Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)
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634 document 18 (may–june 1517)
кнѧземъ, боꙗромъ, мѣщаномъ, и всему посполству, вамъ зведома бъ
было, штож мы ꙗвно чиним симъ нашимъ листомъ:
Первеи сего наши предки, цари, ѡтецъ Магметъ Киреи царь, коли
кон его потныи былъ, до великого кнѧзѧ Витолта, и до великого
кнѧзꙗ Казимерꙗ до Кнѧзьства Литовского в гостиное приеждчали,
вѣликую честь и славу видали; и водлуг давного ѡбычаꙗ рꙋские земи
из городы, и з мѣсты, з волостꙗми, со тмою, зъ земꙗми, з водами,
и со всими доходы, ничого не ѡставуючи писали. Водлу[г] давных
ꙗрълыков первых цареи писано было, штож первеи сего ѡт нас. В
тот час, коли божꙗ ласка была, на столцы цареи ихъ милости, и теж
ѡтца нашого царꙗ, тамъ есмо видели давные и старые докончаные
листы предков нашихъ, и свои есмо листъ по тому ж, какъ ѡтець
мои, Мелли Киреи царь великому кнѧзю, королю Казимерю далъ,
в тот час поновлꙗючи подлуг стародавныхъ докончанеи, свои есми
дистъ зъ золотою печатю послал брату своему, великомꙋ королю и
великому кнѧзю Жикгимѡнту, и детемъ его, и потомъкомъ, держати
вов покои: Киевъ со тмою, зъ землꙗми, з водами, и со всими доходы;
Великии Лучаскъ со тмою, зъ землꙗми, з водами, и со всими доходы;
Смолнескъ со тмою, зъ землꙗми, з водами, и со всими доходы; Пол-
тескъ, Витебскъ, со тмою, зъ землꙗми, зъ водами, и со всими доходы;
Подоле со тмою, зъ землꙗми, з водами; Брꙗславль со тмою и з доходы;
Сокал со тмою, зъ землꙗми, з водами, и со всими доходы; Звиниго-
род зъ землꙗми, з водами, и со всими доходы; Качибеево, Маꙗкъ,
зъ землꙗми, з водами; такежъ поченши Днепромъ ѡт Киева аж до
ꙋстьꙗ днепрового; Снепород, Глинско, з людми; Жолваш, Путивль, зъ
землꙗми, з водами; Бирин, Синꙗч, Хотен, Лучич, Хотемишль, Нисан,
зъ землꙗми, з водами, и со всими доходы; Курско со тмою; Сараева
сына Екалтаево со тмою; Радогощъ, Милелобъ, со всими землꙗми и
доходы, Мужочъ, Ѡскол; Стародубъ, Брꙗнско, со всими землꙗми, и
водами, и доходы; Мченескъ, Любско, Тула-город, со всими землꙗми,
и водами, и со всими доходы; Бересть, Ратно, Козелско, Брꙗнско,
Ѡлъкена, Испашъ, Донецъ, со всими землꙗми, и водами, и со всими
доходы; Дашѡв город, Балаклы на Богу, Ѡчов-город, Ѡтушков-
город, Тушин, Немиров со тмою, Мумыш, [Ѳедоровъ] жекумо город
ѡстрыи,
b
со всими землꙗми, и водами, и со всими доходы; Пъсков,
Великии Новгород, Резанскии Переꙗславль, Пашина, з людми, со
тмою, з городы, з лесы и доходы, што потечеть и вканеть, Великомꙋ
Кнѧзьству Литовскомꙋ дали.
И на тое дѣло врадивши сꙗ съ сынми своими, и съ царевичи, з ꙋланы
и кнѧзьми, с мꙋръзами, твердую присꙗгꙋ з ними весполомъ ꙋчинили,
штож мы с королемъ и великим кнѧземъ Жикгимѡнтомъ ꙋ правдивои
приꙗзни быт на вѣки з дѣтми и потомъками его; наши дети и пото-
мъки его приꙗтелю приꙗтелемъ быти, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелем, в
кождомъ мѣсте, на кождого его неприꙗтелꙗ быти за ѡдин.
b
Cf. Document 14: Ѳедоровъ-городокъ рекомо ωстров.
