Daunton M. The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, Volume 3: 1840-1950
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client-based. ‘The voluntary agencies would provide friendly visiting and co-
ordinate charitable and state efforts . . . while the state provided a national
minimum level of service and relief.’
87
From the s voluntary hospitals, both general and specialist, grew in
numbers. In Glasgow, for example, the Royal Infirmary was joined by two
other general infirmaries and a host of specialist hospitals. Infirmaries also
developed societies attached to them such as the Bradford Royal Infirmary
where a Samaritan Society was founded by doctors’ wives to assist with cloth-
ing and food for outpatients. Provident dispensaries appeared in many cities.
In Manchester, for example, the Provident Dispensaries Association attempted
to promote thrift and grew up under the auspices of the DPS. The latter inves-
tigated applicants conducting , investigations in and , in ,
but the proportion of applicants rejected dropped from per cent to per
cent and the provident feature faded. ‘In the later th century more charita-
ble giving was made to medical charities than any other form of voluntary
relief.’
88
Yet, the competition among voluntary societies led to falling subscrip-
tions. For example, the Bradford Royal Infirmary needed to launch a £,
appeal in . Others increasingly depended on small workplace subscrip-
tions. By the financial position of many of Manchester’s medical charities
was precarious.
89
While community-based charity and philanthropy continued to be impor-
tant, in response to criticisms that charities were too small in scale to be effective,
large charitable trusts and foundations emerged after following the
American model. Allowed to deal with a wide range of issues, they were bigger,
more centralised and male dominated, in contrast to the more local, single-issue
charities with self-governing branches in which women tended to play major
roles.
90
While the mutual aid and philanthropic provision of welfare experienced
difficulties in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the commer-
cial sector flourished. Pawn shops were a prominent feature of urban neigh-
bourhoods and a significant part of the financial strategy of many working-class
families. The Edwardian period was the ‘golden age of pawnbroking’: ‘not
before or since were there so many shops in so many neighbourhoods prepared
to issue tickets on so wide a range of goods’.
91
Burial insurance was a staple in
budgets of the poorest families.
92
Industrial insurance companies and collect-
ing friendly societies expanded rapidly, faster than the mutual aid friendly soci-
eties based on the more prosperous sections of the working class. By
door-to-door collectors handled million policies a year,
93
and after a fierce
Marguerite Dupree
87
Ibid., .
88
Kidd, ‘Charity Organisation’, .
89
Cahill and Jowitt, ‘New philanthropy’, ; Kidd, ‘Charity organisation’, .
90
Prochaska, Voluntary Impulse, p. .
91
Vincent, Poor Citizens, p. .
92
Pember Reeves, Round About a Pound a Week, pp. , –.
93
Vincent, Poor Citizens, p. .
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battle they had secured a place as a partner of the state in the new organisation
of welfare provision brought in by the National Insurance Act of . The
private market continued to provide health care for the better off, while pros-
perous working people relied on patent medicines, and voluntary provision
through friendly societies, dispensaries or voluntary hospitals and the poorest
depended on the poor law.
The proportion of GNP devoted to the social services doubled between
and and much of the increase was in new forms in the statutory sector. Yet,
it tended to bypass the local provision by the poor law and the increasingly
financially beleaguered municipal authorities. Increasingly, both seemed to be
ill-suited to provide the uniformity required of the provision of social welfare.
Despite the adjustments to urban conditions resulting from legal and admin-
istrative changes in the poor law in England and Wales in the s, the poor
law declined in importance in social policy as the rural population fell after .
The stricter application of the workhouse test after the Goschen Minute
deterred the able-bodied and filled the workhouses with children, the chronic
sick and elderly for whom ‘less eligibility’ was inappropriate. As the sums spent
on outdoor relief fell, those on indoor relief rose and the general workhouse
gave way to separate, more specialised institutions for children, and to poor law
hospitals for the sick, though this process took place more slowly in Scotland.
The Goschen Minute envisaged a system in which the poor law guardians and
charitable organisations could between them tackle all aspects of poverty. But,
by the mid-s the Chamberlain Circular appealed to town councils to
provide work for the unemployed to keep them from having to apply for poor
relief. No clear role for the poor law emerged in the s and s despite the
intense debate on urban poverty.
