
publication of a report called
A Nation At Risk
again raised fears that the United States
wasn’t competing well enough with
Japan
and West Germany and its world standing and
standard of living were in jeopardy. Concerns for educational reform became an
increasing focus and national agenda item. In the mid-1980s, John Goodlad (
A Place
Called School,
1984) offered system-wide and structural critiques of schools and
suggestions for reform, whereas Theodore Sizer (
Horace’s School,
1984) created a
fictional character who epitomized what schooling should be and argued for more
authentic, progressive, teacher-supported, participatory active critical thinking, and the
empowerment of teachers and students.
The tension between conservative models of education to maintain the status quo and
rogressive, critical models aimed at addressing diverse needs and offering greater access
continued to inform the debates about education and society in the 1980s and 1990s. In
these decades it became more explicit that educational models and opportunities reflect
and embody national issues of socioeconomic power and mobility. Although location o
individuals in the socio-
olitical hierarchy of power and access in the United States
depends in part on who they are and their positions, the United States is a meritocracy
and there is a rhetorical commitment to educational access and opportunity which
suggests that anyone who has the will and tenacity can improve his or her position in
society. Like other versions of the American dream, public education is free and available
to all, and therefore, according to the rhetoric, what one achieves is directly proportional
to how hard one works.
Generally ascension of the socio-
olitical hierarchy requires the successful completion
of time and coursework in, degrees conferred by and performances defined by legitimate
educational institutions and the accompanying acquisition and appropriation of the
values, knowledge, language and behaviors of the dominant culture. If one successfully
negotiates this set of hurdles one may earn the right either to reinforce or to criticize and
attempt to change existing educational structures and practices and, by extension, the
socio-
olitical status quo. However, critics suggest that there is only a surface
commitment to equal opportunity democracy and social justice, and they raise questions
about whether this is really the American educational agenda. They ask who actually gets
access and opportunity and support, and at what cost. These are questions most relevant
to those who do not belong to the culture of power, who argue that there are costs
associated both with remaining in their positions and with attempts to reposition
themselves. Some, such as Richard
Rodriguez,
argue that to succeed in school and
society one has to conform to the status quo and adopt the values of the dominant culture
and, in doing so, abandon one’s
home
culture. Others such as Lisa Delpit (
Othe
eople’s Children,
1985) suggest that one can maintain one’s own cultural identity and
appropriate the discourses and practices necessary for success in school and society.
In the 1990s, there have been, on the one hand, national attempts at standardization,
such as the
Bush
administration’s call for national standards
(Goals 2000)
—standards by
which all students would be measured—and the
Clinton
administration’s argument that
all
children
have a right to quality education, but that education should look like and be
Encyclopedia of Contemporary American Culture 372