Kelly W.K. The History of Russia: from the Earliest Period to the Present Time. Volume 2
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A.D.
1801]
ALEXANDERS
FIRST MEASURES. 195
his friends.
But Pahlen committed
the mistake
of
treating
Alexander
as a
youthful prince,
whom he
had set
upon
the
throne,
directed,
and would fain
still
direct.
The
sensitive
vanity
of his
young
master
was thus
frequently
wounded.
Count
Pahlen
behaved, too,
with
great
harshness
towards the
dowager
empress,
who
showed much
ostentatious
sorrow,
and
a
deadly
hatred to her husband's
murderers. In a
religious
establishment of her own
foundation,
she
placed
an
image
of
the
Virgin
Mary,
with Paul
at her
feet,
imploring
the ven-
geance
of Heaven
upon
his
assassins.
Count Pahlen
ordered
the
image
to be
removed,
in
spite
of
the
cries
of
the
empress,
and the
displeasure
of her
son.
An
ascendancy,
exercised in
such a manner
as
this,
could not
be of
very prolonged
dura-
tion,
and
Pahlen
was
soon dismissed.
In the
beginning
of
Alexander's
reign
reform
succeeded
reform,
and
all
Europe applauded.
He
quickly put
a
stop
to
the
system
of
terror and
to the
absurd
vexations which
Paul
had introduced.
He
disgraced
the
instruments who
had
worked out the wiii
of
that
poor
maniac
;
he
repaired
the
crying injustice
which
had been
committed;
he once more
abolished the
terrible secret
inquisition,
but,
as we
already
said,
it
was
again
established
by
his successor. He
instituted
a
permanent
council,
and
contemplated
the
complete
re-
organisation
of the administration
of
the interior.
He re-
laxed the
rigour
of the
censorship
of
the
press,
and
granted
permission
to
introduce
foreign
works. He reduced the
taxes
and the
expenditure
of the court
;
and
in
the
first
year
of
his
reign
he abstained from
exacting
the
recruits for
his
army,
an exaction odious to
those
whom
it
affects,
and therefore
often
accompanied
with fearful
violences. He
applied
him-
self most
diligently
to
affairs,
and
laboured
almost
as much
as
his
grandmother,
who had
devoted
three
hours to
the
concerns
of the state
when
her
ministers came to
confer with her.
He
required
detailed
reports
from
all the
higher
officers of
state
;
and
having
examined
them,
caused
them to be
published,
a
thing
never
before
heard of
in
liussia. He abolished
punish-
ment
by
torture;
forbade
the
confiscation of
hereditary pro-
perty;
solemnly
declared that
lie
would
not endure the habit of
making
grants
of
peasants,
a
practice
till
then common with
the
autocrats,
and
forbade the
announcement
in
public
journals
of
sales of
human
beings.
He
applied
himself to
the
reform
of
the
o2
196 HISTORY
OF RUSSIA.
[CH.
LIII.
tribunals;
established
pecuniary
fines for
magistrates
convicted
of
evading
or
violating
their
duties
;
constituted
the senate
a
high
court of
justice,
and
divided it into
seven
departments
in order
to
provide
against
the slowness of
law
proceedings
;
and re-established the
commission
which had been
appointed
by
Catharine
for the
compilation
of a code.
He
applied
himself
to the
protection
of commerce
;
made
regulations
for the
benefit
of
navigation,
and
extended and
improved
the
commu-
nication
in the interior
of
his
empire.
He
did much to
pro-
mote
general
education,
and established several new universi-
ties with
large
numbers
of
subsidiary
schools. He
permitted
every subject
of his
empire
to choose
his own avocation in
life,
regardless
of
restraints
formerly imposed
with
respect
to
rank,
and removed
the
prohibition
on
foreign
travel which
had been
enacted
in the
last
reign.
He
permitted
his
nobles
to
sell
to their
serfs,
along
with their
personal
freedom,
por-
tions
of land which
should
thus become
the bond
fide
pro-
perty
of the serf
purchaser
—
a
measure
by
which he
fondly
hoped
to
lay
the
basis of
a class
of
free cultivators.
