, штобы ваши паньства, королевъс-

тво, вовъ покои были. Непрыꙗтелю вашому московъскому хотѧчы

непрыꙗтелемъ быти, во въсемъ нашомъ паньстве кнꙗзи шырыновъс-

кии, и барыновъскии, и инъшы кнꙗзи, вланы, и мꙋръзы, вси з вами в

братстве быти царѧ впросили. И ꙗ тежъ, сынъ вашое милости бꙋдꙋчы

и хотѧчы дела твои справовати, какъ то сынъ твои, брата твоего Садет

Perhaps it should read видели.

678 document 23 (1527)

Киреѧ царѧ, и тежъ моего брата старшого, добре есьми впросил, тобе

братомъ а прыꙗтелемъ быти.

И маеть своего сестреньца до вас послати, Макꙋлъ мꙋръзꙋ. И на

томъ есьмо вси положыли, ижъ братъ мои старъшыи его нарадил

великимъ посломъ, и с прысѧжными листы маеть его до тебе, брата

нашого, послати. А которыи кнꙗзи: въ головах кнꙗзь Мемешъ, и

инъшыи кнꙗзи, вланы, вси перед вашимъ слꙋгою Михаиломъ, на томъ

вси прысѧгънꙋли водле своих книгъ: валлага велбилѧга, иж хочемъ

непрыꙗтелю вашомꙋ московъскому саблѧми нашими непрыꙗзни дово-

дити, а з вами в братъстве и прыꙗзни хочемъ быти. И ꙗ тежъ по томꙋ

перед слꙋгою вашимъ Михаиломъ, и которыи тежъ пры мне кнꙗзи:

шыриневъскии старъшии Аидешъке мурза, и инъшыи кнꙗзи, вланы,

и мꙋръзы, и слуги мои дворныи, на томъ есьмо вси прысѧгънули подле

своих книгъ: валлага велбилѧга. Бо то наша прысѧга естъ великаѧ,

какъ ѡдинъ Богъ на небе, такъ и слово нашо ѡдно.

Ино теперъ непрыꙗтелѧ вашого московъского паньство ꙗ, сынъ

вашъ, вземъшы все воиско съ собою, със прыказаньемъ царѧ, брата

моего старъшого, хочꙋ воевати, колко намъ Богъ поможеть. А теперъ

ѡт двꙋ годов много есми велми стравил и долъжонъ стал. И што еси

перед тымъ сынꙋ своемꙋ Богатыръ солтанꙋ, братꙋ моемꙋ старъшомꙋ

небощыкꙋ, которыи впомиъки давал, ино теперъ ѡ томъ вашое

милости, ѡтъца нашого жедаемъ, абы еси ласку свою мне вчынил,

и пожаловал на тотъ долгъ, тое мне бы еси дал. А в нашомъ паньс-

тве которое дело бꙋдешъ мети, то все нехаи на мне лежыть, штобы

вжо паньство вашо вов покои было. И вы в томъ имете мне веры, а

завъжъды пословъ и гонъцовъ межы себе посылати не вмешъкиваимо,

жебы дело вашо не ѡмешкано было.

И теперъ перед великимъ посломъ, перед Макул мꙋръзою, послал

есьми своего гонъца, веръного слꙋгу, дворѧнина своего Буидали

мꙋръзꙋ, с тѧжкимъ поклономъ а з легъкимъ впоминъкомъ. И што ѡнъ

бꙋдет вашои милости словомъ своимъ мовити и жедати, тому верте,

ижъ то мои слова естъ. А тежъ и дела своего не въмешкиваите, через

своего великого посла поклоны и поминъки нарадивъшы пошлите. А

твоеи милости ѡтъцꙋ моемꙋ, королю, кнꙗзи мои и слꙋги мои веръныи

вси на непрыꙗтела твоего саблами своими хотѧть слꙋжыти. А твоѧ

милость рачъ имъ в томъ ласку свою вчынити и пожаловати, што их

доходод [sic] имъ прыидетьсѧ, штобы то было не вменъшоно.

А штобы з нашими послы великими в Киеве потъкалисѧ, а тотъ мои

листъ прысѧжныи под перестенъною печатью послалъ есьми.

Писанъ в Перекопе.