document 18 (may–june 1517) 635
И которыи городы и волости, земли и воды, брат московского кнѧзꙗ
ꙋ великого королꙗ Алекъсандра ꙋзꙗл и къ собѣ привернꙋл, Боже
милыи даи, которыи городы под ним взꙗл, тыи городы и волости, и
земли, и воды ꙗ, Магмет Кирии царь, сын мои Богатырь солтан, Алпъ
Кирии солтан, з божею помочю ꙋ московского з рукъ ѡтнꙗвши, засе
великомꙋ королю и великомꙋ кнѧзю Жикгимѡнту ꙋ руки дати! И на
его неприꙗтелꙗ московского ꙗ, Магмет Киреи царь, со всими сынми
своими, и з людми, и з воискомъ своимъ королю и великомꙋ кнѧзю
Жикгимѡнтꙋ помоч ꙋчинимъ ныне и завжды. А такеж и на инших
его неприꙗтелеи, коли до нас пришлеть просꙗчи людеи и воиска на
помоч, тогды мы маем дати сколко емꙋ будет потреба.
А которыи лихии ꙋчинки были за ѡтца вашого Казимера, королꙗ и
великого кнѧзꙗ, и за братю твою, за Ѡлбрахта и за Ѡлекъсандра, а
коли сꙗ ꙋжо за Вашу Милость
c-
и панства Вашое Милости ѡтчизного,
и Коруны Полское, и Великого Кнѧзьства Литовъского,
-d
ѡт мене,
Магъметь Киреꙗ царꙗ, и ѡт детеи моих, и со всихъ ꙋлановъ и
кнѧзеи, и слугъ моих, што в тот час вашомꙋ панству шкоды почи-
нили, и ты, брат нашъ то все имъ бы ѡтпустил, и тыи лихии дела
съ серъца своего выпустьте. Которыи лихии дела были нашимъ
детемъ,
e-
и людемъ нашимъ брату нашомꙋ, Жикгимѡнтꙋ королю, и
Казимерꙋ, и Ѡлбрахту, и Ѡлександрꙋ, и на их мѣстьцах ты, нашъ
брат Жикгимѡнт, великии корол,
-f
тыи лихии дела съ серъца своего
выкин, а мы теж ꙋ серъцы своимъ ихъ мѣти не хочемъ.
А што первѣи сего, милость и братскую при<н>ꙗзнь нашꙋ <приꙗзнь>
знамѣнуючи, послали брату нашому Жикгимѡнтꙋ, королю и великому
кнѧзю сына нашого Чалалдыинъ солтана в гостину. А такъ божꙗ
волꙗ стала над нимъ, съ сего свѣта зышол. И на его мѣстцы другого
солтана пошлемъ в гостину брату нашому Жикгимѡнту, королю и
великомꙋ кнѧзю, сына або сынего сына. И тое слышачи, неприꙗтели
наши страшили<л>[б]и сꙗ, а приꙗтели радовали сꙗ.
И на тое ꙗ, Магмет Киреи царь, хотꙗчи брата нашого, Жикгимонта
королꙗ, въсего доброго, поминков и купцов призволил з Великого
Кнѧзьства Литовского доброволно приити, ничого не выстерега-
ючи сꙗ, и в Качибиеве сол ꙋзꙗти, мыто заплативши жиеномъ,
g
до
Киева и до Луцка, и теж до иншихъ городов привозити, за нашими
людми за сторожею, штобъ имъ ꙋ Качибееве сѡл берꙋчи ѡт нашихъ
людеи лихих, и ѡт казаков никотораꙗ шкода сꙗ не стала. А естли бы
купцомъ котораꙗ сꙗ шкода стала, мы брату нашомꙋ маемъ тое запла-
тити. Купцом Корꙋны Полское и Великого Кнѧзьства Литовского,
c–d
It should rather read: панствамъ Вашое Милости ωтчизным, и Корyне
Полскои, и Великому Кнꙗзьству Литовъскому; cf. Document 14.
e–f
It should rather read: и людемъ нашимъ в земли брата нашого, Жикгимωнта
королꙗ, за Казимера, и
ωлбрыхта, и ωлександра, и на их мѣстьцах тебе,
нашого брата Жикгимωнта, великого королꙗ; cf. Document 14.
g
Corrupt; it should read аминомъ; cf. Document 19.