It
was
under
his
auspices
that his
mother,
Marie
Eeodorovna,
founded
many
hospitals
and educational
institutes,
both for
nobles
and
burghers,
which
will immortalise
her name.*
One of
the first
acts of
Alexander's
reign
was to
give
orders
that
the
British sailors
who had been
taken from
the
ships
laid
under-
sequestration,
and
marched into the
interior,
should
be
set
at
liberty
and
carefully
conducted
at the
public
expense
to the
ports
from
which
they
had been
severally
taken.
At
the same
time all
prohibitions
against
the
export
of
corn
were
removed
;
a
measure of no
small
importance
to
the
famishing
population
of
the British
Isles,
and
hardly
less
material
to the
gorged proprietors
of Bussian
produce.
The
young emperor
shortly
after wrote
a letter
with
bis own
hand to
the
king
of
England,
expressing
in
the
warmest
terms
his desire
to
re-establish
the
amicable
relations
of
the
two
empires
;
a
declaration
which was received
with no
less
joy
in London
than
in
St.
Petersburg.
The
British cabinet
immediately
sent
lord St. Helens
to
the
Bussian
capital,
and
on
the 17th
of
June
a
treaty
was
concluded,
which
limited
and
defined
the
right
of
search,
and
which
Napoleon
denounced
as
"
an
ignominious treaty,
equivalent
to an ad-
*
Schnitzler,
vol.
i.
p.
44.
A.D.
1801]
INCOEPOKA.TIOH
OP GEOKGIA.
197
mission
of
the
sovereignty
of the seas
in the
British
parlia-
ment,
and
the
slavery
of all
other states."
In the same
year
(Oct.
4
—
8)
Alexander
also concluded
treaties of
peace
with
Prance
and
Spain
;
for
between
Russia
and
the former
power
there
had
previously
existed
ouly
a cessation
of
hostilities,
without
any
written convention.
The
incorporation
of
Georgia
with
the
empire,
an event
long
prepared
by
the
insidious means
habitually
employed
by
Russia,
was
consummated
in this
year.
The
people
of
Georgia
have
always
had a
high reputation
for
valour,
but at
the
end
of the last
century
they
suffered
immensely
from the Tatars
and
the
Lesghians.
Russia
supported
Georgia,
not
suffi-
ciently
indeed to
prevent
the
enemy
from
destroying
Tiflis,
but
quite
enough
to
prove
to the
country,
that once under
the
Russian
rule,
it would be
safe from the Mussulmans.
Alexander's manifesto
of
the
12th of
Sept.,
1801,
says,
that
he
accepts
the
weight
of the
Georgian
throne,
not
for the
sake
of
extending
the
empire,
already
so
large,
but
only
from
humanity
!
Even
in Russia
very
few could believe
that the
Georgians
surrendered themselves
to
the
czar
from a
spon-
taneous
acknowledgment
of the
superiority
of the Russian
rule,
and of its
ability
to make
the
people
happy
;
to disabuse
themselves of
any
such
notion,
they
had but
to look
at the
queen
of
Georgia,
Maria,
who was
detained
at
St.
Petersburg,
in
the
Tauric
palace
—
a name
that
might
well
remind her of
the
treacherous
acquisition
of another
kingdom.
She rode
through
the
streets
in
one of the court
carriages,
and her
features
expressed
great
affliction.
The
covering
which she
wore
on her
head,
as
usual
in
Georgia,
prevented
the
people
from
seeing
the scars of the
sabre
wounds
she
had received
before
she
quitted
the
country.
Her
consort,
George
XIII.
,
had
bequeathed
the
kingdom
to the
Russians,
but she
pro-
tested
against
the act
;
and when
the
Russian
colonel
Lazaref
came
to
carry
her
away
to St.
Petersburg,
she
refused to
go
with him.
lie was about
to use
violence,
but the
queen
took
out a
poniard
from
her bosom and
stabbed
him. The inter-
preter
drew his sabre
and
gave
her
several cuts on the
head,
eo that
she fell
down
insensible.*
*
Goloviu.—
"
The Nations
of
Kussia and
Turkey,"
&c.