Translation:

e word of Islam Giray,

the brother of Sa‘adet Giray, the great khan of the

Great Horde:

e name of Islam Giray is rendered corruptly as Slahal’ Kgev.

document 23 (1527) 679

[Let] multiple salutations [be pronounced] to our father Sigismund, the king

of Poland, the grand duke of Lithuania, Ruthenia, Prussia, Samogitia, and the

lord of many other states, from the son of Your Majesty, Islam Sultan.

My pronouncement is as following: as our ancestor, Hadji Giray Khan, and

your ancestor, King Casimir, were [like] the children of one ruler, for that

reason they rightly remained in brotherhood and friendship, and thereaer,

since [their times], [you] have remained in brotherhood and friendship with

our ancestors, Mengli Giray Khan and Mehmed Giray Khan, and salutations

and gis have always circulated along with oath-letters [sent] through great

envoys. Yet, in the present time, neither proper gis nor kind salutations circu-

late between us. Is it because we have recently been in disagreement that you

have not regarded me, your son, as your son and friend? Yet, by the grace of

God I am also a son of the ruler in my state, hence I can prove friendship to our

friend or—along with my troops—I can really prove enmity to our enemy.

And now, along with my elder brother,

Sa‘adet Giray Khan, we have united

the state and all people of our father, and if [only] we—my elder brother and

I—stay healthy, we can really repulse and resist any of our enemies, because we

want your domains, the kingdom, to remain in peace. ose [dwelling] in our

entire state, who wish to be enemies to your Muscovian enemy: the Shirin and

Barın beys, and other beys, ulans, and mirzas, have jointly asked the khan to

remain in brotherhood with you. And also I, who am the son of Your Majesty

and wish to conduct your aairs, as [would be tting] your son, have persis-

tently asked your brother, Sa‘adet Giray Khan, [who is] also my elder brother,

to be your brother and friend.

And he [i.e., Sa‘adet Giray] should send you his nephew [lit. his sister’s son],

Ma‘qul Mirza.

And we have all proposed that my elder brother should appoint

him great envoy and send to you, our brother, along with oath-letters. And the

beys—to begin with Memesh Bey,

and other beys, and ulans, have altogether

sworn in front of your servant Myxajlo

by our [holy] books—by God and with

God!

—that we want to prove [our] enmity towards your Muscovian enemy

with our sabers, and to remain in brotherhood and friendship with you. Also I,

along with the beys who are with me: Aydıshke Mirza,

who is the senior among

the Shirins, and other beys, ulans, mirzas, and my courtiers, have accordingly

sworn altogether in front of your servant Myxajlo by our [holy] books: by God

In fact, Sa‘adet Giray was the uncle of Islam Giray as he was the brother of Islam’s

father, Mehmed Giray.

On Ma‘qul Mirza, the son of Bakhtıyar Mirza from the Shirin clan, cf. see Docu-

ment 22, n. 19.

On Memesh Bey, the leader (qaraçı bey) of the Shirin clan, see Document 22, n. 7.

On Myxajlo Hryhorevyč, the royal courtier and envoy, see Document 22, n. 17.

e Arabic formula vallahi ve billahi (in Turkish pronunciation) is rendered in

the Cyrillic text as vallaha velbiljaha.

Aydıshke, son of Mamaq and brother of Memesh; also known as the envoy to

Moscow in 1516 and member of the Shirin conspiracy against Mehmed Giray in 1523;

see Le khanat de Crimée, pp. 107-109, 319, 427; Manz, “e Clans of the Crimean

Khanate,” p. 308.

680 document 23 (1527)

and with God!

Our oath is great, as there is one God in heaven, so our word

is one.

And now I, your son, having taken along all the troops on the order of the

khan, my elder brother, intend to raid the state of your Muscovian enemy, if

only God helps us. Yet for the past two years I have spent a lot on food sup-

plies and incurred debts. And now I ask Your Majesty, our father, to display

me your generosity and give me the same gis that you used to give previously

to your son Bahadır Sultan,

my late elder brother, [in order] to [pay o ] this

debt. And if you need any aair to be settled in our state, leave it entirely to

me so that your state may remain in peace. And you should trust me in this

matter, and we should never neglect sending envoys and couriers between us,

so that your aairs be not neglected either.

