Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)
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644 document 19 (21 october 1520)
Еще и за Александра королѧ, брата вашого старшого, а и за вас,
брата нашого Жикгимонта королѧ, московскии кнѧзь што городы
и села поселъ, божю милостью мы быхмо взꙗвши вамъ ѡтдали. И
первеи сего панове литовскии под своими печатми лист свои до нас
прислали толмачомъ Легушомъ, божю милостью тыи городы коли
взꙗвши, вамъ маемъ дати, с тыхъ городов выходы и доходы с нами
на пол были бы.
З двух сторонъ, которыи ѡт ѡдного до дрꙋгого приидꙋтъ послы, и
мы и вы, брат нашъ, болшеи двꙋ месецеи бы не держали, з добрымъ
ѡтпускали бы.
И еще нашого непри[ꙗ]телѧ, Ши-Ахъмата цара, твердо бы его
держали, поки на него Бог смерть пришлеть, с панства бы есте его
не пустили.
А кождого годꙋ што намъ, брат нашъ, поминъка шлете пѧтнадцать
тисѧчъ золотыхъ, на потомъ на ѡдин рокъ—ꙋ вас после свѧта
Великоднѧ семъ недель на вашо свѧто Пентикостиѧ—ꙋ вас, брата
нашого просимъ, на тот бысте рокъ тот впоминокъ прысылали.
На московского вашого неприꙗтелѧ коли вамъ будет воиска нашого
надобе, к намъ пришлите. Мы вамъ людеи не будем боронити, коли им
грошеи на страву пришлете.
Ѡтець вашъ Казимер, великии король, и дѣди ваши, короли вели-
кии Ѡлбрахътъ корол и Александер король, и ты братъ нашъ, вели-
кии король Жикгимонътъ, великии цар ѡтець мои Менъли Кгиреи, и
ꙗ самъ, и братѧ мои, еще кнѧзи, влани, и мурзы, и дворѧне, и вси
подданыи мои перед симъ землю вашу што воевали и вамъ шкодꙋ
чинили, то бысте, брат нашъ, ѡпустили, и съ серца своего лихоту
выкинули, и ее бысте к намъ не держали; а мы по тому ж к вамъ,
братꙋ нашому, и съ своего серца всю лихоту выкинули.
И еще первеи сего на знамѧ братства, и правды, приѧзни, сына
своего Джалалдиин солтана к вамъ послалъ; и вы есте его не прынѧли,
над нимъ божа волѧ стала, Богъ такъ ꙋчинилъ. И мы цар, братъ
вашъ, вы Жикгимонтъ корол, братъ нашъ, сын мои Богатыр сол-
танъ—здо[ро]вы быхмо вси три были, и про того сына нашого, Джа-
лалъдиин солътанъ, ѡ томъ ведаите, в нас в серцы лихоты нѣтъ.
И которыи люди ваши Днепромъ мают по соль ездити, пенѧзми
пошлну нехаи давши аминѧмъ, то естъ мытникомъ нашимъ, здорови
приехали, без всѧкое зачепъки и шкоды нехаи ꙋ вашу землю едꙋть. А
што сѧ дотычеть купъцов вашихъ, брата нашого, Литовского Вели-
кого Кнеженъѧ, и Короны Польское, и Немець, нехаи ꙋ нашꙋ землю
едꙋть без всѧкое боѧзни, и к намъ приехавши, нехаи сѧ кривды не
боѧть; здоровы бы приехали, и не боѧ сѧ засѧ во здорови ꙋ вашу
землю здоровы бы поехали. Передь тымъ давали мыта на ѡстатнего
семъ денегъ,
c
а тепер нехаи будеть на них мыта ѡт ста денегъ три
c
Apparently it should read: ѡт ста денегъ семъ денегъ.
document 19 (21 october 1520) 645
денъги. Тое давши, нехаи бы сѧ не боꙗли черес то жадное пошлины,
и кривды ѡт нас и ѡт наших врадников.
