The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 13: Republican China 1912-1949, Part 2
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THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM 23
1
crops every two years in others. Their skill at multiple cropping, in the
words of the American agronomist King in 1909, made possible 'the
fullest possible utilization of every minute of the growing season and of
the time of the family in caring for the crops'.
2
But farming skill and diligence were not sufficient to enable all families
to feed and clothe themselves. Some households - what fraction they were
of the farming population remains unknown - found life difficult and even
intolerable. The following report describes the plight of some farmers in
Kiangsu and Chekiang provinces during the 1870s:
Formerly the men farmed and the women wove cloth. A hundred
mou
(6.6
hectares) of land could be worked with one farm labourer. A household of eight
never suffered from hunger. In a family with five
mou
(o.
3
hectares) one woman
tended the silkworms; a seventy-year-old woman could easily support herself
from these earnings. Today's farmers and weavers are unable to support
themselves and their children on an equivalent amount of land with the same
size household as in former times. Formerly widows, widowers, orphans, the
childless, being without the support of
a
family might suddenly die at any time.
But today even those having parents are on the verge of
death.
Moreover, they
have no
means to
live.
Are
not
these
conditions different from
those
of yesterday ?
3
Our raconteur provides no information whether crop yields declined,
taxes increased, or the prices of goods and services sold declined relative
to those received. Conditions of rural poverty and prosperity varied
between districts, perhaps even regions, and fluctuated according to the
state of the harvest.
Taken together, however, the writings of foreign observers and even
native experts on rural conditions in the final years of the Ch'ing dynasty
convey neither a sense of production decline nor a singular state of
foodgrain or fibre shortage. Japanese visitors were probably the most
severe critics of agriculture, which they were constantly comparing with
their own. The following comment by Masuko Teisuke, who travelled
in central and south-east China in 1911, is typical:
Of China's various industries, agriculture produces 5 o per cent of the country's
wealth and employs about 70 per cent of the population. Further, the various
farming techniques have already been developed for
a
very long
time.
Yet, in spite
of the widespread knowledge on such matters many areas between hills remain
uncultivated, and
a
great
deal
of barren land remains unfarmed.
These
possibilities
of improvement simply have been ignored. The peasantry cannot escape from
their bare subsistence level as they cannot accumulate any savings. And if there
is one bad harvest, they are reduced to starvation.
4
2
F. H. King, Farmers of forty centuries: or, permanent apiculture in China, Korea, and Japan, 235—4.
3
Li Wen-chih, comp. Cbmg-kuo cbin-tai
nung-ytb-sbih
t^u-liao (Historical materials on modern China's
agriculture), 1.910.
4
Masuko Teisuke, Cbubu Sbina (Central China), 29.
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232 THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM
Why peasants could not save and escape their precarious fate of depending
only on the harvest is never explained. Whether this difficulty originated
from poor soils, overcrowding,
or
the farmers' inability
to
narrow
the
gap between
the
potential
and
actual output
is
never clear from
the
descriptions of agriculture of this period.
What does seem clear, however,
is
that some Chinese began
to
sense
that they were suffering more and more losses in the form of opportunities
foregone
to
modernize agriculture, that
is to say, to
increase
the
productivity of land and labour by adopting available modern technology.
Ko Ching-chung, writing in 1921 for the fiftieth anniversary of Shanghai's
major newspaper,
Shen-pao,
assessed his country's foodgrain situation over
the previous half century and found the performance poor.
Rice,
wheat,
and
five other miscellaneous cereals
are the
outstanding basic
products
of
our country's agriculture. Yet because
of
the steady growth
of
population, the absence
of
any expansion
of
cultivated land, and the lack
of
improvement
in
fanning techniques, harvests have not been bountiful. There
exists barren land that people do not know how to reclaim. There are rivers that
we do not know how to control. During some years the production of foodgrain
has not been sufficient to supply the needs of the country. These were the years
of
floods
and droughts when
we
were without the resources to do anything. The
reader will note that the Maritime Customs statistics reporting foodgrain imports
and exports show that exports have barely attained one-third the volume
of
imports.
I
can only say that these last
fifty
years of agricultural history have been
years of great disappointment.
