Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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664 document 21 (february–march 1522)

Translation:

Evliya Mirza,

the great envoy of Mehmed Giray, the khan of Perekop [i.e.,

the Crimean khan], to His Majesty, the hospodar,

present at the great Diet in

Hrodna during the 10th indiction,

swore the oath with the khan’s soul to His

Majesty, the hospodar, in the following manner:

I, Evliya Mirza, swear with the soul of my lord, the free

khan Mehmed Giray,

by the Koran, the divine blessings,

the name of the highest God, our prophet

Muhammad, and our 124,000 and 313 prophets

to the brother of my lord, His

Majesty Sigismund, the king of Poland and the grand duke of Lithuania, that

our lord, the great khan Mehmed Giray, should justly keep and entirely fulll

towards His Royal Majesty everything that is contained in the oath-letter [ lyst

prysjažnyj] that I have brought from my lord to His Royal Majesty.

And in all aspects my lord, the free khan, should wish well and be friendly

towards His Royal Majesty, and should have no bad intentions against His

Majesty, the hospodar and the two states of His Majesty: the Polish Crown and

the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and he should restrain his sons and his men

and not let them commit any damage to the two states of His Majesty. And he

should be a friend of His Royal Majesty’s friend, and an enemy of his enemy.

And if my lord fullls this, may God assist him; and if he does not fulll it,

may God deny him assistance, and may he be separated from the divine grace

and from the law of our prophet Muhammad, and from all our above written

prophets, and may he be like a false-hearted heathen, and may none of his sons

and descendants reign in the kingdom in which he reigns, but—as God is true

and just—may He remove them from the ancestral throne, and may God make

their enemies rule on that throne forever.

On Evliya Mirza, the son of Devletek and a member of the Shirin clan, see Docu-

ment 19, n. 9.

e grand duke of Lithuania was titled hospodar.

e tenth indiction lasted from 1 September 1521 till 31 August 1522 and the Diet

in Hrodna was held in February and March 1522; see Antoni Gąsiorowski, “Itineraria

dwu ostatnich Jagiellonów,” p. 263.

On the expression volnyj car (“free khan”), reecting the ancient Mongol-Tatar

notion of sovereignty, cf. Document 10, n. 3.

e obscure word beresat has been tentatively read as berekat; cf. n. a above.

According to a Muslim tradition (hadith), recorded in the collection of Ahmad

bin Hanbal, Allah sent to the earth 124,000 prophets (anbiya’, pl. of nabi), out of

whom 315 were also messengers (rusul, pl. of rasul), committed with bringing new

sets of laws; see Musnadu`l-Imam Ahmad bin Hanbal (164–241 H.), vol. 36, p. 619.

A similar hadith is recorded in the collection of Ibn Hibban, rearranged by the medi-

eval Muslim scholar Ali bin Balban, though it mentions slightly dierent numbers of

120,000 prophets and 313 messengers (among the latter, the rst one was Adam, the

penultimate Jesus, and the last Muhammad); see al-Amir ‘Ala’addin ‘Ali bin Balban

al-Farsi, al-Ihsan  taqribi sahih Ibn Hibban, vol. 2 (Beirut, 1988 A.D./1408 A.H.),

p. 77. A reference to 124,000 prophets can be found already in Mengli Giray’s oath

registered in a document from 1478; cf. Document 13, n. 3.

DOCUMENT 22 (1527)

e oath-yarlıq ( jarlyk prysjažnyj) sent by Khan Sa‘adet Giray

to King Sigismund

e original document is missing.

Ruthenian copies:

A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 1187–1193 [old folia-

tion: 598b–601b].

A.* 18th-century Latin transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no. 193,

pp. 714–718.

Тыи ꙗрлыки прынесены до Кракова жъ:

Великое Ѡрды великого царѧ Садеть Киреѧ слово нашо то естъ:

Лѧдскому, литовъскому, рꙋскомꙋ, прꙋскомꙋ, жомоитъскомꙋ, и инъ-

шых многих паньствъ господарю, брату моемꙋ королю Жыкгимонътꙋ

многокроть поклонъ.