Еще бы наши купъцы, коли ꙋ вашу землю поидꙋть, там бы ꙋ
вашои земли, брата нашого, им никоторое кривды и шкоды не было,
бы здоровы ѡт нас поехали, и ѡпѧть к нам, ꙋ нашꙋ бы землю здо-
рово бы приехали. И ѡ томъ вас, брата нашого, просимъ, на тыхъ
бы купьцов наших, которыи бꙋдꙋть ꙋ вашу землю ходити, на них бы
ваши врꙗдники пол мыта брали. Нехаи бы вашимъ щастемъ, брата
нашого, и нашимъ щастьемъ ꙋбогии люди с обу сторонъ сѧ ꙋмножили
и вспомагали, и за нас бы Бога молили.
Еще ѧ, Магъметъ Киреи цар, и сын мои Богатыр солътанъ ꙋ голо-
вахъ, и вси дети мои и братѧ мои царевичы, вланы, кнези, и мурзы, и
вси дворѧне мои, и вси подьданыи, которого есте посла до нас, брат
нашъ, прислали, пана Ѡникиѧ Горностаевича, <и которого> и кото-
рого вашого, брата нашого, доброго хочеть, и нашого, нашъ добрыи
слуга, панъ Авкустин Карибалдис, кавалириѧ Спиринъдора перед
нами, есмо присѧгли на нашꙋ книгꙋ Кꙋринъ [sic], и на то и правдꙋ
нашу дали: тобѣ, брату нашому, королю Жыкгимонъту, приꙗтелю тво-
ему приѧтель быти, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтель, и твоему неприꙗтелю
неприѧзни быхъмо довели.
Еще вашому панъству всему, и городомъ вашимъ, и местомъ, и
волостемъ, и селамъ, и всеи земли, и всимъ людемъ вашимъ, брата
нашого, ѡт нас и ѡт нашихъ людеи всихъ шкоды бы не
d
было, какъ
Короне Полскои, такъ Великому Кнѧзьству Литовскому.
Тымъ ѡбеюмъ вашимъ панъствам, Короне Полскои и Великому
Кнѧзьству Литовскому, хто бы имъ былъ прыѧтель, тот намъ прыꙗтель,
хто тымъ ѡбеюмъ панствамъ неприꙗтель, тот намъ неприѧтель.
И штож
e
в сем нашимъ доконча[н]ю все выписано, на чомъ есмо
присегали и правдꙋ тобе, брату нашому дали, на томъ хочемъ твердо
держати и стоѧти. И тепере присегаемъ ѡт Бога подлугъ веры нашое,
и ста и двадцати тисѧчъ и чотырох тисечаи пророков, и нашого Его
Милости правого пророка Магъмет Масмоѳа:
f
воллаги биллаги ѡ
толълаги. На томъ докончанъи с правдою твердо стоимъ, то вѣдаючи
вѣрьте.
И золотомъ докончане и[з] золотою печатю послали есмо, в лета
нашого пророка Магъмета деветъ сот лѣть и к҃ [20]
g
и ѕ҃ [6] лѣт, щас-
тливыи мес[е]цемъ нашимъ зылходѧ день ѳ҃ [9]. Писанъ ꙋ Паранъ-
кирмени лета божего тисеча пꙗтсот к҃ [20] годь ѡк[тѧбра] к҃е҃ [25]
h
день, индикт ѳ҃ [9].
d
Mistakenly written ле.
e
Mistakenly written иж што.
f
In should read Мастоѳа or better Мустаѳа.
g
In A* it reads mistakenly as 13.
h
In three consecutive occurrences the Cyrillic letter к҃ denoting 20 is written dif-
ferently by the copyist.