198
HISTOKY OF
RUSSIA.
[CH.
LIV.
CHAPTEE LIV.
DISPUTES
BETWEEN THE
COURTS
OP
RUSSIA AND
FRANCE
THE
THIRD
COALITION CAMPAIGN OP AUSTERLITZ.
Concurrently
with his
domestic
reforms,
Alexander
occu-
pied
himself in an
extensive series of
negotiations,
having
for
their
object
the
general
settlement
of
Europe
upon
such new
bases as
the results
of the last
war had
rendered
necessary.
In
particular,
he was
engaged
as
joint
arbiter with
Bonaparte
in
the matter
of the indemnifications to
be made
to those
princes
who had
lost a
part
or the
whole of their
possessions
by
the
cession of
the left
bank
of
the
Rhine. Alexander
was
secretly
dissatisfied with the
part
he Avas
made to
play
in
these
transactions,
for
the
authority
which
he shared
in
ap-
pearance
with
Bonaparte,
was
in
reality
monopolised
by
the
latter.
He
abstained,
however,
from
remonstrating,
content-
ing
himself
for
the
present
with the outward show of
respect
paid
to his
empire,
and with
a
precedent
which,
added
to that
of
Teschen,
established
in
future the
right
of Bussia
to
mix
itself
up
in
the
affairs
of
Germany.
The
peace
of
Amiens
between
Erance
and
England
was
broken,
and
a
war was
de-
clared on the 18th
of
May,
1803,
between
the two
powers,
which was
ultimately
to
involve the
whole of
Europe.
Mean-
while,
many
cases
were
arising
to increase Alexander's
dis-
pleasure
against
Bonaparte.
It
does not
appear,
as
Bonaparte continually
asserted,
that
English
intrigues
had
anything
to do in
promoting
the
rupture
between
Erance
and Bussia in
1803.
The Bussians
were too
good
politicians
not
to
perceive
that
Bonaparte
had
only
made use
of them to obtain
the
requisite power
in
Germany,
and that
he
had afterwards followed out
his own
plans,
without
any regard
to what he had
promised
them.
This
will
be
at
once seen
from a
concise enumeration
of
the
treaties,
respecting
the violation
of
which
the
emperor
Alex-
ander
complained
in 1803.
When
Muravief
communicated
from
Hamburg
to the
emperor
Paul the
proposals
of Bona-
parte respecting
a
reconciliation,
there
were
two
points
in
particular
which
induced the
emperor
to
despatch
Kalitchef
to Paris to
negotiate
a
treaty.
These
points
were
—
firstly,
A.D.
1801]
NEGOTIATIONS WITH
FEANCE. 199
that
peace
should
he
granted
to
the
king
of
Naples,
and
that
there
should
be an
independent
sovereignty
guaranteed
to
him
;
secondly,
that
Piedmont should he
restored
to the
king
of
Sardinia.
The
emperor
was
duped
as
to both
these
points.
Piedmont was indeed not
definitely
united to
Prance,
but
every year
some
new
step
was
taken
which
proved
that
it
was never
to be restored to
its
former master.
That
Bonaparte
never
intended
to fulfil the
articles
respect-
ing
Naples
and
Sardinia
was
so
clear,
even before Paul's
death,
that
Kalitchef handed in a
very
peremptory
note,
on
the 18th
of
February,
1801,
which
put
an
end,
for
the
time,
to
all
thoughts
of a
treaty.
In this
note
he demanded
peremptorily,
that
the five
articles,
the concession
of
which,
as
he
expressed himself,
had
induced his
emperor
to
concede
other
-points
to
the
cabinet
of
the
Tuileries,
should
be
immediately
fulfilled.
These
articles the
reader will
find in
the
note.**
The
negotiations
were
not
renewed
till
Markof took
Ka-
litchef s
place
as
minister in
Paris.