Пры томъ слово нашо то естъ, штож ѡтъ предка моего, Хачъ Киреѧ

царѧ с твоими предки межы собою в брастве и въ прыꙗзни были, а

потомъ тежъ мои предокъ, Магъметъ Киреи Царъ с тобою тежъ [в]

братстве и в прыꙗзни ѡбыходилъсѧ, завъжъды межы ними поминъки

и поклоны черезъ свои великии послы посылывал, а длѧ того тежъ

кролевъство, люди и паньство завъжъды вовъ покои бывало. А первеи

сего предки, ѡтъцы мои: Менъ Кгиреи Царъ, братъ твои, по тому жъ

великии король Казимир, ѡтецъ твои, межы моими предками и межы

твоими тежъ предками, штоколвекъ было колко прысѧгъ межы нами,

и тежъ некако хотели

были тыи прысѧги свои рꙋшыти. И тогъды

прысѧги рꙋшывшы, зъ завольскимъ царемъ изъ Ахъметъ царемъ, и

изъ его детьми, из Саидахмет царемъ, и тежъ з Мортꙋзою, в братъс-

тва и прыꙗзни зашли; а з моими предки съ стародавъна въ братъстве

и в прыꙗзни были, а потомъ тежъ ѡтърекъшы сѧ ѡтъ тых братствовъ

и ѡтъ прыꙗзни, и с ними братства и в прыꙗзни зашли. А потомъ

сколко годовъ бывъшы тое паньство заволское згинꙋло, и ѡстанокъ

Богъ ласку свою вчынил и все паньство предкꙋ моемꙋ поддал. Потом

кнѧзь Иванъ московъскии, ваших и наших предковъ холопъ, и тежъ

непрыꙗтелъ нашъ и вашъ, с поколеньѧ смеръдии сынъ естъ, з нами

в братъстве и в прыꙗзни быти неподобенъ был, а тежъ хотѧ был

смердъ, словꙋ своему, прысѧзе своеи досыть чынил, с предкомъ моимъ,

с царемъ прыꙗтелемъ бꙋдꙋчы, добрых своих поминъковъ николи

Written with a redundant subscribed letter л.

666 document 22 (1527)

не въмешъкивал. Ино длѧ тое прычыны его людемъ и паньствомъ

непрыꙗзни не чынивалъ и воиска земълю его не пꙋскивал. А въ вашо

паньство какъ почали завъжъды ходити и воевати на кожъдыи год,

а з дрꙋгое стороны московъскии кнѧзь Иванъ прышодшы, некоторыи

городы твои побрал и до сих часовъ в себе маеть; а то все длѧ того,

што ѡнъ завъжъды с предки моими в прыꙗзни был.

А вы тежъ и теперъ з московъским в непрыꙗзни жывете, а инши

люди вашо паньство воевали; то все длѧ того, што межы нами

ѡдиноства нетъ и вы мене, брата своего какъ бы за ништо видѧчы,

ижъбы в перекопъскомъ паньстве жадного чоловека не ѡстало, ани

ѳꙋнъдаменътꙋ нетъ, какъ бы за малого господарѧ маючы, томꙋ пань-

ству. И которыи мꙋръзы ѡтъ нашого паньства з нашое службы в

Нагаех ходѧть втекъшы, и ты минаючы мене, с которымъ еси здавъна

и с предки моими в прыꙗзни был, а з нагаискими хочешъ в прыꙗзни

быти. Чы не лепеи было тобе со мъною, братом своимъ, в приꙗзни

заити, а непрыꙗтелѧ нашого московъского с одное стороны ꙗ бых

воевал, а длѧ того бы межы нами братствомъ и прыꙗзънь шырила сѧ?

Ино тепер мало больши двꙋ годовъ в нашом паньстве какъ вархолотъ

стал был, и теперъ, хвала миломꙋ Богу, братъ мои менъшии, Исламъ

Солтанъ мене, брата своего старшого, царѧ правдꙋ ꙋзнавъшы, и тежъ

к томꙋ сѧ ꙋзнал, ижъ с порадою лихих людеи ходил, и тепер ѡнъ мне,

братꙋ своемꙋ старъшомꙋ въ томъ виненъ сѧ дал, и мовил мне: “ꙗ в

томъ ѡбмылил сѧ, рач ты мне, братъ мои, тое ѡтъпꙋстити.” Ино межы

нами в старшых кнѧзь Немешъ, и инъшыи кнѧзи, вланы, и мꙋрзы, и

Бахтиꙗр Муръза, за ним мене просили и еднали. А Исламъ Солтанъ,

братъ мои, прышол до мене, беревъкꙋ на шыю взложывъшы, и мовил:

“воленъ ты хотѧ вмори або ѡживи, виненъ есьми перед тобою.” И

ꙗ тежъ помысливъшы и бачачы то, ижъ маю в себе непрыꙗтелеи,

и хотѧчы его в послꙋзе своеи на кожъдого непрыꙗтелѧ послати, и

древъцо и саблю мою въ крови непрыꙗтелскои втопити, тотъ гневъ

мои, и к тому теж видѧчы, ижъ ѡнъ не своее воли то вчынил, все есми

емꙋ ѡтъпꙋстил. И ꙗ длѧ тое его покоры, ѡтънѧвъшы кгалкгеиство в

Сад Киреѧ, емꙋ есми дал, и люди вси, што к томꙋ прыслꙋхають, емꙋ

жъ есми подалъ, и в Перекопе водле себе есьми его посадил. А тому

Сад Кирею далъ есми свои городы, которыи на Днепре маю.