And now, before the great envoy, Ma‘qul Mirza, I have sent my courier and

loyal servant, my courtier Buydalı Mirza,

along with a heavy salutation and

light gi.

And whatever he tells Your Majesty or asks for in his word, you

should trust it, as these will be my words. And you should also send salutations

and gis, having prepared them, through your great envoy, without delay. And

all my beys and loyal servants wish to serve Your Majesty, my father, the king,

with their sabers, against your enemy. And Your Majesty might condescend

to display your generosity and grant them their due revenue so that it not be

diminished.

And I have sent my present oath-letter under the signet seal, so that [my

courier] meets our great envoys in Kiev.

Written in Perekop.

Cf. n. 6 above.

On Bahadır Sultan, the oldest son and qalga of Mehmed Giray, killed along with

his father during the Astrakhan campaign in 1523, see Document 17, n. 11.

Buydalı Mirza must have been identical with the Crimean envoy sent in 1535

to Moscow and killed in a skirmish while traveling through Russia; see Juzefovič,

Put’ posla, p. 33. In the Russian sources, like in the present document, he is referred

to merely by the term “courier” (Rus. gonec), which is perhaps the translation of the

Turkish term çapqun.

On the traditional Turkic formula originating from the chancery of the Golden

Horde: aġır selam ve yingil bölek (“a heavy salutation and light gi”), see Kurat,

Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivindeki Altın Ordu, Kırım ve Türkistan hanlarına ait yarlık

ve bitikler, p. 51, and Zajączkowski, “Dyplomatyka Złotej Hordy i Krymu w XV w.,”

p. 215.

DOCUMENT 24 (OCTOBER–NOVEMBER 1532)

e donation yarlıq cum şartname issued by Mehmed Giray and

corroborated by his son, Bahadır Giray, sent anew by Islam Giray

e original document is missing.

Ruthenian copies:

A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 15, fol. 171a–173a [old

foliation: 136a–138a].

Published in Lietuvos Metrika. Knyga Nr. 15 (1528–1538). Užrašymų

knyga 15, pp. 191–193.

A.* 18th-century Latin transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no. 200,

pp. 869–873.

Тое поселство до Королѧ Его Милости прыслал Анъдреи Мацковичъ

в листе своимъ, а за тымъ панъ воевода его милость виленьскии того

жъ поседства копею в листе своемъ прыслал, которое жъ выше в тых

книгахъ ест записано:

Починаю, Боже, во имѧ Твое свѧтое, што щастье даеть и жалꙋеть

тых, хто братство ꙋ правде держыть, свое слово полнить без хитрости,

справедливымъ серцемъ!

Деда моего, цара Менъ Кгиреево слово, и ѡтца моего, цара Магмет

Киреево слово, Богатыръ солтаново слово, брата моего, Алпъ Киреи

солтаново слово:

Правое рꙋки и левое великого ꙋлꙋса темъникомъ, и тисечникомъ,

и сотникомъ, [и десꙗтником,]

и вланомъ, кнѧземъ, по тому ж теж

рꙋскимъ кнѧземъ и паномъ, городом, местамъ и волостемъ, и митро-

политамъ, и владыкамъ, чорнотъцомъ и белцомъ, боѧромъ и меща-

номъ, и всемꙋ посполствꙋ, ижъбы вамъ было ведомо:

e letter of agreement, brought by the envoy Andrej Mackevyč from the new

khan Islam Giray, is in fact an almost literal copy of the document issued in 1517

by Bahadır Giray (cf. Document 18). It is possible that Mackevyč was provided with

its traft by Olbracht Gasztołd, the Lithuanian chancellor, who in the king’s absence

prepared an embassy from Vilnius to the Crimea. As Gasztołd had received Bahadır’s

yarlıq and oath in Čerkasy in 1517, he might have retained its copy and given to

Mackevyč as a model. Borys Čerkas convincingly explains the fact that Islam Giray,

instead of issuing a document in his own name, sent a copy, bearing the name of his

late brother, by the khan’s haste to secure a Polish-Lithuanian protection in the face of

a possible Ottoman intervention; see idem, “Ordyns’ka polityka Velykoho Knjazivstva

Lytovs’koho,” p. 240.