He
concluded,
at the
same
time,
a
public
treaty,
and
another,
kept
more secret
even than
secret
treaties
usually
are,
but which
was known
to the
English
not
very
long
after. "We
give
in a note the
eleven
articles
of this
secret
treaty,
concluded
the 11th of
October,
1801.
f
Bonaparte
would not fulfil
the terms of
*
The
five
articles
were:
—
1.
The
kings
of
Naples
and Sardinia shall
be
again
put
in
possession
of their
states,
and suffered to
remain so.
2.
The
integrity
and
independence
of these two states
shall be
main-
tained.
3.
The
pope
shall
be maintained
in
his
position
as a
temporal
prince.
4.
The
grand-duke
of
Tuscany
shall receive indemnification
in
Italy,
not in
Germany.
5. Russia
participates
in
all conferences
as
to
indemnification,
founded
on
the
peace
of
Lune'ville.
\
1.
Russia
and
France will
apply
their
utmost efforts to
arrange
that
tin-
indemnifications
in
Germany
shall be so
divided,
that Austria
and Prussia
shall
neutralise
one another.
2.
Both
powers
will
unite
in
settling,
in
common,
the
affairs
of
Italy
and of
the
Holy
See.
3.
Russia will
procure
from the Ottoman Forte a
ratification
of
the
treaty
concluded
by
its
minister
with
France
on the 9th of October.
4. The
independence
of
Naples
shall
be secured.
5. The
French
troops
shall
evacuate the
Neapolitan
territory.
6. Russia and France
will
come
to a
friendly
understanding
respecting
the indemnification
to be
made
to- the
king
at
Sardinia.
7. The
duke of
Wurtemberg
shall
re-
ceive
some
share
of t
lie
plunder
of
Germany.
8. The electorate
of
Bavaria,
and the
territory
of the
margrave
of
Baden,
shall
also be
increased. 9.
The
indept
ndence
of the
republic
of the
Seven
[stands
shall
be
secured.
10. AH
French
prisoners
in Russia
and
Turkey
200
HISTOET
OF
UrSSIA.
[CH.
LIT.
the
treaty.
Markof
set
spies
to
watch
his
proceedings,
placed
himself
in
close
connexion
with
the
royalists,
who
were
then
engaged
in
conspiracies,
and
bribed
and
corrupted
Bona-
parte's
own
people.
A
rupture
between
the
two
courts was
hardly
to be
avoided
after
the
conduct
of
the
Eussian
ambas-
sador,
who,
immediately
after
the
Bourbons had
rejected
the
offers
of the
first
consul,
made
at the
instigation
of
the
em-
peror
Alexander,
secretly
acted in
their
favour.
The
Neapolitan
ambassador
at
the
court
of St.
Petersburg
(the
duca di
Serra
Capriola)
had
prevailed
upon
the
emperor
Alexander
to
advise
the
first
consul
to
advance
money
for
the
support
of
the
banished
princes.
Bonaparte
eagerly
grasped
at
this
proposal;
he
was
very
willing
to
secure
a
comfortable
existence
to
the
princes,
if
they
would
give
up
all
ideas of
restoration
to
power.
This
furnished
the
princes
with
a
new
opportunity
of
considering
Bonaparte's
conduct
as
an
acknowledgment
of
their
rights,
and
of
trumpeting
forth
their
magnanimous
refusal
to sell
their
honour
for
money.
The
Eussian
emperor, therefore,
supported
the
Bourbons
with
money,
and
Markof
assumed the
extraordi-
nary
position
of a
minister
intriguing
from,
and
in,
Paris
in
favour
of
the
Bourbons.
The
levity
of
Markof,
and
the
seriousness of
the
first
consul,
rendered
them at
any
rate
ill-suited
to
each
other,
particularly
if
Markof
really
was
the
author
of
the
bitter
epigram
on the
first
consul
which
was
attributed to
him.*
The
emperor,
however,
allowed
Markof
to
remain
in
Paris
;
and
Bonaparte
endured
him
for
some
time,
while he
sought
all
manner of
excuses,
by
way
of
pacifying
the
emperor
for the
non-fulfilment
of his
promise
respecting
Piedmont.
