
300 Part Two • Microeconomics of Product Markets
may now constitute a significant
barrier to entry.
Blindfold taste tests confirm
that most mass-produced Cana-
dian beers taste alike, so, brew-
ers greatly emphasize advertis-
ing. Here, Labatt and Molson,
who sell national brands, enjoy
major cost advantages over pro-
ducers that have regional brands
(for example, Creemore Springs,
Upper Canada, and Okanagan
Spring). The reason is because
national television advertising is
less costly per viewer than local
spot TV advertising.
Mergers in the brewing in-
dustry have been a fundamental
cause of the rising concentra-
tion. Dominant firms have ex-
panded by heavily advertising
their main brands such as Labatt
Blue, Molson Canadian, Blue
Light, Canadian Light, and Mol-
son Special Dry, sustaining sig-
nificant product differentiation
despite the declining number of
major brewers.
Two factors dominate the
Canadian beer industry: high
transportation costs and provin-
cial policies and practices. High
transportation costs have trans-
lated into a regional structure of
production compared with the
brewing industry in the United
States. As a consequence, a large
number of breweries exist in
Canada relative to the size of the
domestic market. Especially out-
side the larger breweries in On-
tario and Quebec, unit costs are
markedly higher because of the
inability to achieve economies of
scale.
Even more important than
transportation costs, provincial
policies and practices in the past
had a dominant impact on the
Canadian brewing industry; until
recently, brewers were not al-
lowed to transport beer produced
in one province to be sold in an-
other. This restriction has now
been relaxed, and brewers will
centralize operations in the future
to capture economies of scale.
Imported beers such as Beck,
Corona, Foster’s, and Guinness
constitute over 10 percent of the
Canadian market, with individ-
ual brands seeming to wax and
wane in popularity. Some local
or regional microbreweries such
as Upper Canada (purchased re-
cently by Sleeman), which brew
specialty beers and charge pre-
mium prices, have whittled into
the sales of the major brewers.
Labatt and Molson have taken
notice, responding with spe-
cialty brands of their own (for
example, John Labatt Classic
and Molson Signature Spring
Bock). Overall, however, it ap-
pears that imports such as
Heineken and Budweiser may
pose more of a threat to the ma-
jors than the microbreweries do.
Sources: Based on Kenneth G.
Elzinga, “Beer,” in Walter Adams
and James Brock (eds.), The Struc-
ture of American Industry, 9th ed.
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall,
1995), pp. 119–151; Douglas F. Greer,
“Beer: Causes of Structural Change,”
in Larry Duetsch (ed.), Industry
Studies, 2nd ed. (New York: M. E.
Sharpe, 1998), pp. 28–64; authors’
updates; the Conference Board of
Canada, The Canadian Brewing
Industry: Historical Evolution and
Competitive Structure (Toronto: Inter-
national Studies and Development
Group, 1989).
chapter summary
1. The distinguishing features of monopolistic
competition are (a) enough firms are in the
industry to ensure that each firm has only
limited control over price, mutual interde-
pendence is absent, and collusion is nearly
impossible; (b) products are characterized by
real or perceived differences so that eco-
nomic rivalry entails both price and nonprice
competition; and (c) entry to the industry is
relatively easy. Many aspects of retailing,
and some manufacturing industries in which
economies of scale are few, approximate
monopolistic competition.
2. Monopolistically competitive firms may earn
economic profits or incur losses in the short
run. The easy entry and exit of firms result in
only normal profits in the long run.
3. The long-run equilibrium position of the
monopolistically competitive producer is
less socially desirable than that of the pure
competitor. Under monopolistic competition,