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influences of his background. While his inter-
est in the great debates of the day was eclectic,
his assessment of their proponents was often
based on literary and moral considerations
rather than on political ones (indeed, he him-
self had literary ambitions).
His wartime experience brought about a
certain change of direction. Mobilized in
1939, Mitterrand was wounded and captured
by the Germans in June 1940. In the hard-
ships and camaraderie of prisoner of war
camps in Germany and Poland, he later
claimed to have discovered the ‘natural’ moral
principles required to underpin legitimate so-
cial organization: equity, social and economic
justice, and freedom. On his third attempt, he
escaped at the end of 1941 to unoccupied
France, where he worked for nearly a year as
a functionary in the Vichy administration for
the War Prisoners Commissariat and was later
awarded the Francisque medal by the regime.
As a result, he was later accused of having
harboured Vichyite sympathies. He himself
always argued that he used his position in Vi-
chy as a cover for his Resistance activities,
notably as the self-styled head of a network
for prisoners of war and escapees.
At the Liberation the network of contacts
and influence he had assiduously developed
through his Resistance activity placed
Mitterrand in a position to play a political role.
Yet he was not affiliated to a party and was
reluctant to accept the idea of being led by
anyone but himself. He was first elected to
parliament in 1946 in the Nièvre on a con-
servative and markedly anti-Communist plat-
form at a time when the tripartite coalition of
Communists, Socialists and Christian Demo-
crats was still in the ascendant. His profile was
clearly that of a right-of-centre bien pensant
Catholic. Once in parliament he allied himself
with the Union Démocratique et Socialiste de
la Resistance (UDSR), a small, loosely struc-
tured party, created by former résistants. By
1953 he had become its dominant figure. The
hinge role of the UDSR in coalitions gave it an
importance beyond its size and enabled him
to occupy no less than eleven ministerial posts
under the Fourth Republic (1946–58), some
of them among the most senior. His opposi-
tion both to Communism and to de Gaulle’s
Rassemblement du Peuple Français (RPF)
placed him at the centre of gravity of Third
Force politics.
One of Mitterrand’s priorities at this time
was the maintenance of France’s colonies, par-
ticularly in Africa. When the Algerian war
broke out in 1954 he was Minister of the Inte-
rior. Like the vast majority of French people,
he did not envisage Algerian independence and
only came to accept it reluctantly. His ap-
proach to the colonies was, however, reform-
ist and this brought him into conflict with re-
actionary forces on the Right.
While Mitterrand had entered politics on the
Centre Right, his reformism in colonial affairs,
his opposition to the RPF, his move away from
the institution of the Catholic church and his
involvement in the 1956 Front Républicain al-
liance placed him, towards the end of the Fourth
Republic, to the left of centre. He was a compe-
tent minister, who did not hesitate to assert his
authority, and a skilful orator. His political
ambiguity, obvious ambition and cavalier yet
aloof manner often inspired cautiousness, if not
mistrust. Nevertheless, he would probably have
been called to the premiership in due course had
the collapse of the Fourth Republic and de
Gaulle’s return to power not changed the rules
of the political game completely.
The feeling that de Gaulle had robbed him
of the opportunity to reach the top government
position, and that there would be no room for
his ambitions in de Gaulle’s entourage, undoubt-
edly determined his decision to adopt an intran-
sigent stance against the new regime of the Fifth
Republic and all its works. Paradoxically, how-
ever, the presidential and bipartisan logic of the
Fifth Republic enabled him to resurrect his po-
litical career. His strident opposition also placed
him more clearly on the Left.
With the first direct election of the presi-
dent of the Republic due to take place in 1965,
Mitterrand realized that, for a candidate of the
Left to stand a chance of success against de
Gaulle, he had to be able to obtain the firm
backing of the whole of the non-Communist
Left and the vote of the Communist
Mitterrand, François