Ино тепер, хвала миломꙋ Богу, в тои есьмо надеи воиско свое ему

давъшы, прыꙗтелю прыꙗзнь, а непрыꙗтелю непрыꙗзнь вкажеть, бо

которыи кнѧзи, вланы, и мꙋръзы в паньстве нашомъ в росторжъце

были, ты[и] вжо вси в одинотстве с нами стали. А теперъ есьмо длѧ

тых прычынъ тое надеи, иж кожъдомꙋ непрыꙗтелю нашомꙋ непрыꙗзни

ѡкажемъ и доведемъ. И теперъ, какъ здавъна в братстве и прыꙗзни

добре были, а такежъ со мъною с царемъ, з братомъ своимъ, естъли

хочешъ быти за ѡдинъ, моего и твоего непрыꙗтелѧ московъского,

люди и паньство его, з великимъ своимъ воискомъ хочꙋ самъ поити

воевати. А естъли бых самъ не пошол, ꙗ Исламъ Солтана и инъ-

шых братеи своихъ менъшых з воискомъ своимъ великимъ пошлю,

паньство московъского завъжъды воевати, а то бы нашои прысѧзе

document 22 (1527) 667

и братствꙋ доброе знамѧ прыꙗзни было. А з дрꙋгое стороны ты бы,

братъ нашъ, того непрыꙗтелѧ своего своими людми воевал; а которыи

городы твои тотъ холопъ забрал, то есьмо надеи ѡт милого Бога, иж

и звыш тых городовъ в него ѡтъберешъ. Естъли со мъною с одного

ꙋ братстве и прыꙗзни жыти бꙋдешъ, прыꙗтелю своемꙋ прыꙗзнь, а

непрыꙗтелю своемꙋ непрыꙗзни доведешъ, а коли бꙋдешъ ѡдинъ сам

жыти, то ты ведаешъ, колько шкод собе бꙋдешъ мети.

Ино ꙗ, брат вашъ, какъ есьми на местъцы ѡтъца своего сел, и как

то слꙋшыть межы братства, твоѧ милость, брат мои, николи не хотел

еси прыслати до мене, брата своего, здоровъѧ моего навежаючы, и

тежъ поклонъ и впоминокъ свои мне даючы. Какъ жо ꙗ и теперъ по

тобе, брате своемъ, тое надеи, ижъ не толко теперешънии впоминъки,

але и прошлых годовъ, которых еси намъ дати не хотел, того сѧ наде-

ваю, бо тых часовъ, какъ есьми мел вархолтъ ꙋ своеи земли, ино есьми

длѧ того вельми ѡдолжалъ.

А братъскаѧ речъ то естъ, естъли братъ его в чомъ бꙋдеть мети

впад, тогъды маеть его людми або скаръбомъ подмочы, а в томъ братъ

за брата маеть сердечнꙋю прыꙗзнь знаити. Мы завжды ѡтъ вас, брата

нашого королѧ, тое надеи были, ино вы, брат нашъ, здоровъѧ нашого

навежаючы николи еси до нас не прыслал, а которого ꙗ холопа своего

Асенъкꙋ до тебе, брата своего послал есьми был, здоровъе мое тобе

поведаючы, а твоего здоровѧ навежаючы, ино и то еси в себе задержал.