636 document 18 (may–june 1517)
богатымъ и вбогимъ, добровѡлне приехати съ своею торговлею и к
Орде, и къ Коѳе, и поторговавши, доброволне поехали,
h
заплативши
мыто водле стародавного ѡбычаꙗ.
Такъ ꙗко есть вышеи ѡписано въ семъ нашомъ листе, то завжды
будемъ сполнꙗти, и с того не будемъ выступоват, и сыновъ своихъ
з воискомъ своимъ на его неприꙗтелꙗ московского посылати, и тыи
городы и волости, и земли, и воды, которыи городы московского ѡтец,
и сам з Великого Кнѧзьства Литовъского к собѣ привернꙋлъ, и в него
ѡтнꙗвши, брату нашомꙋ Жикгимѡнтꙋ, королю и великому кнѧзю
литовскому подамо; и на кождого неприꙗтелꙗ его с одного быти.
А естли бы некако наши никоторые люди, або сына нашого, Бога-
тырь солтанѡвы, або <або> Алпъ Киреи солтановы люди воевали бы
земли брата нашого, великого королꙗ, мы ихъ самих поимавши, брату
нашому, вѣликому королю пошлемъ; а статъки выграбивши, и жоны
ихъ побравши, великомꙋ королю пошлемъ, естли бы тыи сами голо-
вами своими повтекали.
И почонши ꙗ в головахъ, Магмет Киреи царь, съ сыномъ своимъ
Богатырь солтаном, Алъпъ Киреи солтаномъ, Гемет Киреи солтаномъ,
и со всими царевичи, з уланы, и кнѧзьми, и муръзами, твердо и прав-
диво есмо присꙗгнули брату нашомꙋ, великому королю и великомꙋ
кнѧзю Жикгимѡнту, перед его Радою, сесъ мои есми листъ далъ, зъ
золотою печатю ему есмо дали.
Ꙗ, Багатырь Киреи солтан, присꙗгнулъ есми ѡтца своего царꙗ
Магмет Киреꙗ душу, и теж своею душею, и брата своего Алпъ Киреи
солътановою душою, и другого брата своего Гемъметь Киреи солтано-
вою душою, к<л> пану Ѡлбрахту к Гаштолтовичу с того листа докон-
чанного копею выписавши дал есми под печатю своего перъстенꙗ.
А што приидеть свꙗто вашо Великъден, тогды ꙗ пошлю до Киева
брата своего Макъсуд
i
Киреи солтана, и которого пана своего против
его Корол Его Милост ѡтець нашъ пошлеть, мы его тому пану ꙋ руки
дадимъ.
Писан на мѣстьцу ѡтца моего вѣлкого королꙗ ꙋ Черъкасех.
Translation:
We commence in the name of God, who gives felicity and love to those who
truly keep brotherly friendship and fulll their sincere word, without any deceit,
from their pure heart.
e word of my grandfather Mengli Giray, [also] the word of my father Mehmed
Giray, the word of [mine,] Bahadır Sultan,
3
[and] the word of my brother, Alp
Giray Sultan:
4
h
It should rather read: поехати.
i
In A* written erroneously Jaksud.
3
On the qalga Bahadır Sultan, see Document 17, n. 11.
4
On Alp Giray Sultan, see Document 17, n. 12.