Increasing unemployment in the early s and the failure of joint distress
committees of guardians, town councillors and representatives of charitable
organisations to cope adequately with its relief highlighted the failure of Boards
of Guardians in their approach to urban, industrial distress. From any rate-
payer could vote or stand for election as a guardian, and before and after the First
World War Poplar was only one of a number of urban unions to adopt gener-
ous relief policies and raise fears that guardians were subject to working-class
pressure and could no longer be trusted. This trend played into the hands of
Neville Chamberlain who imposed tighter financial controls from the centre and
then abolished the Boards of Guardians in the Local Government Act of .
94
This, however, was after another Royal Commission had been set up in
to investigate the shortcomings of the poor law system. This time, in contrast to
, urban problems were at the centre of the agenda. Both the majority and
minority final reports agreed to abolish the Boards of Guardians and transfer
The provision of social services
94
Ibid., pp. , –; Crowther, British Social Policy, pp. –.
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their responsibilities to town and county councils. However, the divided propo-
sals and the alternative welfare plans of the Liberal government left the poor law
in place in and the First World War solved the problem of unemployment
in the short run.
95
In other spheres too the poor law’s position in social welfare provision was
weakened as town councils took over an increasingly overlapping range of func-
tions, especially in the field of child welfare and health services. The absorption
of educational responsibilities by local authorities in paved the way for local
authority administration of the Education Act permitting local authorities
(and in making it compulsory for them) to supply school meals financed
by rates supplemented by charities. Though subject to a means test to determine
the deserving which led to inconsistencies as in the experiences of south London
families visited by Pember Reeves, free or subsidised school meals, bypassing the
poor law, directly contributed to the well-being of poor families.
96
Municipal provision for health care also expanded. Municipal hospitals, which
previously tended to be set up ad hoc for fever epidemics, became permanent
infectious disease hospitals. Concern about high infant mortality and the health
of children led to the establishment in some cities of infant welfare centres and
health visitors under the auspices of local authorities or in conjunction with vol-
untary societies. In the Maternity and Child Welfare Act compelled local
authorities to set up committees on maternity and child welfare and enabled
them to support ante-natal and child welfare clinics.
Yet, the Edwardian urban financial crisis and the increasing priority for uni-
formity of provision and minimum standards in social welfare meant that
significant parts of the welfare legislation of the Liberal government
bypassed local authorities creating non-elected boards, without protest.
97
At the
same time this increased role of central government affected the control of en-
titlement. As central government took increasing responsibility for social welfare
provision, it redrew the boundaries of welfare entitlement making them sym-
metrical with those of the economy and national state, encouraging uniformity
in practices that had differed substantially throughout the country. Entitlement,
which had been a local problem determined by the parish or poor law union
through its policies of settlement and removal, had been associated with free
entry to the country. Now it came to be determined by the boundaries of the
national state and controlled by national legislation which restricted the entry of
certain groups, as the Aliens Act of restricted Jewish immigration, or
specified whether immigrants were eligible for welfare payments.
98
From the s surveys such as Booth’s of London made it apparent that urban
Marguerite Dupree
95
Rose, ‘Introduction’, pp. –.
96
Vincent, Poor Citizens, p. ; J. R. Hay, Origins of Liberal Welfare Reforms –, nd edn
(Basingstoke, ), pp. –; Pember Reeves, Round About a Pound a Week, pp. –.
97
Above, p. .
98
Above, p. ; Lees, Solidarities, p. .
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poverty was especially severe among the old and it was virtually impossible to
save enough for old age out of weekly income. Neither friendly societies nor
charity were providing sufficient protection for men and virtually none at all for
women who formed the greater proportion of the elderly. It was acknowledged
that the poor elderly should no longer be expected to care for themselves and
hence the deterrent poor law was not an appropriate means of assistance. Non-
contributory, non-pauperising, old-age pensions under the Pensions Act
were financed out of general taxation and paid at post offices to men and women
aged seventy and over with an annual income less than £ s. The benefits
were not universal; until there were clauses requiring suitable behaviour,
and the amount (raised to s. in ) was only enough to supplement living
expenses. Nevertheless, the benefits of s.–s. were significant in encouraging,
rather than undermining, family care.
99
The National Insurance legislation of
was also significant in bypassing local authorities and the poor law, in
drawing on funding from national rather than local taxation, and in its compul-
sory contributions. Local authority resources were inversely related to the extent
of unemployment in their areas, so a national measure in the context of the
labour market was the only solution.