Pirst,
he
appointed,
instead of
it,
as
compensation
to
the
king
of
Sardinia,
Parma and
Placentia
;
then
the
Stato
dei
Presidii,
which he
had
taken
from
the
king
of
Naples
;
then
the
town
and
territory
of Siena
;
and
finally,
in
1803,
the
republic
of
Lucca:
but he
was
in
earnest
in
none
of all
these
offers. The
quarrel
respecting
the
promised
but
not
yet
determined
compensation
to the
king
shall be
set
at
liberty.
11.
Russia
and
France
will unite in
securing
peace
and
the
balance
of
power,
and
in
protecting
the
freedom
of
the
seas,
and
will
commence
negotiations
for
these
purposes.
*
Namely,
that
Bonaparte
was
"
tout
le
jacobinisme
renferme'
dans
un
seul
homme,
et
arme
de
tous
les
instruments
re'volutionnaires."
A.D.
1S03]
EUPTUEE
-WITH EEANCE.
201
of
Sardinia
was
still
going
on,
when
Bonaparte,
on
the
recommencement
of the
war with
England,
caused
the
sea-
port
towns
in
Naples
to
he
occupied hy
his
troops,
thus
violating
the
principal
article
of the
ahove-mentioned
secret
treaty.
The
occupation
of Hanover
afforded
another
ground
of
complaint,
inasmuch
as
Mecklenburg
and
Oldenburg
were
endangered,
the
Hans
Towns
thrown
open
to the
French,
and
therefore
the commerce
of
Russia
interfered
with.
Oldenburg
and
Mecklenburg
were
protected
by
Eussia,
on account
of
their connexion
with
the
imperial
family.
When
England
refused
to allow
Hanover
to be
occupied
by
the
Prussians,
and the
blockade
to
be
removed
from the
German
harbours,
the
quarrel
between
France
and
Russia became
more
violent,
particularly
as
the
Russians
first
refused
to mediate
for the restoration
of
Malta,
and
afterwards
offered
their mediation
under
very
restricted
con-
ditions.
As
early
as
1803,
the relations
between
the
two
powers
were
of
such
a
nature,
that the
Russian
chancellor,
Vo-
rontzof,
said
plainly,
in a note
of the
18th of
July,
"
that
if
the war were
to
be
prolonged
between
France
and
England,
Russia would be
compelled
finally
to take
part
in it." Be-
fore
this
declaration
on
the
part
of
Russia,
Bonaparte
had
a
scene with
Markof,
which
alone
might
well
have caused
a
rupture.
He addressed
the
Russian
ambassador,
in
a
public
audience,
so
rudely
and
violently,
that even
Bignon,
who
is
disposed
to
worship
Bonaparte
as
a
demi-god,
is
obliged
to
confess
that his hero
entirely
lost
his
dignity,
and
forgot
his
position.
If
Alexander afterwards
overlooked
this
insult,
it was
probably
because
he considered
that
Markof
had not
behaved
very
prudently
during
his
stay
in
Paris.
He
and
his
secretary
of
legation,
Baykof,
were in
the
habit
of
speaking
in
private society
with
an
imprudence
and
a boldness
which
could
not fail to
irritate
the first
consul,
and
the
more
so,
as
this was
just
at
the
time of the
above-
mentioned
conspiracies.
Besides
this,
Markof
had
chosen
for his mistress
a
lady
who had
been
an
emigree,
and who
now continued
to
intrigue
in Paris.
She was
persecuted
by
Bonaparte's police,
under
the
pretext
of
her
being
ono
of
the
emigrants
yet
on
the
list
of
suspected
persons,
but,
in
reality,
because she would
not
lend herself
to act
as
a
spy
oa
202
HISTORY OF
BUSSIA,
[CH.
LIT.
Markof's
actions.
Besides
all
this,
Markof's
private
secre-
tary
was
the
Genevese
Christin,
who
was
known
as
one
of
the
agents
of
the
former
minister,
Calonne,
and
made
very
suspicious
journeys
from
time
to
time.