Ино люди твои прышодшы, городы мои поднепъръскии поламали,

не ведаю з вашим ведомом, не ведаю сами ѡт собою, и естъли люди

твои собою то вчынили, ꙗ посылал послеца своего до тебе з жалобою,

абы ты мне дал ведати, длѧ чого тыи мои городы казал поламати, мне

л шкодꙋ чынѧчы, чы л пакъ не хотѧчы того видети, ижъбы Нагаицы

на тых городех сели и на мене воевали? Ты того послеца задержалъ,

мне ѡ томъ не дал знати, естъли бы мне в том шкодꙋ або прыꙗзнь

длѧ Нагаицовъ чынил. А коли бы вы мне дали то знати, ижъ длѧ

Нагаицов тыи городы казал поламати, мне в том прыꙗючы, ꙗ бых

за то братство и прыꙗзнь с тобою прынѧл. И ты, братъ нашъ, не

хотѧчы мети давъное прыꙗзни со мъною, мовил еси, ажъбы вжо с

мене тобе ни прыꙗзни, ани непрыꙗзни не было, и на поведаныи речы

домънимал еси, штобы вжо в моемъ паньстве ни ѡдного чоловека не

было. Ꙗ то послысавшы, воиско мое, хотѧ малыи люди, подал есьми

царевичомъ, Азлюбец Солтанꙋ а Ѡсламъ Солтанꙋ, послал есьми в

паньство твое лꙗдское. И казал есьми воевати длѧ того, штобы ты,

братъ нашъ, тое ведал, ижъ еще в мене естъ люди.

А на потом тежъ Казимир корол з отцомъ моимъ самъ прысѧгу

рꙋшыл, и тежъ и зъ Саид Ахметъ Царемъ, а з Мортꙋзою Царемъ в

братъстве и прыꙗзни были. А ты, братъ нашъ, з Нагаицы хотѧчы с

одного быти, мене, брата своего за нишъто собе видѧчы, и тежъ хотѧчы

заволского царѧ Шыгахмата выпꙋстити, намъ непрыꙗзнь чынѧчы,

нагаискомꙋ послꙋ на имѧ Смендиꙗрꙋ в рꙋки подавшы, непрыꙗтелем

нашымъ Нагаицомъ хотѧчы его царемъ ѡсадити, и мы тое вслы-

савъшы, мовили есьмо: “ѡтъ правды корол намъ непрыꙗтелемъ.” Ино

668 document 22 (1527)

мы длѧ того ꙋ дрꙋгое послали з воискомъ своимъ великимъ брата

своего меньшого Сапъ Киреи Солътана, паньство твое воевати.

И какъ есьми, братъ твои, прышол на местъцо и царъство ѡтъца

своего, ꙗ ѡтъ тебе ни доброго слова, ани поминъковъ теж есьми не

виделъ. Ино мы ѡтъ предковъ наших ведаемъ, ижъ вы въ братъс-

тве и прыꙗзни мешкали. А какъ есьми сел на столцы ѡтца своего,

ничого есьми ѡтъ тебе, брата своего, доброго не видел, толко есьми

то видел, што люди твои городы мои поламали. И ꙗ до тебе, брата

своего, посылал слꙋгу своего доведываючы сѧ, длѧ чого ты мне тотъ

жал вчынил. И ты того слꙋгу моего задеръжал, какъ бы мене вжо ни

за што собе маючы, и тежъ штобы вжо в паньстве моемъ людеи не

было, и штобы вжо прыꙗзънь ани непрыꙗзнь ѡтъ нас тобе не мела

быти. И з непрыѧтели нашими Нагаицы хотел еси быти за ѡдинъ,

а нашое прыѧзни, которꙋю ѡтъ давъных летъ с нами мелъ, вжо еси

был запамѧтал и прысѧгу свою рꙋшыл. А длѧ того межы нами тако-

выи вархолтъ повъстал, и с тое тежъ прычыны паньства твои есьми

воевал.

Ино вед, што было то было, а тое вжо минꙋлосѧ, а теперъ вжо жывемо

в братъстве и въ прыꙗзни великои, как жо и ты, братъ нашъ, прыслал

до нас слꙋгу своего Михаила, штобыхмо с тобою, братомъ нашимъ,

ꙋ твердои прыꙗзни мешъкали, а штобыхмо прыꙗтелю прыꙗтелемъ,

а непрыꙗтелю непрыꙗтелемъ были. И мовил намъ Михаило: “госпо-

даръ нашъ корол з вами, з братомъ своимъ хотѧчы в прыꙗзни быти,

штобы паньство вов покои было.” А над

Чанъ Кгиреи мꙋръзино

место на погощенье длѧ лепъшое правды, штобыхъ прыслал вели-

кого посла. Ꙗ, братъ вашъ, справедливымъ сердцем своимъ, штобы

томꙋ паньствꙋ покои был и межы нами братство и прыꙗзнь ѡтъ сих

часовъ поболшала, к томꙋ есми великꙋю прыꙗзнь и пилность пры-

ложыл, и промежкꙋ инъшых кнѧзеи никого есьми такового не ѡбрал,

нижли сестренца своего Макул мꙋръзꙋ. Просил есьми в зѧтѧ своего,

кнѧзѧ Бахтиѧра видѧчы то, ижъ есьми никимъ инъшымъ такого дела

не могъ ѡправити. И Бахтыꙗр мꙋръза того тежъ жадаючы, штобы

межы нами братство и прыꙗзнь была, того мне сына своего далъ. И

мы тежъ перед слꙋгою твоимъ Михаиломъ прызвавъшы его к собе,

сыномъ своимъ есьмо его вчынили и посломъ великимъ наредили, и

к немꙋ есьмо дрꙋгого посла прыставили, Магъметъ Харꙋза, Асанъчу

Харꙋзова сына.