646 document 19 (21 october 1520)
Translation:
e letter of agreement of Mehmed Giray, the khan of Perekop [i.e., the
Crimean khan], brought to His Majesty, the hospodar,
2
to Toruń
3
through Ani-
kij Hornostaj,
4
on the 5th of the month of April, during the 9th indiction:
5
By the grace of God, Mehmed Giray Khan, the lord of all the lands of the
Kipchak Steppe [Desht-i Kipchak] and the hereditary lord of the Tatars, this
is my word:
To those having [i.e., commanding over] tens of thousands [tümens],
[thousands,
6
] hundreds, and tens of the right and the le hand, the ulans,
beys [Ruth. knjazi], and mirzas, and to the metropolitans, [Orthodox] bishops,
monks, [Orthodox] priests, and the princes, lords, boyars, townsmen, and all
common people of whole Ruthenia:
You should truly know that the ancient khans, our ancestral uncles, [and] the
great Hadji Giray Khan, our grandfather, when his horse was growing sweaty
[beneath him],
7
he would come seeking hospitality [i.e., refuge] to Vytautas, the
grand duke of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and to the great king Casimir;
when they went there, experiencing great reverence, [in return] they gave the
castles, towns, and estates along with all incomes and levies, lands, and waters,
that we have all recorded, without any omission, on the basis of the extant
ancient letters of my ancestors, the khans—our uncles, and the khan—our father.
When God, the Creator, extended his favor to us and we ascended the throne of
our father and became the khan, as we became [the khan] we have inspected
these [ancient] letters and we have sent to you, the great king Sigismund,
our brother, our great envoy, the son of the Shirin [qaraçı] bey Devletek,
8
2
e grand duke of Lithuania was titled hospodar.
3
Toruń (Germ. orn) in Royal Prussia; in the years 1519–1521 Poland was at war
with the Teutonic Order.
4
Anikij (Onikiej) Hornostaj, courtier, then steward (ključnyk) of Vilnius from 1533,
marshal from 1547, and starosta of Rečyca from 1555; sent in embassies to the Crimea
in 1520, 1522, 1534, and 1541; see his biography by Aleksander Markiewicz in PSB,
vol. 9, p. 628 and Banionis, LDK pasiuntinybių tarnyba, pp. 105–110, 196–199; on his
embassy in 1534, see Acta Tomiciana, vol. 16, pt. 1 (Wrocław etc., 1960), pp. 593–597
and pt. 2, pp. 183–185; on his embassy in 1541, see Documents 29–31.
5
e ninth indiction lasted from 1 September 1520 till 31 August 1521.
6
Apparently le out by the copyist.
7
Written in singular; it should rather read: “when their horses were growing sweaty
[beneath them], they would come . . .”
8
Devletek, son of Eminek and leader of the Shirin clan between ca. 1504 and 1507;
he succeeded in this post his older brother Barash and was followed by his cousin
Agısh; see Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj i ego vassaly,” pp. 31–32 and Manz, “e
Clans of the Crimean Khanate,” p. 308; on the Shirins, see also Document 5, n. 9 and
Document 9, n. 16.
document 19 (21 october 1520) 647
Evliya Mirza,
9
and under his command our chamberlain [Ruth. oxmystr],
10
Ibrahim Bey, [and through them] the present golden letter of agreement
[dokončane] under the golden seal, so that the brotherhood and friendship
between us may remain rm.