It is important not to overestimate the extent to which the act – and
early twentieth-century social legislation more generally – marked a break from
previous state provision. The ideology and implementation of state provision
retained strong traces of voluntarism, participation, self-help and deterrence.
The introduction of unemployment and health insurance in continued
much of the pattern set by the poor law which limited coverage.
100
Where the Elizabethan Poor Law was universal and comprehensive, covering
the entire population for the life-cycle risks of old age, widows, orphans, to
which everyone was liable, the New Poor Law tended to focus on a despised
minority, and was exclusive, leaving the better-off middle classes and working
classes to their own resources. It was also gender-specific, as work came to be
seen as the responsibility of the individual and ideals of domesticity restricted
women’s work to the home; it introduced punitive treatment of men to force
them into the labour force, and small pensions for widows and children. The
Edwardian social legislation reinforced the restrictive pattern of the New Poor
Law by limiting access to unemployment and sickness insurance to specified
limits of income and occupations. It was a move toward ‘an exclusive risk
The provision of social services
199
M. Anderson, ‘The impact on the family relationships of the elderly of changes since Victorian
times in governmental income-maintenance provision’, in E. Shanas and M. B. Sussman, eds.,
Family, Bureaucracy and the Elderly (Durham, N. C., ), pp. –.
100
The following view of Edwardian social legislation in a longer perspective draws on Daunton,
‘Payment and participation’, esp. –; Lees, Solidarities, pp. –; P. Johnson, ‘Risk, redis-
tribution and social welfare in Britain from the poor law to Beveridge’, in Daunton, ed., Charity,
Self-Interest and Welfare (London, ), esp. pp. –.
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pool, contractual entitlement and a self-financing system of intra-personal
redistribution’.
101
Financed by contributions by employees, employers and the state, payment of
contributions under the National Insurance Act did not give employees a
right to benefit, but it did provide an automatic method of discrimination and
was relatively inexpensive for the state. The unemployment insurance side of the
legislation was limited from the outset to provide insurance to cover cyclical
unemployment in a narrow range of industries which responded to depression
by lay-offs rather than short-time working. Benefits were kept low, lasting up to
fifteen weeks, to avoid encouraging unemployment. Health insurance covered
all employees but not their dependants, providing treatment by general practi-
tioners, though not hospital care. Although contributions were compulsory, the
legislation worked through agencies in the voluntary and commercial sectors –
mutual aid friendly societies, the collecting friendly societies and industrial insu-
rance companies – which collected contributions amidst conflict with each
other and the government. The result was a loss of control of medical treatment
as appointed insurance committees took over control from the friendly societies.
By national health insurance only covered per cent of the population.
The social assurance and social assistance system introduced by the Labour gov-
ernment after was a return to the universal and comprehensive policy of
the Elizabethan poor law.
(iv) ,
In the face of two wars separated by mass unemployment, between and
the national government substantially increased the amount it spent on
social welfare, augmenting but increasingly bypassing the provision of local
authorities. The abolition of the Boards of Poor Law Guardians and the local
authority absorption of the administration of the poor law in were at once
a culmination of the municipalisation of social welfare provision and a reduction
in democratic accountability and participation in relief administration. Yet,
increasing provision by central government did not bring uniformity. Mass
unemployment – due to the drop in world demand for exports which hit
Britain’s staple industries such as cotton textiles, iron and steel, and shipbuilding
in the Midlands and North especially hard – varied across the country leaving
the south of England relatively unscathed. Variation among urban areas remained
a key feature of social welfare provision. The informal and voluntary sectors
changed but remained significant in the mix of providers of social welfare.
Despite the increase in public welfare, it was not sufficient to displace voluntar-
ism and in many urban areas they were increasingly intertwined.
Marguerite Dupree
101
Johnson, ‘Risk, redistribution and social welfare’, p. .
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Persistent mass unemployment, never dropping below million and reaching
a peak of well over million in , was a new phenomenon during the period.
Nevertheless, surveys of urban poverty in the s and s reveal a fall in
primary poverty since the turn of the century.
102
Rising real wages during war
and during the interwar years for those in work meant that the market reduced
the problem of low pay, the principal cause of poverty before the First World War.