Ино царевичы, братьѧ моѧ, с кнѧзи, вланы: Давлетъ вланъ,

Мортꙋза вланъ, Ѡбдꙋла вланъ, и карачеи наши: в головах кнѧзь

Мемешъ, а кнѧзь Асенекъ, а кнѧзь Маемут, а кнѧзь Ѡсманъ, и вси

кнѧзи вставшы, ѡ томъ мене просили тымъ ѡбычаемъ: «братъ вашъ

корол которое слово до нас всказал, естъли бы въ своемъ слове и

прысѧзе стоѧл, и тобе господарю нашомꙋ Сад Кгирею Царю тыи

e letter д is uplied but perhaps in the original this entry read: на Дчанъ

Кгиреи мꙋръзино место.

document 22 (1527) 669

поминъки посылал, какъ братꙋ твоему старъшомꙋ Магъметъ Кирею

Царю завъжъды посылывал в брастъве и въ прыꙗзни бꙋдꙋчы; и тобе

тежъ кроме тых поминъков, естъли бы еси ѡ што жедал, нехаи бы

ѡнъ в томъ не вымовълѧлсѧ, а штобы братство и прыꙗзнь спра-

ведливою верно держалъ; и какъ ѡтъцꙋ твоемꙋ и старъшомꙋ братꙋ,

Магъметъ Кирею Царю, которыи поминъки сылывали, почонъшы ѡтъ

кагалкгеи солтана, почонъшы ѡтъ великого, и до малого, царевичомъ,

и кнѧземъ, мꙋръзамъ, и инъшымъ кнѧземъ, вланом, и земѧномъ, и

дворѧномъ, и инъшым вернымъ слугамъ, которыи завъжъды пры тобе

в реистре стоѧть, всих тых доходы естъли бы хотел дати.»

Ꙗ вжо на томъ прысѧгу вчынилъ. И ты бы до мене, брата своего,

ѡ томъ ничого не мешъкаючы дал ведати, естъли бы л хотел на томъ

зостати. И с тыми поминъки штобы еси посла моего, Чынъ Кгиреи

мꙋръзꙋ, прыставивъшы к немꙋ своего великого посла, ꙋтвердивъшы

прысѧгами до мене ѡтъпꙋстил, абы тыи мои послы, которыи до тебе

с прысѧгами поидꙋт, с Дъчын Гиреи мꙋръзою и с твоимъ посломъ в

Киеве сѧ поткали; и нехаи бы тыи мои послы до тебе пошли, а твои

послы до мене прышодшы, братство и прыꙗзнь твердꙋю межы нами

вчынили.

А мне говорыли кнѧзи, вланы, и мꙋръзы, естъли ты, братъ мои

со мъною ꙋ прыꙗзни бꙋдешъ жыти, ѡни поспол со мъною на томъ

прысѧгънули, ижъ мають ѡтъ того часу со мъною на московъского

завжъды воевати, и саблею своею непрыꙗзъни доводити, и всѧкомꙋ

непрыꙗтелю твоемꙋ быти непрыꙗтелемъ, а прыꙗтелю прыꙗтелемъ.

И содиночивъшысѧ, есьмо со въсею радою нашою подлугъ своих

книгъ прысѧгу вчинили: воллага вельбилꙗга. И ѡказꙋючы тое братъ-

ство и прыꙗзнь нашу, которꙋю хочемъ вчинити, и посла нашого вели-

кого на то нарадили, и прысѧгънули, и послали есьмо до тебе, брата

нашого, сии наши листы великии прысѧжъныи тым посломъ, нашимъ

добрымъ а верънымъ слꙋгою, Белечыковымъ сыномъ Ꙗнъкꙋрою, а

Дчанака писара. И што тотъ слꙋга мои бꙋдеть ѡтъ мене тобе, братꙋ

моему слово мовити, ты бы, братъ мои тому верыл, бо мои слова

бꙋдеть тобе говорыти. Бо какъ Богъ ѡдинъ естъ на небе, нехаи бы

межы нами такъже ѡдно слово и прысѧга твердаꙗ была.