As the ancient kings and grand Lithuanian dukes used to hold the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania, also now may our brother, King Sigismund, and his chil-
dren and grandchildren, hold in good health and prosperity:
– the district [povet] of Kiev along with all revenues, levies, lands, and
waters;
– Volodymyr with its whole district along with levies, lands, and waters;
– Smolensk, Polack, Vicebsk, and Zvynyhorod
11
along with lands and waters;
– starting from Kiev along with the Dnieper down-stream from the top
12
to
its mouth;
– Sneporod and Hlyns’k along with all lands, waters, and levies;
13
– Žolvaž
14
and Putyvl’ along with all estates, incomes, lands, waters, and
levies;
– Byryn, Synec, Xoten’, Losyčy, Xotmyšl, and Nycjany along with waters,
lands, and levies;
15
– Černihiv along with all incomes, estates, levies, lands, and waters;
9
On Evliya, the son of Devletek, see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 2,
index, column 4. He was appointed the envoy to Poland-Lithuania already in 1518,
but his mission was cancelled after the khan’s decision to conclude a treaty with
Vasilij III; see ibidem, pp. 607 and 613. In the spring of 1521, Mehmed Giray declined
an Otoman invitation to attack Poland, listing several excuses in his letter to Sultan
Suleyman. Apart from the arguments that the Polish king had paid him a tribute and
kept his archenemy, Sheikh Ahmed, in detainment, the khan also mentioned that
Evliya Mirza, a member of the Shirin clan, was kept as a hostage (Tur. rehin) by the
king, hence a breaking of the peace might result in his execution and upset the Shirins,
who would rebel against the khan; see Le khanat de Crimée, pp. 110–117. Somewhat
ironically, soon aer his return Evliya participated in a Shirin conspiracy aiming to
replace Mehmed Giray with his younger brother, Sa‘adet; see a letter by three Shi-
rin leaders declaring obedience to the latter, then residing in Istanbul, published in
ibidem, pp. 106–110; Evliya’s seal preserved on this document was deciphered by
Victor Ostapchuk in his review from the said edition; see idem, “e Publication of
Documents on the Crimean Khanate in the Topkapı Sarayı: e Documentary Legacy
of Crimean-Ottoman Relations,” p. 269. In 1531, Evliya was killed on the order of
Sa‘adet Giray aer another Shirin conspiracy; see Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-Geraj
i ego vassaly,” p. 59.
10
e term oxmystr (“chamberlain”) apparently refers to the Crimean post of tet;
on the term tet, referring to the rst retinue member of a khan’s envoy, cf. Document
20, n. 27.
11
Cf. Document 8, n. 5.
12
Cf. n. a to the Ruthenian text.
13
On Sneporod and Hlyns’k, cf. Document 8, notes 8–9.
14
Cf. Document 8, n. 10.
15
On these estates in the region of Putyvl’ and on the rivers Sula and Vorskla, cf.
Document 8, notes 11–16.
648 document 19 (21 october 1520)
– Novhorod-Sivers’kyj, Ryl’sk,
16
and Trubčevsk
17
along with all lands, waters,
incomes, and levies;
– the district of Jagoldaj, son of Saraj:
18
his whole district along with all its
lands, waters, and levies;
– Radogošč’ and Myloljub along with all their incomes, levies, and lands,
Mužeč and Oskol;
19
– Starodub and Brjansk along with lands, waters, and all their levies and
incomes;
– Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and the town of Tula along with lands, waters, levies,
and incomes;
20
– Berestej, Retan’, Kozel’sk, Pronsk, Volkonsk, Spažsk, and Donec along with
lands, waters, levies, and all revenues;
21
– the castle of Dašov, Balykly, the castle of Karaul, Čornyj [Horod],
22
the
ruined castle [Ruth. horodyščo] of Uteškov,
23
Tušyn, Nemyrov, the district
of Turov [i.e., Uhrom?],
24
Myšen, and an island referred to as the castle of
Fedorov
25
along with lands, waters, all incomes and levies;
– Pskov, Velikij Novgorod, and Perejaslavl’ Rjazan’skij—to begin with [their]
people, and [their] lands, waters, levies, revenues, [everything] that ows or
streams—we have truly given [all the above localities] to the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania.
16
On Ryl’sk, see Document 8, n. 17.
17
A medieval town on the river Desna, today in Russia; in the 14th century annexed
to Lithuania, in 1503 annexed to Muscovy; see Słownik geograficzny, vol. 12, p. 514.
18
On this estate, extending between the upper Sejm and the upper Donec rivers,
and its former owner, see Document 8, n. 18.