Apparently omitted by error; cf. Document 18.

682 document 24 (october–november 1532)

Чынимъ ꙗвъно симъ нашымъ листомъ, штожъ здавъна предки наши

цары, и царъ нашъ Магъметъ Киреи царъ, коли мели кони потныи,

тогъды прыежчали до великого кнѧзѧ Витовта, и до королѧ и великого

кнѧзѧ Витовта,

и до литовъского паньства ꙋ гостиное прыежчалъ, и

видѧли великую честь; ѡни подлꙋгъ давного ѡбычаѧ рꙋское земли,

зъ городы, и з месты, и з волостьми, со тъмами, и з земълѧми, и зъ

водами, и з даньми, и з выходы записали, ничого не въменъшываючы,

ꙋгленувшы в тыи давъныи

ерълыки, которыи ж писаны и даны ѡт

предков наших царев. А ѡт тых часовъ, какъ нас Богъ пожаловал, на

столцы есьмо нашомъ сели, и мы ꙋ[г]ленувъшы ꙋ давныѧ прысѧжныѧ

листы предков нашых, и мы есьмо по томꙋ и нашъ листъ дали, какъ

же ѡтецъ нашъ, Минъ Кгиреи царъ Козмирꙋ, королю и великомꙋ

кнѧзю далъ. И мы теж ѡт тых часовъ изъ Жыкгимонътомъ, королемъ

и великимъ кнѧземъ, ꙋ братстве и въ прыѧзни бꙋдꙋчы, поновлѧючы

давных речеи, в тое ж слово листъ нашъ под золотою печатю дали

братꙋ нашомꙋ Жыкгимонътꙋ, королю и великомꙋ кнѧзю, и его детемъ,

и его потомъкомъ, держати вов покои: Киевъ со тмою, и з земълѧми,

и з водами, з даньми, и з выходы; Великии Лꙋческъ со тмою, и зъ

земълѧми, и зъ водами, и з даньми, и з выходы; Смолнескъ

со тмою, и

зъ земълѧми, и з водами, з даньми, и з выходы; Полоцъко, Витебъско,

со тмою, и з земълѧми, и з водами, и з даньми, и з выходы; Подоле

со тмою, и зъ земълѧми, и з водами; Браславль со тмою, и зъ выходы;

Соколче со тмою, и зъ земълѧми, и з выходы, и з водами; Звиныгород

изъ земълѧми, и зъ водами, з даньми, и з выходы; Качыбиевъ, Маѧкъ и

з земълѧми, и з водами; а такъже почонъшы по Днепрꙋ ѡт Киева и до

ꙋстьꙗ днебъръского; Снепород, Глинескъ з людми; Жолваж, Путивль и

зъ земълѧми, и з водами; Синецъ, Хотенъ, Лосичы, Хотмышъ, Ницаны

и з зъемълѧми, и з водами, з данью, и зъ выходы; Кꙋрско со тмою;

Сараева сына Егалтаева со тмою; Радогокъ, Милолюбъ со въсими

земълѧми, з водами, з даньми и выходы; Мꙋжеч, Стародꙋбъ, Ѡскол,

Брѧнѧсскю из земълѧми, и з водами, з даньми и выходы; Мъченескъ,

Любꙋцъ, Тꙋлаи-городъ изъ земълѧми, и з водами, з даньми, и з выходы;

Берестеи, Ратно. Козелско, Пронско, Волкона, Спашъ, Донецъ, со

въсими земълѧми и выходы, з даньми и водами; Дашокъ ѡгород,

Бал-

клыи, Кꙋралꙋ, Чорон город, Ꙋтешъков-городнищо, Тꙋшынъ, Немиров,

Ѡхромꙋ со тмою, Ѳедорково аркуде ѡстрое,

со всими земълѧми и

водами, з данью, и з выходы; Пъсковъ, Великии Новгород, Резанскии

Переꙗсловъ, з людми, со тмами, з лесы, з выходы, што потечетъ

въканеть, то есьмо дали къ литовскомꙋ паньству.

An obvious mistake; it should read Казимерꙗ as in Document 18.

Mistakenly written данъныи.

Mistakenly written Клолнескъ.