А ты бы, братъ мои прыꙗзнь и присѧгу тверъдо держал, такъ какъ

и ꙗ, а словꙋ своему паномъ бы еси был. А штобы тотъ мои листъ

писаръ мои Дчанака перед тобою братомъ моимъ чолъ.

Тотъ мои ꙗрълыкъ прысѧжъныи под перестенъною печатью послал

есьми. Писонъ в Перекопе сен ѡтъ Магъметова нароженьѧ девеносто

летъ и л҃г҃ [33] летоу.

An obvious mistake; it should read деветсот (“nine hundred”) and not

девеносто (“ninety”).

670 document 22 (1527)

Translation:

ese yarlıqs have been brought to Cracow:

is is our word, [the word] of the great khan of the Great Horde, Sa‘adet

Giray:

[Let] multiple salutations [be pronounced] to my brother, King Sigismund,

the lord of Poland, Lithuania, Ruthenia, Prussia, Samogitia, and many other

states.

Our pronouncement is as following: since [the time of ] our ancestor, Hadji

Giray Khan, [our ancestors] had remained in mutual brotherhood and friend-

ship with your ancestors, and thereaer also my ancestor,

Mehmed Giray

Khan, maintained brotherhood and friendship with you, and [they] used to send

mutual gis and salutations through their great envoys; for that reason [your]

kingdom, people and state used to remain in peace. And yet formerly, [in the

time of ] my ancestor<s> and father<s>: Mengli Giray Khan, your brother, and

also your father, the great king Casimir, no matter how many oaths had been

sworn between my ancestors and your ancestors, they somehow chose to violate

their oaths. And then, having violated the oaths they commenced brotherhood

and friendship with Ahmed Khan,

the Trans-Volgine khan, and with his chil-

dren, Seyyid Ahmed Khan and Murtaza;

while they had remained in brother-

hood and friendship with my ancestors since the ancient times, thereaer they

renounced this brotherhood and friendship, and commenced brotherhood and

friendship with those [mentioned above]. And thereaer, some years ago, the

Trans-Volgine state perished, and God extended his favor and nally submit-

ted this whole state to my ancestor. ereaer, the Muscovian duke Ivan,

the

slave [Ruth. xolop] of your [ancestors] and our ancestors, and also our and

e heading refers to the present and the following document (Document 23).

Mehmed Giray was Sa‘adet Giray’s older brother as they were both the sons of

Mengli Giray.

On Ahmed (r. 1459–1481), the son of Küchük Muhammed and the khan of the

Great Horde (referred to as Trans-Volgine in the Slavic sources), see Document 10,

n. 7.

Aer the death of Ahmed Khan in 1481, his state was divided among his sons,

who competed for the supreme rule; see M. Safargaliev, Raspad Zolotoj ordy, p. 269.

Initially two older brothers, Murtaza and Seyyid Ahmed, ruled jointly; see the letter

of Murtaza, dated in 1484, announcing their joint rule to King Casimir (pervej Oxmat

car odyn car byl, a nyne dva cary esmo, z bratom moym Sid-Axmatom), published in

Pułaski, Stosunki Polski z Tatarszczyzną, p. 210. In the 1490s the supreme rule passed

to their younger brother, Sheikh Ahmed (cf. Document 9, n. 27). At rst, Murtaza

and Seyyid Ahmed unwillingly accepted his rule, but then abandoned him in 1501,

on the eve of the collapse of the Great Horde; see Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, p. 155.

Seyyid Ahmed should not be confused with another Seyyid Ahmed, the grandson of

Tokhtamısh, who had been detained in Kaunas since 1454 and died in Lithuanian

captivity; on the latter see Document 6, n. 4.

I.e., Ivan III (r. 1462–1505).

document 22 (1527) 671

your enemy, the son of a serf [Ruth. smerd] by descent, unworthy to remain in

brotherhood and friendship with us, notwithstanding his being a serf, fullled

his word and oath, and while being a friend of my ancestor, the khan, he never

delayed [the delivery of ] his tting gis. For this reason he [i.e., my ancestor]

did not display hostility towards his people and states, and did not let his troops

raid his land. And as they began to constantly invade and raid your state every

year, the Muscovian duke Ivan entered from another direction and captured

some of your towns that he still keeps until now; and all this resulted from the

fact that he had always remained in friendship with my ancestors.