19
Myloljub, Mužeč and Oskol (here erroneously registered as Skala) belonged to
the tümen of Jagoldaj (cf. Document 8, notes 18–19) while the town of Radogošč’ was
situated further to the northwest. As the latter did not gure in the earlier yarlıqs and
was registered for the rst time in 1513 (see Document 12), apparently by error the
scribe entered its name in the wrong place, i.e., between the tümen of Jagoldaj and
Myloljub.
20
On Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and Tula, see Document 8, notes 20–21.
21
On these localities and estates, see Document 8, notes 22–26.
22
Erroneously registered as Čudnov; for a less corrupt version of this fragment, cf.
Document 14. On the above four settlements, situated on the lower Boh and lower
Dniester, see Document 8, notes 28–31.
23
Cf. Document 12, n. 22.
24
Turov is apparently a misspelled recording of Uhrom as this entry corresponds
with “the tümen of Uhrom” registered in Document 14.
25
For Fedorov, cf. n. b to the Ruthenian text. e last four settlements along with
the district of Turov (or rather Uhrom) could not be identied, but they were appar-
ently situated in lower Podolia, between the Boh and Dniester rivers; Nemyrov appears
in the earlier documents as Nemyr (apart from Document 18 where it is also referred
to as Nemyrov), and Myšen as Mušač, Mušal, Mušen, and Mumyš; cf. Document 8,
n. 32, Document 12, n. 23, and Document 18, n. 23.
document 19 (21 october 1520) 649
And this is also our word:
I, Mehmed Giray Khan, and my son Bahadır Sultan
26
—to begin with, [and] my
[other] children, the sultans [i.e., princes], and my brothers, and also the ulans,
beys, mirzas, along with all courtiers and subjects, we have collectively decided,
rmly sworn and engaged to be dear brothers and friends along with you, my
brother, to be a friend to [the other’s] friend and an enemy to [the other’s]
enemy. And may our children and grandchildren, along with the children and
grandchildren of yours, our brother, [jointly] prove their enmity towards any
of our or your enemies.
And as the duke [ knjaz’] of Muscovy captured a number of towns and vil-
lages under [the reign of ] King Alexander, your elder brother, and also under
your [reign], our brother, King Sigismund, we could take them [back], with
the grace of God, and restore to you. Previously the Lithuanian lords sent their
letter [provided] with their seals through the interpreter [named] Leguš,
27
[pro-
posing that] if with the grace of God we take the aforementioned towns and
restore to you, the incomes and revenues from these towns will be shared with
us half-and-half.
When envoys come from hither and other side, neither we nor you, our
brother, should detain them longer than two months but should let them go
[while treating] well.
And you should rmly detain our enemy, Sheikh Ahmed Khan, until God
sends him death; you should not let him depart from your state.
As regards the gi of 15,000 orins [zolotys] that you, our brother, send us
each year, we ask you, our brother, that henceforth you send this gi in one
rate, namely seven weeks aer your Easter feast, on your feast of Pentecost.
28
When you need our troops against your Muscovian enemy, you should send
[a request] to us. We will not refuse you our men provided that you send them
money for food supplies.
As regards the raids and damage, committed heretofore against your land
and yourself by the great khan, my father Mengli Giray, and myself, and my
brothers, and also the beys, ulans, mirzas, courtiers, and all my subjects [during
the reigns of ]
29
your father, the great king Casimir, and your uncles,
30
the great
kings: King [John] Albert and King Alexander, and you, our brother, the great
king Sigismund, you, our brother, should forgive them, release the harm from
your heart and do not hold it against us; and we will do likewise in respect to
you, our brother, and will release all harm from our heart.
26
On the qalga Bahadır Sultan, see Document 17, n. 11 and Document 18.
27
Leguš, interpreter, sent in Lithuanian embassies to the Great Horde in 1500 and
to the Crimea in 1509 and 1515 (his return is recorded in May 1516); see Banionis,
LDK pasiuntinybių tarnyba, pp. 108, 185, 193, 195, 252. Apparently he was sent by the
Lithuanian councilors in the fall of 1515, when Sigismund was still in Poland.