The long fall in prices from also meant that it was easier for the unemployed
to survive on relief payments. Simultaneously, working-class families grew smaller
in size as the birth rate fell. In the late nineteenth century per cent of couples
gave birth to four or more children, while in the s per cent of couples gave
birth to fewer than four children more of whom survived, leading to a smaller,
more predictable and affordable family size.
103
In addition, the fall in adult death
rates meant that a smaller proportion of marriages were broken by death within
their first twenty years. Yet, mass unemployment forced many of the skilled
working class whose self-respect was based on independence to rely on statutory
relief, and families and neighbourhoods, the main agents of the informal sector,
had more contact with the state as family incomes which previously had no public
assistance came to incorporate some state benefits.
The basic techniques of survival and informal assistance changed little for
those subjected to the shortcomings of the labour market in urban neighbour-
hoods. Families have ‘always been the main providers of welfare’, especially
women in families performing unpaid work caring for young, old and husbands,
stretching inadequate incomes by methods including short changing their own
diet and health care.
104
Although there was a shift in the balance of the mixed
economy of welfare towards statutory provision there is no evidence that the
government took over the role of the family. Instead, the family’s contribution
to the health and welfare of its members was considered crucial by not only the
voluntary sector, but also local and national governments: ‘a large part of their
action was directed towards eliciting the kind of behaviour from adult members
of poor families that would secure their self-maintenance and the health and
welfare of their children’.
105
Compared with the period before the First World War, the receipt of public
money during the interwar years was commonplace among the urban poor
and working-class communities. Yet it was inadequate, and the first response of
The provision of social services
102
A. L. Bowley and A. R. Burnett-Hurst, Livelihood and Poverty (London, ), and A. L. Bowley
and M. Hogg, Has Poverty Diminished? (London, ); Rowntree, Poverty, and B. S. Rowntree,
Poverty and Progress (London, ); Rowntree’s summaries of his findings are conveniently pre-
sented in R. Pope, A. Pratt and B. Hoyle, Social Welfare in Britain – (London, ), pp.
–.
103
Vincent, Poor Citizens, pp. –.
104
Lewis, ‘Gender’, ; J. Lewis, ‘Agents of health care: the relationship between family, profession-
als and the state in the mixed economy of welfare in twentieth-century Britain’, in J. Woodward
and R. Jutte, eds., Coping with Sickness (Sheffield, ), p. .
105
Lewis, ‘Agents of health care’, p. ; Lewis, ‘Family provision of health and welfare’, –.
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families threatened with destitution was to send out members to earn whatever
they could through casual employment, cleaning windows, gardening, porter-
ing, taking in washing, mending and lodgers.
106
Both benefits and family enter-
prise were required just to survive and reach the minimum subsistence level, and
some forms of deprivation in some urban places were more affected than others,
depending on the local administration and level of benefit, local population
structure and local labour market. In York in , for example, relief payments
provided per cent of the income of the unemployed and per cent of the
income of the elderly.
107
Evidence from the New Survey of London in –
suggests that benefits accounted for per cent of pensioners’ incomes while
per cent came from employment.
108
As in earlier periods, relatively little income
came from family members outside households, and adults including the elderly
tended to head their own households and co-reside only with closest kin if at
all. In London in – less than per cent of the income of pensioners came
from other family members, and per cent of the elderly lived alone, per
cent co-resided with their children and most of the rest lived with their
spouse.
109
Yet, relatives who lived outside the household provided a great deal of
informal care and support, making up the difference between income from
benefit and employment on one hand, and subsistence on the other, through
indirect transfers in kind, e.g. care and general assistance and, especially for the
elderly, provision of meals.
110
Legally in England under the poor law from to , as mentioned
above, an extended family of three generations as well as husband and wife were
responsible for the maintenance of each other apart from grandchildren who
were not responsible for grandparents. In Scotland, where the right to parish
relief was less, three generations were mutually responsible with further respon-
sibility for siblings and in-laws. In throughout the country responsibility
was reduced to husband and wife and to parents for children less than sixteen
years old. During the interwar years state relief for the unemployed tended to be
outside the poor law, and during the s legislation did not define the house-
hold or family, making it possible for administrators to extend the number of rel-
atives who were liable for the support of applicants through the household means
test, as households, particularly in areas of housing shortage, might well include
relatives who would not be legally liable under the poor law. A survey of five
towns showed that the number of members of households who were not
classified as liable relatives in the poor law definition varied from per fam-
ilies in Reading to per families in Huddersfield. Rather than standardis-
ing benefits this exacerbated local variation, penalising stable families who stayed
Marguerite Dupree
106
Vincent, Poor Citizens, p. .