A
serious
quarrel
took
place,
on
the
subject
of
this
man,
in
August, 1803,
between
the
emperor
and
the
first
consul,
after the
latter
had
written
an
autograph
letter
direct to
the
emperor,
on the
26th
or
29fch
of
July, requiring
Markof's recal.
As
to
Christin,
Bonaparte
was
informed
by
his
police
that he
was
a
very
active
agent
in
the
royalist manoeuvres,
commenced
partly
in
Germany
and
partly
in
Switzerland,
and
supported
by
English
money
;
he
treated
him,
therefore,
as if
he
had
had
no
connexion with
Bussia.
Christin was
arrested in
Switzer-
land,
without
any regard
to the
protection
of
Bussia,
or to
his
situation
as
secretary
to the
Bussian
ambassador,
brought
to
Paris,
and
lodged
in
the
Temple.
In a similar
manner,
the
chevalier
Vernegas,
who
belonged
to
the
Bussian
embassy
in
Borne,
was
arrested
by
the
French,
in
violation of the
law
of
nations,
and
brought
to
Paris and he
was not
released
in
consequence
of
the
representations
of
the
Bussian
ambas-
sador,
but
at
the
special
request
of the
pope,
Christin's
arrest
was
followed
by
a new
outbreak
of Bona-
parte's
violence
at an
audience,
and of
such a nature as
to
render
it
impossible
for
Markof to
remain in
Paris,
even
though
his
cabinet
might
not
find it
advisable
as
yet
to
break
off all
relations
with
Prance.
Bonaparte,
instead
of
paying
any
attention
to
Markof's
repeated
representations
on
the
subject
of
the
arrest
of his
secretary, forgot
himself
so
far
as
to
insult
Markof
himself
personally
;
and
towards the
con-
clusion of his
invective,
actually
to
defy
the
Bussian
govern-
ment. After
this
scene,
the
ambassador
entirely
broke
off
all
intercourse
with the
court
of the
Tuileries. His em-
peror,
however,
helped
himself
out of
the
difficulty
with
that
readiness
of
invention for
which
Bonaparte
called
him
"
as
treacherous as a
Greek."
He
recalled
Markof,
and
gratified
Bonaparte
in
this
respect
;
but,
on
the
other
hand,
sent
Markof a
special
order,
as
a
sign
of
his
continued
favour.
Markof wore
this on the
occasion of his farewell
visit at
the
Tuileries,
and
affected to
assure
every
one that
he
considered
his recal
in the
light
of
a
favour.
A.D.
1804]
RUPTURE WITH
TRANCE.
-03
When
Markof
withdrew
in
November,
he left
his secre-
tary
of
legation.
d'Oubril,
as
acting
ambassador in
his
place.
Every
one,
however,
foresaw a
breach
at no
very
distant
period
;
and
Russia had
already,
in the
autumn
of
1803,
when
nothing
was
to be done
with
Prussia,
entered into a
closer connexion with
England.
Negotiations
were also
commenced
with
Austria,
and a union
with
Sweden and
Denmark,
for
the
purpose
of
liberating
Hanover,
was
spoken
of. This was the
state
of affairs at
the
beginning
of 1804 :
the murder
of
the due
d'Enghein
brought
matters to a
crisis. The
mother of
the Russian
emperor
had been
all
along
hostile to
everything proceeding
from
Bonaparte
;
and
the mild and
gentle
spirit
of the
emperor,
like
that of all
persons
of
good
feeling
in
Europe,
was
deeply
wounded
by
the
fate
of the duke.
Erom the
beginning
of
1804,
he had
no further
political
reasons
for
keeping up
a
friendly
relation
with
France
;
he
therefore
gave
himself
up entirely
to
his
natural
feelings
on
hearing
of
the
catastrophe
at
Vincennes.
At the
very
next
audience the court
appeared
in
mourning,
and
the
emperor
himself
received
general
Hedouville,
to his
very
great
surprise,
in
that
garb.