document 18 (may–june 1517) 637
To the commanders of tens of thousands [tümens], thousands, hundreds, and
tens of the great people [ulus] of the right and the le hand, the ulans and beys
[Ruth. knjazem], also to the Ruthenian princes, towns and castles, metropoli-
tans, [Orthodox] bishops, women [sic],
5
monks, princes, boyars, townsmen, and
all the commoners, you should know that we announce [the following] with
our present letter:
Previously our ancestors, the khans, [and also our] father, Mehmed Giray
Khan, when his horse was growing sweaty [beneath him],
6
they would come
seeking hospitality [i.e., refuge] to Grand Duke Vytautas and Grand Duke
Casimir, in the Lithuanian Duchy, and they experienced great reverence and
esteem; and according to the ancient custom they wrote down [and granted to
them] the Ruthenian lands along with towns, settlements, estates, tümen[s],
lands, waters, and all revenues, not omitting anything. What was earlier [i.e.,
above] written by us, was written on the basis of the ancient yarlıqs of the rst
khans. When, by the grace of God, [we ascended] the throne of their majes-
ties, the khans, and also the khan, our father, we saw there [i.e., in the palace
archives] the ancient and old letters of agreement [drawn] by our ancestors,
and then—renewing [the peace] on the basis of the ancient letters of agree-
ment—we sent our letter with a golden seal, such as the letter that my father,
Mengli Giray Khan, had given to the grand duke, King Casimir, letting our
brother, the great king and grand duke Sigismund, his children and descen-
dants, hold in peace:
7
– Kiev with its tümen along with lands, waters, and all revenues;
– Great Luc’k with its tümen along with lands, waters, and all revenues;
– Smolensk with its tümen along with lands, waters, and all revenues;
– Polack and Vicebsk with tümen
8
along with lands, waters and all revenues;
– Podolia with its tümen along with lands and waters;
– Braclav with its tümen along with revenues;
– Sokolec’
9
with its tümen along with lands, waters, and all revenues;
5
Apparently by misunderstanding, the scribe changed the term belcom (lit. “to
those [wearing] white [garments]”), which had gured in earlier documents and
referred to laymen living in monasteries (cf. Document 1, n. 2), into belyholovym
(lit. “to those with white heads”). e latter term referred to women and is unlikely
in the given context (i.e., a social group listed between bishops and monks); yet, the
mistake was perpetuated for almost a century as in a document from 1592, composed
in Turkish (Document 34), we encounter a mysterious term aqbaşlı (lit. “[the one]
with a white head”).
6
Written in singular; it should rather read: “when their horses were growing
sweaty [beneath them].”
7
e last sentence obviously refers in the rst person to Mehmed Giray Khan and
not his son, Bahadır Sultan.
8
It is not clear whether the author regarded Polack and Vicebsk as one or two
separate tümens.
9
Cf. Document 8, n. 4.
638 document 18 (may–june 1517)
– Zvynyhorod
10
along with lands, waters, and all revenues;
– Kačybej and Majak along with lands and waters;
11
– also starting from Kiev along with the Dnieper to its mouth;
– Sneporod and Hlyns’k along with [their] people;
12
– Žolvaž
13
and Putyvl’ along with lands and waters;
– Byryn, Synec, Xoten’, Losyčy, Xotmyšl, and Nycjany along with lands, waters,
and all revenues;
14
– Kursk with its tümen;
– the tümen of Jagoldaj, son of Saraj;
15
– Radogošč’ and Myloljub along with all lands and revenues, Mužeč and
Oskol;
16
– Starodub and Brjansk along with all lands, waters, and revenues;
– Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and the town of Tula along with all lands, waters, and
revenues;
17
– Berestej, Retan’, Kozel’sk, Pronsk, Volkonsk, Spažsk, and Donec along with
all lands, waters, and revenues;
18
– the castle of Dašov and Balykly on the Boh [river],
19
Čornyj Horod and the
castle of Uteškov,
20
Tušyn, Nemyrov with its tümen,
21
Mumyš, and an island
castle referred to as Fedorov
22
along with all lands, waters, and revenues;
23
10
Cf. Document 8, n. 5.
11
On Kačybej and Majak, cf. Document 8, notes 6–7.
12
On Sneporod and Hlyns’k, cf. Document 8, notes 8–9.
13
Cf. Document 8, n. 10.
14
On these estates in the region of Putyvl’ and on the rivers Sula and Vorskla, cf.
Document 8, notes 11–16.
15
On this estate, extending between the upper Sejm and the upper Donec rivers,
and its former owner, see Document 8, n. 18. In the present document it is corruptly
rendered as “Ekaltaevo, belonging to Saraj’s son, with its tümen.”
16
Myloljub, Mužeč and Oskol belonged to the tümen of Jagoldaj (cf. Document 8,
notes 18–19) while the town of Radogošč’ was situated further to the northwest. As
the latter did not gure in the earlier yarlıqs and was registered for the rst time in
1513–1514 (see Documents 12 and 14), apparently by error the scribe entered its name
in the wrong place, i.e., between the tümen of Jagoldaj and Myloljub.
17
On Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and Tula, see Document 8, notes 20–21.
18
On these localities and estates, see Document 8, notes 22–26.
