Mezzogiorno (Southern Development Fund), alienated many of its newfound supporters,
and by 1953 it was clear that the centrist coalition would lose the election. De Gasperi
passed an electoral reform law, dubbed the ‘swindle law’ by its opponents, which gave
two-thirds of the seats to the grouping of parties that won more than 50 per cent of the
votes. It did not work; the DC and its allies lost 10 per cent of the vote compared to 1948
and De Gasperi resigned, dying in 1954.
The DC was never again to have an overall majority or an authoritative leader like De
Gasperi. Amintore Fanfani sought to step into his shoes but failed, and the DC
henceforth remained an uneasy and unstable alliance of faction leaders until its demise in
1994. Fanfani did, however, succeed in making the party independent of the financial
support of the Confindustria (the Italian employers’ organization) and the electoral
support of the Church and Catholic Action, by extending the clientelistic networks in the
South (see clientelism), colonizing the huge state sector and creating a mass
organizational base for the party.
Thereafter, the DC became an increasingly clientelistic and middle-class party and, as
the effects of the Second Vatican Council and the secularization process induced by the
‘economic miracle’ and American cultural influences made themselves felt from the
1960s onwards, the party’s electoral centre of gravity steadily shifted from the heartlands
of the Catholic sub-culture in northern and eastern Italy to the South and the islands.
Shrewd tactical manoeuvring also helped the party and its allies to stay in power. In the
early 1960s an ‘opening to the Left’ brought the Socialist Party into the coalition, and in
the mid-1970s a temporary ‘’historic compromise’ with the Communists ensured stability
despite a very serious terrorist threat (see terrorism).
Ironically, the fear of communism had always been the DC’s major electoral card and,
given Italy’s geopolitical position, the DC was, as Aldo Moro—later to be abducted and
killed by the Red Brigades—once put it, ‘condemned’ to govern. However, by the mid-
1980s the DC’s hold on power had become less secure. Under the dynamic Bettino
Craxi, the Socialists had moved to take a bigger share of patronage and were playing a
bigger role in government; indeed, in 1983 Craxi became prime minister. Due to an
increasing dependence on clientelism and sometimes outright corruption, the DC regime
was heading into decline. In the North, the Leagues developed into a mass protest
movement against precisely these evils (see Lega Nord); in the South, the La Rete
movement campaigned against the DC’s links with organized crime (see mafia), and
inside the DC itself, Mario Segni led the campaign to abolish the very proportional
representation on which the partitocrazia (party dominance) was based (see electoral
systems).
The 1992 general elections marked a turning point, with the DC winning only 29 per
cent of the vote. The results demonstrated the growing weakness of the DC and of its
regime, emboldening the judiciary to strike at the heart of corruption in government
through the Mani pulite (Clean Hands) investigations. Beginning in Milan in the Spring
of 1992, the Tangentopoli (literally, ‘Bribesville’) scandals soon engulfed politicians of
all the governing parties, but especially the Socialists and DC, a crisis exacerbated by the
indictment a year later of Giulio Andreotti, the longest-serving DC politician of all, on
charges of collusion in mafia crime.
In 1991, Mino Martinazzoli (Party Secretary) and Rosa Russo Jervolino (President)
had initiated an attempt to drastically reform the DC, but the ‘Bribesville’ scandals and
Encyclopedia of contemporary italian culture 220