5
The failure of agriculture to modernize was not absolute. After the advent
of the railway and new treaty-port urban centres, agriculture gradually
became more commercialized. This process was more rapid
in
the north
than in the south. Agrarian conditions would change after the First World
War when in many regions the rural market systems were disturbed from
outside by sharp shifts in supply and demand. In heavily populated areas
these changes
in
supply or demand required reallocation
of
resources
in
order
to
avoid large-scale unemployment
and a
fall
in
rural income.
Because
of
the failure
of
state and local administration
to
maintain law
and order or provide economic assistance, such market readjustments had
very high social costs. But before describing these conditions of agrarian
crisis it is necessary to outline and clarify the agrarian system of this period.
s
Ko Ching-chung, ' Wu-shih-nien lai Chung-kuo nung-yeh shih' (The last fifty years
of
Chinese
agriculture),
in
Liang Ch'i-ch'ao el al.
Wan-cb'ing nm-sbib-nien
iai
chib Chung-kuo
(China during
the last fifty years), 210.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
ASPECTS
OF THE
AGRARIAN SYSTEM
233
ASPECTS
OF THE
AGRARIAN SYSTEM
By 1887 roughly
87 per
cent
of
China's land was privately owned.
The
rest belonged
to the
Manchu court, Manchu banner units, schools
and
military organizations,
or
consisted
of
village common fields.
6
On
this
privately owned land
the
typical rural family
did not
exclusively farm;
its members repaired structures
and
tools, spun thread
and
wove cloth,
made decorative
or
useful objects from braided straw, carted goods,
or
hawked wares. Rural surveys
of
the 1930s suggest that probably only six
out
of
every
ten
households, often less, obtained 5 o
per
cent
or
more
of
their income from farming. By this definition
—
the one
I
shall use
—
only
three
out of
four households could
be
called farms
in, for
example,
Lao-wa-chuang village
in
T'ai-an county (Shantung).
7
Likewise,
in
Sung
village of P'eng-te county (Honan), six out often households were farms.
8
In South China the number
of
bona fide farms was even less. What kind
of
an
agrarian system operated
to
make possible this variety
of
rural
households?
Product markets and factor markets
Let
us
begin
by
visualizing rural families
or
households
as
carrying
out
economic activities
in
markets
of
two distinct kinds, the product market
and
the
factor market. Product markets were formal
or
informal
market-places where households sold their goods
for
cash
or
exchanged
them for other
goods.
Their location ranged along a continuum from large
cities,
through small towns,
to
villages
or
points along well-travelled
routes.
The
overwhelming proportion
of
goods marketed from villages
entered
the
periodic markets,
or
standard marketing-places, which
typically served between 20 and 30 villages.
9
Exceptions existed,
but
this
pattern was widespread by the late nineteenth century as urban population
became concentrated less
in a few
large centres
and
more
in
places with
periodic markets.
10
Most households were within
a
half-day's travel
of
some periodic
market, where
a
legion
of
merchants, brokers
and
peddlers circulated
at
prescribed times during
the
lunar month.
The
large number
of
buyers
6
Li
Wen-chih, comp. Cbmg-kuo cbin-tai
nung-jeb-sbib
t^u-liao,
1.22
' South Manchurian Railway Company, henceforth
SMR,
Chosabu (Research Section), Hoku-sbi
nosongaikyo
ebosa
bokoku (Research report
on
village conditions
in
North China),
2.68.
8
Ibid.
}.22.
0
G. William Skinner, 'Marketing and social structure in rural China, Part
U',JAS
26.2 (Feb. 1965);
see pp. 18-19.
10
Gilbert Rozman, Urban networks in Cb'ing China and Tokugawa Japan, 103-4.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
234 THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM
and sellers that haggled over prices suggests that price competition was
intense. One foreign observer remarked that 'in no other country are the
free play of competition and the law of supply and demand still so
completely relied upon for the regulation of prices'.
:
' Powerful merchant
guilds might exercise some restraint of trade in some markets, but 'to
avoid uncertainty and reduce risk, most merchants delegated their buying
and selling to brokers' who had to compete with each other in the
market.
12
Equally important, there were so many merchants competing within
each county that no single buyer could corner the market. For instance,
in Chien-te county in Chekiang, located on the Tung River, ioo km south
of Hangchow, there were some
190
large merchant establishments in 1930;
all used brokers and ' kept their affairs quite secret, so that we know very
little about them'.
13
Finally, consider the following conditions of rice
marketing in Hankow in 1913—14:
Rice exchange in Hankow is no different than in Shanghai, where it is handled
through rice brokerage
firms.