28
In the Polish translation referred to as Świątki, i.e., Zielone Świątki.
29
is fragment is corrupt; for its correct reading, cf. Document 14.
30
Sic; it should read “brothers.”
650 document 19 (21 october 1520)
And formerly I sent you my son, Djalaleddin Sultan,
31
as mark of broth-
erhood, sincerity, and friendship; but you did not receive him,
32
God’s will
descended upon him, God let it happen. May all three of us: we, your brother,
the khan, you, King Sigismund, our brother, and my son, Bahadır Sultan, stay
healthy; and you should know that we do not hold in our heart any grudge
because of this son of ours, Djalaleddin Sultan.
Your subjects, who travel for salt along the Dnieper, should pay tax in cash
to the amins,
33
that is our toll ocers, and having arrived safe and sound,
should go [back] to your land without any harassment or harm. And as regards
the merchants of yours, our brother, from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the
Polish Crown, and Germany,
34
may they travel to our land without any fear,
and having come to us, they should not fear any injury; may they come and go
back to your land safe and sound, without any fear. Heretofore they have paid
toll in the amount of seven percent;
35
and now let them pay the toll of three
percent. Having paid this, they should not fear any additional tax or any injury
coming from us or our ocials.
And our merchants, who travel to your land, should not suer any injury
or harm in your land, our brother, they should go and return to our land safe
and sound. And we ask you, our brother, to let your ocials collect [only] a
half of the toll from our merchants, who will travel to your land. May the poor
subjects from both sides multiply and benet from the prosperity of yours, our
brother, and ours, and may they pray to God for us.
And I, Mehmed Giray Khan, and my son Bahadır Sultan—to begin with,
and all my children and brothers, the sultans, and the ulans, beys, and mirzas,
and all my courtiers and subjects, in the presence of Pan Anikij Hornostaj, the
envoy whom you, our brother, had sent to us, and Pan Augustino de Garib-
aldis, cavalier of Spirindora,
36
our good servant, who wishes you, our brother,
and us well, we have sworn by our book, the Koran, and we have engaged to
31
Djalaleddin Sultan, sent in 1512 to Lithuania as an honorary hostage by his
grandfather Mengli Giray, died in 1513 in Vilnius; cf. Document 12, n. 25.
32
When Djalaleddin arrived at Vilnius, King Sigismund was in Poland. He wel-
comed the young prince and his retinue in his letters sent from Poznań to Vilnius
in February 1513; see Acta Tomiciana, vol. 2, pp. 159–160. e king never received
Djalaleddin as the prince died soon aer.
33
Tur. amin or emin, i.e., “intendant.”
34
e term Nemec’ (“[from] Germany”) might refer to Royal Prussia or any Ger-
man lands, whose inhabitants arrived in the Crimea from the direction of Poland-
Lithuania; see n. 135 in Part I and Chapter 6 in Part II; cf. also Document 12, n. 28.
35
Lit. “seven coins out of a hundred coins;” on the basis of Document 20, preserved
in both the Tatar and Ruthenian versions, we can identify “coins” (Ruth. dengi) with
aspers (Tat. aqçe), and “toll” (Ruth. myto) with the Tatar tamġa.
36
On Augustino de Garibaldis, a Genovese from Caa in the khan’s service, see
Document 16, n. 18. Frequently acting as the khan’s envoy, in February 1514 he
brought to Vilnius the yarlıq of Mengli Giray (Document 12). He also composed the
Italian version of the khan’s instrument issued in November 1514 (Document 16). I
have not been able to establish the meaning of the term Spirindora encountered in the
Cyrillic text; cf. also Document 20, n. 30.
document 19 (21 october 1520) 651
be a friend of your friend, our brother, King Sigismund, and an enemy of your
enemy, so that we should prove [our] enmity towards your enemy.