Thiers
confesses
that
llcdouville
was
surprised;
but he is never
at a loss for
phrases,
and
contrives to free the
general
from his embar-
rassment,
and
to make him
play
a
dignified part
at the
audience.
The
emperor,
however,
went still further:
he
was
the
only
one
among
the
sovereigns
of
his
time,
with
the
exception
of
the
king
of
Sweden,
who
publicly
blamed
this violation
of the
territory,
and of the
most
sacred
rights
of the German
empire.
The
emperor
made use
of the
pre-
text,
that
he had
become,
by
his
shai'e in the new
division
of
Gennauy,
and
in the
distribution
of
the secularised
spiritual,
and
of
the
suppressed temporal,
states,
a
guarantee
for
the
independence
of
the
German
princes.
None of the
latter,
not
even the
emperor
or
the elector of
Baden,
who
was
must
particularly
concerned,
uttered
any
remonstrance
in the diet at
Ratisbon
;
the
emperor
Alexander alone handed
in a
note,
ealling upon
the diet
to
require
satisfaction
for
the
violation of the
territorial
rights
of
Baden.
King
Gus-
lavus
IV.
of
Sweden,
in
his
quality
as a
guarantee
of the
Westphalian peace,
also
summoned
the German
empire
to
204
HISTOEY
OF EUSSIA.
[CH.
LIT.
vengeance.
But
lie
did
tills in
such an
extraordinary
and
extravagant
manner
as
showed
too
plainly
that his
under-
standing
was
not
quite
right.
The
emperor
Alexander
was
not
satisfied,
however,
with
urging
on the
lazy,
slow,
and
timid diet
;
he
caused a note
to be
handed in
to
the cabinet
of
the
Tuileries,
by
his
minister
d'Oubril,
relative
to the
occurrence
in
Ettenheim.
The
note
which had
been
sent to
the diet
was
very properly
and
well
answered,
because
Bonaparte
left
the answer to
Talleyrand
and
his
diplomatists
;
but it
was
quite
otherwise with
d'Oubril's
note,
the
answer to
which
Bonaparte
himself
dictated.
In
this
document,
which was
published
and intended for
the
emperor,
bearing
date
the
20th
of
April,
the
son,
who
was
very
sensitive in
such
matters,
was
very rudely
put
in
mind of
the
murder
of
his
father
;
and the
English
were
made
to bear
the
blame of this
murder,
without
any
reason
or
proof
whatever.
Meanwhile Hedouville announced to
the
Eussian
court the
elevation
of the
first
consul to the
imperial
dignity.
Alexander
refused
to
acknowledge
the
new
sovereign,
and
the
king
of Sweden followed his
ex-
ample.
The
French ambassador
immediately
quitted
St.
Petersburg,
and
d'Oubril
answered the
insulting
note
by
another,
in
which
harsh
language
was as
harshly
returned.
This
note
was
to
give
the
final
conditions,
on which the
friendship
between
Eussia and
France could continue
to
subsist.
These
conditions,
as set forth in the note of the
24th
of
July,
are : that
Eussia should have a voice
in
ar-
ranging
the
affairs
of
Italy
;
that
the
promise
of
compen-
sation
to
the
king
of
Sardinia,
so often
made
by
France,
should
be at
last
fulfilled
;
that the
French
troops
should be
withdrawn
from
the north
of
Germany,
and the
neutrality
of
the
smaller
states
respected
for the
future. "We
give
the
conclusion
in the
original,
because
in
it the
reference
to
the
emperor
Paul's
murder
is
very
summarily
disposed
of*
*
"
A
peine
croira-t-on
que,
pour
soutenir
un
principe
errone',
le
cabinet
de
St.
Cloud
ait
pu
s'ecarter
de ce
que
les
egards
et les con-
venances
requierent,
au
point
de
choisir,
parmi
les
exemples
k
citer,
celui
qui
e'tait
le
moins
fait k
l'etre,
et de
rappeler
dans une
piece
officielle
la
mort d'un
pere
a
lo
sensibilite de
son
auguste
fils,
en
tachant,
contre
toute
ve'rite et
croyance,
de
charger
d'une accusation atroce un.