In Hankow the main rice market is in the harbour
at Ch'en-chia-tsui. There are 20 rice brokerage firms connected to the same rice
merchant guild, which controls the profits from rice marketing in Hankow.
However, there is no case where these
firms
buy large quantities of
rice
at a fixed
time,
or send agents to the rice producing areas to corner the rice supply.
Nor are there any examples where they resort to cunning means to collude with
various shops which buy rice. We can say that these practices simply do not exist
on a yearly basis, and for Chinese merchants this is one of their noteworthy
characteristics.
14
In general, these competitive product markets seem to have allowed rural
families to obtain fair prices, because buyers and sellers never held
sufficient economic power to fix prices for very long. Further, these
competitive markets encouraged the participation of every family in some
kind of market activity.
The term ' factor market' refers to those informal and formal arrange-
ments between rural households by which labour, land and loanable funds
were exchanged on some negotiated, contractual basis, with payment
either in money or in kind. Families seeking to lease or rent land used
middlemen to find a customer. Households wanting to hire labour visited
" Albert C. Muhse, 'Trade organization and trade control in China',
American Economic
Review,
6.2
(June 1916) 309-25, see p. 309.
12
T6a dobun kai hensan kyoku,
Sbina kei^ai^embo
(A compendium on the Chinese economy), 7.225.
13
Tiao-ch'a Che-chiang ching-chi so t'ung-chi-k'o,
Cbe-cbiang Cbien-tebsien cb'mg-cbi tiao-cb'a
(Survey
of the economy of Chien-te county, Chekiang), 1.6.
14
Higashi Norimasa, comp.
Cbubu Sbina
kei^ai
cbosa
(Research on the economy of Central China),
1.1, 361.
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ASPECTS OF THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM 235
special areas in market towns where young and old men congregated at
early hours to hire out for a day's work. Families in need of credit visited
shops,
found merchants, or approached kin or friends to negotiate a loan.
A family needing cash used its land to borrow. It might pledge some land
as security for a small loan, repayable with interest within a few months.
For a larger loan, to be repaid without interest in a year or so, it might
actually transfer the property right to the creditor. In this case, the creditor
would either use the land or lease it, to the borrower or another family,
and collect rent. When the loan was repaid, the property right reverted
to its original owner.
Together, these product and factor markets linked villages to towns and
households to households through exchange transactions that represented
incomes to some families and expenditures to others. When farmers
harvested and sold some of their crops, those families with storage
facilities and less need for cash stocked to sell later. The farmers who sold
first received cash to repay debts and purchase goods. Therefore, during
the harvest season a flow of cash was already returning to the towns, and
some cash was circulating between village families. In later months, rising
farm prices encouraged some farmers to relinquish their stocks. Other
farmers began to sow for the next crop, and households short of cash
borrowed. Meanwhile, the cash flow to villages continued as farm stocks
were reduced, and borrowing between rural families continued.
All cash flowing to the market passed through brokers and merchants
to become income for urban households and suppliers. This was because
the brokers and merchants selling to farmers used part of their income
to stock goods, which they obtained from urban producers and importers.
Those of the urban producers who used agricultural raw materials had
already paid the brokers and merchants who purchased directly from the
farmers, and such expenditure finally became the cash farmers received
when they marketed their goods. In this way the product market linked
villages to market towns and so completed one link in the circular cash
flow.
For many households, either wage income or credit was an indispensable
means of survival until they could harvest their crops. The formal and
informal contracts that linked households in exchange relationships made
it possible for farmers to share scarce resources and, to some extent,
minimize the risks and uncertainties of economic activities. These
transactions between households in the factor market completed the final
link in the circular flow.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
236 THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM
hand and
labour
Farming in all parts of China was characterized by a definite sequence and
rhythm of work. In the north-east, north and north-west the farmers
lightly ploughed and raked the fields during late February and March.
15
Beginning in April and May, until late autumn, they sowed, irrigated,
weeded, and harvested their crops. A study of 24 farms around
Yung-loh-tien, a town in Chin-yang county in central Shensi, in 1926
reported that 'according to the yearly distribution [of labour], May to
September are the busiest months'.
16
Another study, this one of farms
in Wei county (Shantung) in 1924, concluded that 'the farm work on crops
begins late in March and is finished by December first'.