107
Ibid., p. .
108
Chris Gordon, The Myth of Family Care? The Elderly in the s, The Welfare State Programme,
London School of Economics, Discussion Paper (London, ), p. .
109
Ibid.,pp.–.
110
Ibid., p. .
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together in areas of housing shortage, making the able-bodied more dependent
on the family, and shifting the burden of unemployment from the state on to the
family.
111
The household means tests (by there were at least eighteen sep-
arate means tests imposed by central and local government) also undermined the
basis of working-class strategies for survival in another way. Where maximising
the earning potential of subordinate family members through part-time or casual
work had been the most effective defence against hardship, it became a major
threat to receipt of assistance.
112
Similarly, the informal assistance within urban neighbourhoods based on long,
shared experience of hardship and struggle continued, with children cared for if
their mother were ill or temporary accommodation provided if made homeless.
Yet, the ambiguities and tensions of neighbourhood structures of mutual assis-
tance also continued with warmth and generosity compromised by jealousy and
conflict exacerbated by the increasing scope and bureaucratisation of relief.
More households were affected, and private, often anonymous information from
neighbours, rather than the investigations of inspectors, was the major source of
information to authorities regarding alleged transgressions of relief regulations.
At the same time the building of council estates was beginning to break up infor-
mal networks in inner-city neighbourhoods, leaving nuclear families more
dependent on their own resources.
113
The First World War led to a shortage of personnel for staff and collectors for
friendly societies and industrial insurance companies. Yet problems of lapses in
contributions were overcome and the approved societies, both friendly societies
and industrial insurance companies associated with the national health insurance
system, emerged from the war with greater strength than expected.
114
Employ-
ment and wages during the war kept contributions high; sickness claims on the
domestic front fell; and ‘actuarial deaths’ (contributors such as women engaged
in war work whom the societies lost track of ) increased, leaving most societies
with substantial reserves at the end of the war.
Nevertheless, between and there was a sharp decline in the pro-
portion of working-class assets held in friendly societies, as they did not share in
the rise of savings in the last two years of the war and the post-war boom.
115
Membership of the ordinary and affiliated orders had been stagnant in the
Edwardian period, rising temporarily after the National Insurance Act
attracted extra private business to the societies; yet, they did not expand mem-
bership during the interwar years and had an ageing membership. At the same
time not even the long-established affiliated orders could maintain the traditions
The provision of social services
111
M. A. Crowther, ‘Family responsibility and state responsibility in Britain before the welfare state’,
HJ, (), –, –.
112
Vincent, Poor Citizens, pp. –.
113
Ibid., pp. –; Olechnowicz, Working-Class Housing in England Between the Wars, chs. and and
passim.
114
Finlayson, Citizen, State and Social Welfare, pp. –.
115
Johnson, Saving and Spending, p. .
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of ‘mutuality and fellowship that had been the hallmark of friendly societies in
Victorian Britain’.
116
Trade union membership fell rapidly between and
due to unemployment. Their ability to pay unemployment benefit on top
of state relief appears to have been reduced; saving for old age through unions
may have declined. Yet, generalisations about the welfare policies of trade unions
are ‘sure to be misleading, because rates of contribution and benefit varied enor-
mously between industrial sectors, with the established craft unions in printing,
engineering, and building levying high membership fees but offering generous
welfare benefits’.
117
More impersonal forms of saving, however, grew during the interwar years.
Centralised societies, such as the Hearts of Oak, and deposit societies, such as
the National Deposit Friendly Society, which involved no mutuality, grew sub-
stantially. The latter, operating by post from an office in central London,
increased its membership from less than , in to . million in .