And no harm should be done by us or our subjects to your entire state, your
towns, settlements, estates, villages, the whole land and all the people of yours,
our brother, both to the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
As regards these two states of yours, the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania, whoever is a friend to them, will be a friend to us, and whoever
in an enemy to these two states, will be an enemy to us [as well].
And whatever is written in our present letter of agreement, whatever we have
sworn and pledged to you, our brother, we want to rmly keep and adhere
to. And now we swear by God, according to our faith, by 124,000 prophets,
37
and by our righteous prophet Muhammad Mustafa:
38
by God, with God, and
through God!
39
We rmly keep this sworn letter of agreement, thus you should
know and trust.
And we have sent the golden letter of agreement with the golden seal, in the
year 926 of our prophet Muhammad, on the 9th day of our prosperous month
of Zilkade.
Written in Ferahkerman,
40
anno Domini 1520, on the 25th day of October,
41
during the 9th indiction.
42
37
According to a Muslim tradition (hadith), recorded in the collection of Ahmad
bin Hanbal, Allah sent 124,000 prophets to the earth, including Prophet Muhammad;
cf. Document 13, n. 3.
38
Mustafa (lit. “the Chosen”) is the second name of Prophet Muhammad.
39
e Arabic formula vallahi billahi tallahi is correctly rendered (in Tatar pro-
nunciation) in the Cyrillic text; in the Polish translation it reads: wallahy we billahi
we tellahi.
40
I.e., Perekop, also known as Or qal‘esi or Or qapu; see Jankowski, Historical-
Etymological Dictionary, pp. 748–750.
41
e dating is confusing as 9 Zilkade 926 A.H. corresponded with 21 October,
and not 25 October 1520; it seems more likely that the Crimean chancery clerk cor-
rectly recorded the date of the Muslim calendar; besides, in the Khwarezmian Turkic
document, also dated 9 Zilkade 926 A.H., this day is referred to as a Sunday, and
21 October was indeed a Sunday; cf. Document 20, n. 50. e same dierence between
the Muslim and the Christian dates can be found in the Ruthenian version of Docu-
ment 20.
42
Cf. n. 5 above; the indiction number was apparently entered by the Ruthenian
translator or the Lithuanian chancery clerk who copied the present document.
DOCUMENT 20 (21 OCTOBER 1520)
e şartname sent by Khan Mehmed Giray to King Sigismund
[Facs. II]
Original document in Khwarezmian Turkic (with Crimean Tatar elements),
1
issued on yellowish paper: AGAD, AKW, Dz. tat., k. 65, t. 2, no. 577.
151.5 × 34 cm. (3 sheets glued together)
upper invocation (gold): nesih script
lower invocation (gold): nesih script
the golden nişan of Mehmed Giray (6.5 × 6.5 cm.) is impressed at the top
text (black with gold insertions): nesih script
the black oval seal of Mehmed Giray (2.3 cm. in diameter) is impressed at
the bottom
Published in Materialy dlja istorii Krymskago xanstva, pp. 2–5.
16th-century copy in Ruthenian:
A.
2
RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 785–790 [old foliation:
395b–397b].
A.* 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no.
193, pp. 465–467.
Polish 17th-century translation from the Turkic original by Samuel Otwin-
owski: a) AGAD, AKW, Dz. tat., k. 65, t. 2, no. 578 (copied by Antoni
Crutta from the Turkic document’s reverse side); b) Bibl. Ossol., ms. 3555,
fol. 329a–332a; c) Bibl. Czart., ms. 612, pp. 171–174 (alternative pagination:
155–158).
Hüve`l-mu‘izu`l-mu‘in
Bismillahi`r-rahmani`r-rahimi
Bi`l-quvveti`l-ehadiye ve`l-mu‘cizati`l-muhammediye
[1] Ulu Ordanung ulu hanı Deşt-i Qıpçaq barça Moġul padişahı Muhammed
Gėrey Han sözüm
1
In the handwritten catalogue by Zygmunt Abrahamowicz the language is described
as the Crimean dialect, but it should rather be described as Khwarezmian Turkic (the
literary language used in the Golden Horde), though inuenced by Crimean Tatar.