And also now, you live in hostility with the Muscovian [duke], and other

men [i.e., enemies] have raided your state [as well]; all this results from the

fact that there is no unity between us and you regard me, your brother, as a

nobody, as if there remained nobody in the Crimean state [Ruth. v perekop-

skom pan’stve], and as if this state had no foundation, being reigned by a petty

ruler. And as regards the mirzas, who have gone to the Nogays, having escaped

from our state and service, you want to keep friendship with the Nogays, while

neglecting me, with whom and whose ancestors you have remained in friend-

ship since the ancient times. Would not it be better if you commence friendship

with me, your brother, so that I would raid our Muscovian enemy from one

direction, [and you from another,] and in result brotherhood and friendship

would spread between us?

Currently there has been a turmoil in our state for just over two years, but

now, thanks to dear God, my younger brother,

Islam Giray, has acknowledged

my right, [the right] of his elder brother, the khan, and he has acknowledged

that he had followed the advice of wicked men. And now he has admitted his

fault in this respect towards me, his elder brother, and told me: “I was mis-

taken; would you, my brother, condescend to forgive me?” And also Memesh

Bey,

being the elder among us [i.e., our counselors], and other beys [Ruth.

knjazi], ulans, and mirzas, and Bakhtıyar Mirza,

have requested and solicited

In fact, Islam Giray was Sa‘adet’s nephew and the son of the late khan, Mehmed

Giray.

Memesh (or Mamısh), son of Mamaq and leader (qaraçı bey) of the Shirin clan

between 1523 and 1528, who succeeded in this post Agısh; he married Mehmed

Giray’s daughter; in 1524–1526 he supported the pretender to the throne, Islam

Giray, and was temporarily deprived of his post; in 1528 he rebelled again and was

killed on the khan’s order; see Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” p. 59;

Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp. 95–96; Manz, “e Clans of the Crimean Khanate,”

pp. 303 and 308.

Bakhtıyar Mirza, son of Devletek (see Document 19, n. 8), husband of Sa‘adet

Giray’s sister (see below) and the future leader of the Shirin clan between 1528 and

1531; already in the early 1520s he played a prominent political role; in 1524–1526,

when Memesh sided with Islam Giray, he remained loyal to the khan and was

appointed a qaraçı bey, but only temporarily; aer the execution of Memesh in 1528

he nally became the qaraçı bey, but he instigated another conspiracy and was killed

on Sa‘adet Giray’s order in 1531; see Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,”

p. 59; Manz, “e Clans of the Crimean Khanate,” pp. 303–305 and 308; for his seal,

preserved on a document held in the Topkapı Palace, see Ostapchuk, “e Publication

672 document 22 (1527)

me in his favor. And my brother, Islam Sultan, has come to me, having placed

a wooden bar on his neck, and said: “you can kill [me] or bring [back] to life,

as I have wronged you.” In consideration that I have [other] enemies [as well]

and seeing that he had not committed this [wrong] of his own will, I [have

quelled] my anger and forgiven him all [his faults] in desire to send him in my

service against any of my enemies and to plunge my [spear] sha and my saber

in my enemies’ blood. And because of his submission, I have given him the post

of the qalga along with all men attached to this [post], having taken it away

from Sahib Giray,

and I have seated him beside me [to rule] in the Crimea

[Ruth. v Perekope]. And to the aforementioned Sahib Giray

I have given [in

recompense] a number of towns that I possessed on the Dnieper.

And now, thanks to dear God, we have given him [i.e., Islam Giray] troops

in the hope that he demonstrates friendship to [our] friend, and enmity to [our]

enemy, as all the beys, ulans, and mirzas, who were scattered in our state, are

already united with us [again]. And therefore we hope that we will demonstrate

and prove enmity towards any of our enemies. And now, as [our ancestors]

had remained in brotherhood and friendship from the ancient times, if you

want to unite likewise with me, the khan and your brother, I want to set out in

person, along with my large army, to raid the people and state of my and your

Muscovian enemy. And if I do not set out in person, I will send Islam Sultan

and my other younger brothers, along with my great army, to raid constantly

the state of the Muscovian [duke], and that would be a good sign of our oath,

brotherhood, and friendship. And you, our brother, would raid this enemy of

yours along with your men [i.e., troops] from another direction; and as regards

your towns that this slave [Ruth. xolop] took away, we set our hope on dear

God that you will recapture from him even more than these towns. If you live in

unity, brotherhood, and friendship with me, you will [be able to] demonstrate

friendship to your friend and enmity to your enemy, but if you live alone, you

know [well] how much damage you will suer.