17
In central,
south-east, and south-west China, climate and soil favoured a cycle of two
crops a year instead of the three crops every two years that were raised
in the north. Rice was planted in April and harvested in late July and
August.
18
Farmers then sowed wheat, barley, and green manure crops
(broad beans, etc.) in late autumn and harvested them in late spring, as
was common in the fertile Kiangsu delta area around Shanghai in 1939:
The farmers in this vicinity produce two crops, mainly of cotton and rice. For
the summer crop they grow cotton, rice, soy-beans and vegetables between late
April and late summer. For the winter crop they grow wheat, barley, and broad
beans between late autumn and early spring. They consume all their rice, barley,
and soy-beans; and wheat and vegetables are sold to brokers and other buyers."
In the south-east, farmers harvested two rice crops from the same plot,
sowing the first crop in late spring and the second in late autumn.
A certain fixed amount of family labour was required to produce each
crop.
In Wei-hsien, W. Y. Swen found that the annual man-labour hours
per
mou
of land varied greatly with the crop: 28.2 hours per
mou
for yellow
beans;
36.6 for wheat; 72.5 for sorghum; 79.0 for millet; 91.6 for sweet
potatoes; and 241.1 for tobacco.
20
Moreover, labour requirements
depended greatly upon the amount of irrigation. Japanese researchers in
Sung village of P'eng-te county reported the following conditions in 1940:
15
Ramon
H.
Myers,
The
Chinese peasant economy: agricultural development
in
Hopei
and
Shantung,
1890-1949, 177-8.
16
Wu
Hwa-pao,' Agricultural economy
of
Yung-loh Tien
in
Shenshi province',
NanMai Social
and
Economic
Quarterly,
9.1
(April
1936) 171.
" W. Y.
Swen, 'Types
of
farming, costs
of
production,
and
annual labor distribution
in
Weihsien
County, Shantung, China',
Chinese Economic
Journal,
3.2 (Aug. 1928) 653.
18
Chinese Economic Journal Qiov. 1927)921; Sbina Jkei^ai
%ensbo
8.}\—2; Chinese Economic Monthly (July
1926) 295-9.
19
SMR,
Shanghai Research Section, Cbi-sbi
ni
oheru
noson
no sbakaijijo (Social conditions
in
villages
of Central China),
2.
20
Swen, 'Types
of
farming',
667.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
ASPECTS OF THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM 237
Even fanning in this county depended upon human labour power to an
extraordinary degree. In areas of well-irrigated farming, this tendency was still
more marked. In Sung village different amounts of labour power were required
for cultivating the major crops, and if irrigation existed, the labour requirements
were even higher... One-third of the total labour input for cultivating cotton
went for irrigation alone, and for millet, it was one-quarter the total labour
input.
21
When households farmed more land, the inputs they used per unit of land
declined beyond a certain farm size as did the value and yield per unit
of land. In Manchuria the Japanese found in 1933 that, for 10,047
households in 230 villages, the number of labour animals used per unit
of land began to decline after the farm reached 150
mou,
and the amount
of labour declined after 1,000 mou.
12
John Buck also reported that the
man-equivalent units of labour per farm rose as farm size enlarged, but
that in many cases both crop yield and labour input per hectare
declined after a certain farm size had been reached.
23
The same inverse
relationship between labour input and farm size was found in Central
China by a Japanese survey of four villages in Sung-Kiang county of
Kiangsu in 1939:
We observed that 50.4 persons per
mou
were used for farms of
less
than 4.9
mou;
31.5 persons per
mou
for farms between 15 and 19.9
mou;
and no more than 21.1
persons per
mou
for farms larger than
20 mou.
Therefore,
as
the farm size enlarged,
there was a tendency for the amount of labour used per unit of land to decline.
The smallest farms applied more than the necessary amount of household and
hired labour even though they had less labour power than did the large farms.
This is an extremely significant point.
24
The Japanese never explained why this inverse relationship was significant,
but it is one that characterizes pre-modern agriculture, even modern
agriculture, and in recent years has become the object of considerable study
and theorizing.
This agrarian system possessed defined limits. Agricultural production
was characterized by sequential activities that required a fixed relationship
of land to labour. Any deviation from this relationship, as when labour
was withdrawn from soil preparation, irrigating, or weeding, invariably
reduced the level of output. This important fact was noted by von
Richthofen in 1868, while he was travelling near Hangchow in Chekiang
province.
21
SMR, Hohi-sbi
noson
gaikjo cbosa bokoku, 118.
