view of colonialism and seeks to invoke through the main character the
uneasiness and uncertainty of the colonized ‘other’. Both novels expose
intra-Christian differences which have implications far beyond Europe. In
Owenson’s novel it is internecine doctrinal disputes between Spanish
Jesuits and Portuguese Franciscans, whereas in Nyabongo’s narrative it
is between the Protestants and the Catholics. When the missionaries make
a case for their denominations, asserting their superiority and in the
process castigating each other before the Bugandan King, Mutesa, the
confused King comments: ‘We see that every White man seems to have
his own religion, and thinks it is the only true one’. What he is further
prompted to say casts doubt on the future of the mission enterprise: ‘We
must assert our strength. We shall have nothing more to do with … the
religion of the Whites. We shall return to the religion of our forefathers.
Each of the missionaries called the others liars, and our prophet has found
that none of them is correct’.
4
Nevertheless, these Christian denomin-
ations might have had their internal differences but, as the novels make
clear, in their aim to convert the natives they acted with one accord.
The Missionary first appeared in 1811 , a narrative interspersed with a
number of pieces of documentary evidence. In one of her footnotes
Owenson refers to the Vellore Mutiny of 1806.
5
The implication is that
the novel explores the same basic tension as had provoked the Vellore
Mutiny: the violent and forceful nature of European colonial rule. She
reissued the novel in 1859, soon after the Indian uprising of 1857. The
revised version had a new title – Luxima, the Prophetess: A Tale of India.
The supplanting of the European hero, Hilarion, the missionary, with the
Indian Brahmin woman, Luxima, could be interpreted as an indication of
the pointlessness of missionary labours in the aftermath of the 1857 Indian
uprising. The novel, set in a seventeenth-century colonial context, has
further colonial complications. Goa was a Portuguese territory, but
Portugal itself had recently come under Spanish rule. The novel thus
addresses two kinds of colonialism: one that existed within Europe and
4 Akiki K. Nyabongo, Africa Answers Back (London, George Routledge & Sons Ltd, 1936), p. 19 .
5 The sepoy rebellion of Vellore, South India, was a result of a number of factors. There was
resentment among the sepoys over the new changes introduced by the East India Company; these
had to do with caste marks, new uniforms and the amount of facial hair one could have. These
new changes were interpreted by the sepoys as an indirect means of converting everyone to
Christianity. Their conditions of service and low-scale pay were the other sore points. There was
also an alleged collusion between the sepoys and the family of the deposed Tipu Sultan, who was
interned in the Fort of Vellore, with a view to restoring him to power. For a succinct introduction
to the causes, see S. K. Mitra, ‘The Vellore Mutiny of 1806 and the Question of Christian Mission
to India’, in Indian Church History Review 8:1 (1974), 75–82.
Imperial fictions and biblical narratives 193