118
In addition, contributory schemes for hospital care without sickness benefit
which had begun in the later nineteenth century expanded rapidly during the
interwar years. The absence of the state benefit covering hospital care except for
sanatorium care for tuberculosis; the increasing efficacy and costs of hospital
treatments for all classes; and the failure of income to match expenditure which
led voluntary hospitals, in England, though far less in Scotland, to introduce
systems of partial payment – all encouraged the growth of hospital contributory
schemes. In London the Hospital Savings Association grew from , to .
million contributors in .Itoffered hospital care without means testing or
other payment for d. per week per family, though it was extended as a privilege
rather than a right to avoid contractual liability.
119
In northern industrial cities and
Scotland, voluntary contributory schemes organised at the workplace which col-
lected small weekly sums from workers and in exchange gave ‘lines’ to contribu-
tors for hospital care for themselves and dependants also grew during the interwar
years, though as emerges below these could be a mixed blessing to hospitals.
The continued vitality of philanthropy and charity is a significant feature of
the provision of welfare in this period. Both the First and Second World Wars
provided a focus for much voluntary giving and effort, ranging from the Soldiers’
and Sailors’Family Association providing for the immediate financial needs of the
relatives of servicemen during the First World War and the formation of the
British Legion in to meet the needs of returning servicemen, to the Society
of Friends War Relief Committee and the Young Women’s Christian Association
(YWCA) and Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) meeting civilian
needs in bombed cities during the Second World War. Between the wars mass
Marguerite Dupree
116
Ibid., p. . See also Riley, Sick Not Dead, pp. –, .
117
Johnson, Saving and Spending, p. ; Finlayson, Citizen, State and Social Welfare, p. .
118
Johnson, Saving and Spending, p. ; Finlayson, Citizen, State and Social Welfare, p. .
119
Johnson, Saving and Spending, p. .
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unemployment gave a new lease of life to middle-class philanthropy which had
run into crisis before . The increase in state social services did not lead to a
decrease in the amount given in charity. The total ‘real income’ of charities was
roughly constant –. The distribution of contributions to different types of
charities changed little, though the relative importance of income from charita-
ble contributions declined while that from interest and payments by or for
persons to whom services were rendered increased.
120
Also, international events
elicited new developments in response, such as the Jewish Refugees Committee.
At the same time, many voluntary organisations were changing toward greater
integration, often on a civic or local basis. The National Council of Social
Services, set up in to preserve the tradition of voluntary service initiated
before the war by the Guilds of Help, worked to reduce overlapping and dupli-
cation among voluntary organisations in towns and cities, promoted cooperation
with the developing statutory services and, among other things, formed a New
Estates Community Committee which tried to establish community centres and
associations on the new housing estates of the interwar years.
121
Voluntary organ-
isations increasingly adopted a not altogether new attitude of cooperation with
local authorities, labelled the ‘new philanthropy’;
122
at the same time, the state
provision of unemployment relief released voluntary effort in other directions,
especially of churches, previously devoted to material relief.
123
This led to a
complex mix of sources of finance and control for many organisations provid-
ing urban social welfare. This was characteristic of the period in which a range
of views of the provision of welfare jostled with each other, from a form of vol-
untary philanthropy in which the national state had no proper role, to a vision
in which only the state must provide. Illustrating this heterogeneity were the
, occupational centres for the unemployed financed jointly by churches,
companies, national and local authorities with salaried officials coordinating the
voluntary service. The future Mrs Richard Titmuss, for example, worked for the
Fulham Fellowship for the Unemployed, initiated in the early s by the min-
ister of the West Kensington Congregational Church explicitly to ameliorate the
difficulties of the urban unemployed who did not have the activities of the coun-
tryside, ‘gardening or poaching’ to ‘keep himself fit’. The minister first opened
his church premises and then six other clubs for unemployed men and one for
women over thirty offering them somewhere to go and activities to keep them
busy and fit, ranging from boot and furniture repair, sewing, handicrafts, sports
and cooking to language lessons, drama and shorthand for blackcoated workers.
The provision of social services
120
Constance Braithwaite, The Voluntary Citizen: An Inquiry into the Place of Philanthropy in the
Community (London, ), pp. –.
121
Olechnowicz, Working-Class Housing in England Between the Wars, esp. ch. .
122
Elizabeth Macadam, The New Philanthropy: A Study of the Relations Between the Statutory and
Voluntary Social Services (London, ); Prochaska, The Voluntary Impulse; summarised in
Finlayson, ‘Moving frontier’, pp. –.
123
Vincent, Poor Citizens, p. .
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