22
Jitsugyobu, Nog/6 luiei ^ohiben (A supplementary study
of
agriculture management), 88-9.
23
J. L.
Buck, Land utilisation in China, 293—4, 291, 306, 297, 295.
24
SMR: Mantetsu Shanhai jimusho chosashitsu, Kososho sbokiken noson jittai cbosa bokoksubo
(Research report of village conditions in Sung-chiang county, Kiangsu), 158.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
238 THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM
This area, which has been allowed to go fallow [after the Taiping Rebellion],
once supported a very large population and contained really rich land; even now
most of it is not being cultivated. The reason for this seems to be that the method
of land use in China depends upon the available population being of a certain
size,
which, if too small, cannot even farm a small area of land. Moreover, the
limited labour supply of the Chinese and their undeveloped tools seem to be the
principal reasons for that tightly knit organization of labour which works so
hard. The scale of cultivated land in this country seems to be in fixed relationship
with the quantity of fertilizer that a certain number of people can produce. If
any of these people are lost due to sickness or war, the production of fertilizer
declines. Then that potential farming land diminishes in size. So if half of your
population dies, half of the land will never be farmed.
25
This,
then, was the land and labour relationship that made it possible for
family farms to feed China's large population.
Village and
household
Rural families, whose number might consist of as few as four to six persons
or as many as thirty, lived in villages of varying size. In the harsh climate
of the north-east, favoured with abundant fertile land, new villages rapidly
emerged after the 1880s. Numbering between twenty and fifty households,
these new communities received migrants from the northern provinces
and offered them a chance to farm the soy-bean and foodgrains.
Southward in the hilly country and coarse, sandy soil of south Manchuria
and the Liaotung peninsula, villages were more numerous, some being
only half a mile from each other. They were also larger, sometimes
containing as many as a hundred households, and had been founded more
than a century earlier. A traveller moving southward across the North
China plain - a vast, fertile area despite its bitter winters and hot,
frequently drought-ridden summers - encountered a veritable sea of
villages. In the 1890s the American missionary Arthur H. Smith estimated
that the typical village of this region had eighty households. But then in
a three-mile area in Hopei he found' sixty-four villages, the smallest having
thirty families and the largest more than 1,000 while the average [was]
188 families'.
26
Decades later, Chinese scholars studying Ting-hsien south
of Peking on the Hankow-Peking railway line found the average number
of families per village to be 150, with around 70,000 persons residing in
453 villages.
27
In east-central China, the rice-wheat region, climate becomes warmer,
25
von Richthofen, Tagebucber, tr. Eihara, 2.79-80.
26
Arthur
H.
Smith, Village life in China:
a
study
in
sociology, 18-19.
"
Sidney
D.
Gamble, Ting Hsien:
a
North China rural community,
22.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
ASPECTS OF THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM 239
rainfall less variable, and the soil slightly acidic
—
conditions favourable
for higher crop yields. By 1933—4, many thousands of villages could be
found there, nestled in coves or perched on high ground off small creeks
and waterways. Villages were smaller in size than north of the Huai River:
in four Kiangsu counties, twenty-seven villages averaged 31 households
per village, and in four Chekiang counties, thirty-one villages averaged
39 families per village.
28
In the foremost south-east province of Kwang-
tung, a tropical environment enabled peasants to grow fruit, engage in
fish-farming, and cultivate a great variety of crops with rice, which could
be double-cropped in many districts. In fairly remote areas, such as the
islands south of the New Territories adjacent to present-day Hong Kong,
there were villages with only twenty to forty households; the majority
contained less than 20 families.
29
In more densely populated districts such
as Kao-yao, an early 1930s survey cited many villages as having over 200
households. Yet the range of household numbers was extremely great:
a sample of
5,000
villages included communities with as few as 22 families,
whereas the largest embraced 927 households, a range matched by
communities on the North China plain.
30
Similar diversity and irregularity
in village size existed in the provinces of Kiangsi, Hunan, Szechwan and
Yunnan. In newly settled areas of central and south-west China, villages
appeared to be small in size compared to the older and larger communities
in the heartland of
the
country's traditional farming areas: the Pearl River
delta region; the river basin of the Min in Fukien; the Yangtze delta
region; and the North China plain. Where communities had been settled
for over a century, most villages were very small and virtually a stone's
throw away from each other, in spite of their different sizes. Most
communities were compact, with households clustered close together;
only in parts of Szechwan were households located some distance from
each other.