It should read Дашов город.

is entry is obviously corrupt; perhaps it should read Ѳедорково рекомо

ѡстров (cf. Document 14: Ѳедоровъ-городокъ рекомо ѡстров).

Mistakenly written потеческъ.

document 24 (october–november 1532) 683

А на томъ есмо порадꙋ мели из своими сынъми, и з солтаньми, и з

ꙋлѧны,

и з кнѧзми, и зъ мурзами, твердꙋю прысѧгу вчынили посполꙋ

вси, штожъ мы с королем и великимъ кнѧземъ Жыкгимонтомъ ꙋ

вернои прыезни на веки, ꙋ братстве быти ажъ до его ꙋночот, и до

нашых тежъ ꙋнуковъ: его прыетелю прыѧтелемъ быти, а непрыетелю

его непрыꙗтелемъ быти, а напротивъку кожъдого его непрыетелѧ за

ѡдинъ быти.

А которые городы и волости, земли и воды московскии за брата его,

королѧ и великого кнѧзѧ Ѡлекъсанъдра забрал за себе, и коли Богъ

поможеть тые городы под ним достати, городы и волости, и земли, и

воды, ꙗ, Магъмет Кгиреи царъ, из сыномъ своимъ Богатыръ солтанъ,

а з Ал солтаномъ, з божею помочю з мосъковских рꙋкъ вынѧвшы,

и засѧ королю и великомꙋ кнѧзю Жыкгимонъту въ рꙋки подати; а

тежъ на его непрыетелѧ, на московъского, ꙗ, Магъмет Киреи царъ,

из детми своими, и з людми, и з воиском своимъ королю и великомꙋ

кнѧзю Жыкгимонътꙋ маю помочъ[он] быти ныне и напотом. Тежъ

[на] инших неприѧтелеи [коли] прышълет до нас, воиска жедаючы,

мы маемъ дати личбою на помочъ, колко имъ бꙋдеть надобе.

А которыи лихии дела были стали сѧ за ѡтца вашого Кази-

мира, королѧ и великого кнѧзѧ, и за брата вашого Ѡлбрахта, и за

Ѡлекъсанъдра, и за вас паньству ѡтчызне вашои, лецкои земли и

Великомꙋ Кнѧзьствꙋ Литовъскомꙋ ѡтъ мене, цара Магъмет Киреѧ, и

ѡт детеи моих, и ꙋланов, кнѧзеи, и ѡт слꙋгъ, што вашимъ земълѧмъ

шкоды великии чынили, ты, братъ нашъ, тое имъ [бы] ѡтпꙋстил, и

тыи лихии дела их из середца своего выложыл. А которое дело намъ

ѡт вас сѧ стало,

и нашимъ детемъ, и нашимъ людемъ за ѡтца вашого

Казимира королѧ, и брата вашого Ѡлбрахта, и за Ѡлекъсанъдра,

и за вас, Жыкгимонъта королѧ, [не] хочемъ пометати, и [з] своего

сердца хочемъ то выложыт.

А што первеи сего длѧ милого братства и длѧ верное прыꙗзни

посълали есьмо до тебе, до брата нашого Жыкгимонта королѧ, и до

великого кнѧзѧ, сына нашого Чалондыинъ

солтана на змешканьѧ,

ино божѧ волѧ над нимъ стала сѧ, Богъ его изъ сего света собрал.

И мы на его месце хочемъ иншого солтана дати на змешканье братꙋ

нашомꙋ Жыкгимонту, [королю] и великомꙋ кнѧзю, внука своего. Ино

тое слышачы, [непрыѧтели] бꙋдꙋть сѧ боѧти, а прыѧтели бꙋдꙋть сѧ

радовати.

А на то ꙗ, Магъмет Киреи царъ, хотѧчы брату своему, Жыкги-

монту королю, за его добрыи впоминъки прыезнь свою засѧ ѡтдати,

а прызволили есьмо купъцомъ з литовъского паньства, ничого не

выстерегаѧ, в Качыбиеве сол брать, а мыто заплативши,

до Киева и

Mistakenly written и ꙋзлѧны.

Mistakenly written стала.

An obvious copyist’s mistake; it should read Чалолдыинъ or Чалалдыинъ.

Mistakenly written заплатити.