I would like to warmly thank Henryk Jankowski for his assistance in reading and
interpreting the present as well as other documents.
2
In order to enable the reader to compare the texts in Turkic and Ruthenian, the
text of this copy is appended below.
document 20 (21 october 1520) 653
Bismillahi`r-rahmani`r-rahimi! La ilaha illa`llah Muhammadun
rasul`llah!
As-sultanu`l-a‘zam al-haqanu`l-ekrem /
a
Mehmed Gėrey Han bin Mengli
Gėrey Han ‘azze nasruhu
[2] Ong qol song qolnung tümen ming yüz on biylegen
[3] oġlanlar biyler mirzalarıġa barça İleh yurtunung knyaz
[4] arspişkub başlıġ taqı Ladıjlav pişkubi knyaz Matyasġa
[5] taqı Premıslenüng knyaz püskub potqanselerġe taqı Kirakuv voyvodası
dizdarı pan Qrıştof ulu qaniselerġe taqı ulu hazineci
[6] pan Niqolayġa taqı Qamanice İlav voyvodası ulu marşalġa taqı Pozna
voyvodasıġa taqı Sudomir voyvodası pan Filyer ulu hedmanġa
[7] taqı Lublin voyvoda pan Tosunckige taqı bulardan başqa İleh yurtunung
ulu püskublarına ve qaloniqlarınġa
[8] ve pilebanlarıġa ve papaslarıġa ve meşcanlarıġa ve bayarınlarıġa ve barça
Ulu Kėngeş panlarıġa ve içki daşqısıġa
[9] ve köp qara ėlge barça tüzünce bilsingler kim men özüm Mehmed Gėrey
Han taqı oġlum Bahadır Gėrey Sultan
[10] biz kördük bizim kėçkenlerimiznüng dostlıġını hem qarındaşlıġını hem
barışıqlıġını ulu Toqtamış Han
[11] birle ulu Haci Gėrey Han babam başlab ulu Körel Ladıjlav Yaġal birle
İlehnüng andan song Libqanung
[12] ulu Davud biyi birle andan song Kazimir Körel İlehnüng Libqanung
ulu biyi birle bular birle bizim ulu han atalarımız
[13] aġalarımız dost qarındaş ėrdi hem barışıqlıqları çın ėrdi her dostġa dost
her düşmanġa düşman
[14] ėrdiler hem nökerleri artub hem memleketleri ma‘mur bolub dostları
söyünüb düşmanları
[15] soqur bolub ėrdi imdi biz de ol burunġılarımız barışġan yosunca arı çın
köngülden Mehmed Gėrey Han
[16] taqı oġlum Bahadır Gėrey taqı barça oġlanlarım sultanlar taqı barça
oġlanlar biyler mirzalar
[17] taqı barça içki daşqı nökerlerimiz barımız birge turub bu şartnamemüzni
alıb barġan ulu ėlçimiz Şirin Devletek Biy
[18] qaracımıznung oġlı Evliya Mirza tėti orda biy inamlu nökerim İbrahim
Biy taqı siz qarındaşımnung ėlçingiz pan
[19] Anikiy Qornastay taqı bizim sizing yahşılıġımız tiler Aġustin Ġaribaldiz
qavalyer Aspiründur bularnung közünce
[20] bizim Quranmızdan beng ant şart qıldıq kim siz Jigmund Körel
qarındaşım birle dost qarındaş bolġaymuz dostuna
[21] dost düşmanına düşman bolġaymuz biri birimizge neçük kim evvelkile-
rimiz ėrdiler bulay bolġan song bizim aramuzġa
[22] hiç bir düşman kirib bolmas dır taqı siz qarındaşımda bizim düşmanımız
Şeyh Ahmed Hannı yanında nökerlerini beng tutub
a
Here begins the inscription in the middle frame of the nişan.