And as I, your brother, have ascended the seat of my father, Your Majesty,

my brother, have never wished to send [embassy] to me, your brother, asking

about my health and delivering salutations and gis, as it is customary among

brothers. And now I expect from you, my brother, not merely the present gis,

but also the gis due for the previous years that you have not wished to give

of Documents on the Crimean Khanate in the Topkapı Sarayı: e Documentary Leg-

acy of Crimean-Ottoman Relations,” p. 269.

Rendered corruptly as Sad Kirej; apparently the scribe, who copied this docu-

ment, mistook the uplied Cyrillic letter “p” (п) for “d” (д ). Sahib Giray, the for-

mer khan of Kazan (1521–1524) and the future khan of the Crimea (1532–1551), was

granted the post of qalga in 1525 in return for his assistance to Sa‘adet Giray against

Islam Giray. e conditions of reconciliation between Sa‘adet and Islam, agreed upon

in 1526, provided that the post of qalga would be given to Islam. As a compensation,

Sahib Giray was granted several forts and pasturages on the lower Dnieper (apart from

Očakiv, granted to Islam Giray); cf. Hajvoronskyj, Poveliteli dvux materikov, vol. 1,

pp. 171–173.

Again corruptly rendered as Sad Kirej.

document 22 (1527) 673

us; I expect this, since in the time of the turmoil in my land I have incurred

large debts.

And such is the brotherly duty: if his brother falls into any trouble, then he

[i.e., the other brother] should help with his men [i.e., troops] and treasure, and

hence he should demonstrate his cordial brotherly friendship. We have always

counted in this respect on you, the king and our brother, but you, our brother,

have never sent [embassy] to us, asking about our health; and even when we

sent to you, our brother, our slave [Ruth. xolop] Asenke,

announcing you my

health and asking about your health, you detained him.

And as your men arrived and destroyed my towns on the Dnieper,

I do not

know whether with your knowledge or on their own, I sent to you my envoy

with a complaint, [to enquire] whether your men did it on their own, and so

that you let me know why you had ordered to destroy these towns of mine:

either in order to harm me, or in order to prevent the Nogays from settling in

these towns and attacking me? [Yet,] you detained this envoy without letting

me know, whether you had acted in order to harm me, or to aid me against

the Nogays. And had you let me know that you had ordered to destroy these

towns because of the Nogays, thus acting in my favor, for this reason I would

have become your brother and friend. But you, our brother, without any desire

to keep the ancient friendship with me, seemed [lit. were saying] not to care any

more whether I would be friendly or hostile to you, and you assumed from [the

received] messages that no man remained in my state. On hearing this, I gave

my troops—though not numerous—to the sultans [i.e., princes] Özbek Sultan

and Islam Sultan, and sent them to your Polish state. And I ordered to raid it

so that you, our brother, know that I still have men [i.e., troops].

Asenke or Asenka, perhaps a diminutive from Asan (<Hasan) or Esen; cf.

Jankowski, Historical-Etymological Dictionary, pp. 1147–1148.

On Islamkerman, the castle built by Mengli Giray around 1504 on the le shore

of the Dnieper, at the river crossing named Tavan’ (< Tat. toġan keçidi), cf. Document

9, n. 31. Following the unsuccessful expedition of Mehmed Giray against Astrakhan

and his death at the hands of the Nogays in 1523, the Lithuanian troops led by the

starosta of Čerkasy, Ostaj Daškovyč, destroyed Islamkerman and took along its cap-

tured artillery to Čerkasy; see RGADA, f. 389, no. 7, pp. 905 and 910. Along with

Islamkerman, some other minor Tatar settlements were destroyed as well, but the

gossip about taking Očakiv proved false; cf. Čerkas, “Ordyns’ka polityka Velykoho

Knjazivstva Lytovs’koho,” p. 229.

Rendered corruptly as Azljubec Soltan; Özbek Sultan was a son of Mehmed Giray

and a younger brother of Islam Giray. In a document from 1524 he is referred to as

a qalga (see Malinovskij, “Istoričeskoe sobranie,” pp. 412 and 414) and that explains

the fact that in the present document he is listed before his older brother. He held

the post of qalga twice: in the years 1523–1525 and again in 1532, under Islam Giray;

cf. Le khanat de Crimée, pp. 327 and 360 (his rst term is omitted there as the authors

mistakenly assumed that in the rst years of Sa‘adet Giray’s reign the post of qalga was

held by Devlet Giray, born in 1512).

e khan refers to the Tatar raid eected against the Polish southeastern prov-

inces in the summer of 1524.