Rural elites
Every village had its elite of wealthy families who owned land and played
the leading role in village affairs. In some villages virtually all the land
might belong to one or two such families. The Wang and Chou families
of Hsiao-ying village in Mi-yun county (Hopei) owned 83 per cent of the
28
Hsing-cheng-yuan nung-ts'un fu-hsing wei-yuan-hui (Executive Yuan Rural Reconstruction
Commission), comp. Cbung-kuo ntmg-tfun tiao-tb'a t^u-liao wu-cbung: Cbiang-su sbeng nung-t/un
tiao-cb'a,
see App.
in
vols.
i
and
2.
29
James
W.
Hayes,
'Old
ways
of
life
in
Kowloon:
the
Cheng
Sha
Wan villages',
Journal
of Oriental
Studies,
8.1 (Jan. 1970)
154-88,
see pp. 154, 157.
10
tie^nhihtD)\, Minami
Sbina nogyo
kei^ai
ron
(Essays on South China's agricultural economy), 196-7.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
240 THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM
land. The Wei family in Kao-wei-chuan of Ts'ao county (Shantung)
owned
5,700
out of 6,000 village
mou.
The Ma family owned 90 per cent
of the land in Yang-chia-kou village in Mi-chih county (Shensi). Chang-an
village in Hsiao county (Kiangsu) was made up of six hamlets; in one
of them, a single family controlled all the land.
31
In other villages most of the land might be owned by landlord bursaries
(tsu-chari)
or by a wealthy family living in another village or, more
typically, in the market town. A good example of such absentee ownership
was reported by a Chinese academic travelling in Anhwei province in 1935.
One village several kilometers from the county seat (Fou-yang) contained mostly
tenant farmers with their rice
fields
finely
divided into small
plots.
If one travelled
further on, the number of owner-cultivator farmers increased in number.
According to these tenants, the land nearest the county seat belonged to the
merchants who lived there, and each owned several hundred
mou
of
land.
When
we investigated further, we saw a great wall along the Chuan River. We learned
the land around the wall belonged to a great landlord who owned
700 mou,
leased
670
mou,
and farmed the rest. He was also a wine merchant. Stretching far from
these walls were other villages with embankments belonging to the Chou, Liu,
T'ang, and Chang families of Ho-fei-hsi village.
32
This mixture, running from part farmer-managed to purely tenant-
managed farms, with most households owning their land, defies simple
categorization because of complex regional variation.
33
In the mid-i93os
rural statistics gathered by the Nationalist government suggest that as
many as 46 per cent of rural households owned their land and supported
themselves by farming; another 24 per cent were part-tenants and
owner-cultivators who supplemented farming income with other income
sources; the final 30 per cent were labouring-tenant households who
depended on wage income to supplement farm income earned from rented
land.
34
Large landowners formed the backbone of local elite power in villages
or market towns. Yet they were not a permanent caste-like group; their
large, extended families rarely maintained their position in the community
11
Amano Motonosuke, Sbina
nogyokei^ai
ran
(An essay on the Chinese farm economy),
i.28-31.
" Abe Yoshinori, ' Anki tochi chosa nikki' (A diary of land investigation in Anhwei), Mantetsu
chosa
gcppo,
19.1 (Jan. 1939) Part 2, 129.
33
The best study of this complex land tenure system in North China is T6a kenkyujo, Kei^ai ni
ktmsuru Sbina
kanko
chosa
bokohubo: toku ni Hohi-Sbi ni
okeru kosaku seido
(An investigative report
of old customs in China concerning the economy: the tenant system in North China). For Central
China see Sun Wen-yu, Ch'iao Ch'i-ming, Ying Lien-keng, Lo Wen-shu and Wang Yung-hsin,
comps. Yu-O-Wan-Kan
ssu-sheng cbib tsu-tien cbib-tu
(The tenant system in the four provinces of
Honan, Hupei, Anhwei and Kiangsi). For Szechwan see Meng Kuang-yu and Kuo Han-ming,
S^u-cb'uan
tsu-tien
aen-fi (The tenant problem in Szechwan).
34
Yen Chung-p'ing et al. Cbung-km cbin-tai cbing-cbi-sbib fung-ebi t^u-liao bsmn-cbi (Selected statistical
materials on the economic history of modern China), 262.
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