19
On these two settlements, situated on the lower Boh, see Document 8, notes 31
and 28. Dašov was in fact the ancient name of Očakiv (Tat. Djankerman; Tur. Özü
qal‘esi).
20
e two terms, recorded in the instrument: Očov-horod and Otuškov-horod,
might both refer to Očakiv. Yet, it is more likely that the rst entry is a corrupt ren-
dering of Čornyj horod while the second one refers to Očakiv (cf. Document 14, where
these two localities are listed in the same order as Učorn-horod and Uteškov-horod );
on the location of Čornyj Horod see Document 8, n. 30; on the entry Uteškov cf.
Document 12, n. 22.
21
Perhaps it should read “Nemyrov with the tümen of Uhrom;” the tümen of
Uhrom, which could not be localized, appears in Documents 14 and 19 (in the latter
corrupt as “the district of Turov”).
22
For Fedorov, cf. n. b above and Document 14.
23
e last four settlements, Tušyn, Nemyrov, Mumyš, and Fedorov could not be
identied, but they were apparently situated in lower Podolia, between the Boh and
document 18 (may–june 1517) 639
– Pskov, Velikij Novgorod, Perejaslavl’ Rjazan’skij, and Pavšino
24
along with
their people and tümen, with towns, forests, revenues, and [everything] that
ows or streams—[we] gave [all the above localities] to the Grand Duchy of
Lithuania.
And having taken counsel in this matter along with my sons, the [other] sultans
[i.e., princes], ulans, beys, and mirzas, we have rmly sworn jointly with them
that we should remain for centuries in true friendship with the king and grand
duke Sigismund, his children and descendants; our children and descendants
should be friends of his friend and enemies of his enemy, [and] they should
jointly [with him] face any of his enemies in any place.
And whichever towns, estates, lands, and waters the brother
25
of the Mus-
covian duke captured and acquired from the great king Alexander, dear God
let me, Mehmed Giray Khan, my son Bahadır Sultan, and Alp Giray Sultan
take—with God’s help—from the hands of the Muscovian [duke] the towns,
estates, lands, and waters that he captured under his [i.e., Alexander’s reign],
and restore them to the hands of the great king and grand duke Sigismund!
And I, Mehmed Giray Khan, along with all my sons, and people, and troops,
will assist the king and grand duke Sigismund against his Muscovian enemy, at
present and always. Moreover, if he sends [an envoy] to us asking for assistance
in people and troops against his other enemies, then we should give them as
many as he needs.
And as regards the wrongful acts committed during [the reigns of] your father
Casimir, the king and grand duke, your brothers, [John] Albert and Alexander,
and also recently during [the reign of] Your Majesty towards the ancestral
states of Your Majesty, the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,
by myself, Mehmed Giray Khan, my children, and all the ulans and beys, and
my servants, whatever damage they caused then to your state, you, our brother,
should forgive them all this and should release this harm from your heart. And
whatever harm has been experienced by our children and our men [in the land
of] our brother, King Sigismund, [during the reigns of] Casimir, [John] Albert,
Alexander, and you, our brother, the great king Sigismund, [who are now] in
their place, you should release this harm from your heart, neither do we want
to hold it in our heart.
26
Dniester rivers; Nemyrov appears in the earlier documents as Nemyr, and Mumyš as
Mušač, Mušal, and Mušen; cf. Document 8, n. 32, Document 12, n. 23, and Docu-
ment 14.
24
Apparently this entry refers to the principality of Spažsk (centered in Pavšino) on
the right side of the river Oka that had belonged to Lithuania until 1494; cf. Document
8, n. 25; yet, Spažsk is already mentioned above along with Volkonsk.
25
Sic; Ivan III (r. 1462–1505), to whom this passage refers, was the father and not
the brother of the grand prince of Muscovy of that time, Vasilij III (r. 1505–1533). It
should rather read “the Muscovian duke captured and acquired from our brother, the
great king Alexander;” cf. the same fragment in Document 14.
26
Again, the text refers in the rst person to Mehmed Giray and not his son,
Bahadır; cf. n. 7 above. e last paragraph is corrupt and was reconstructed on the
basis of Document 14; see notes c–d and e–f above.
640 document 18 (may–june 1517)
Formerly we had sent our son, Djalaleddin Sultan,
27
to be the guest of our
brother Sigismund, the king and grand duke, as mark of our amity and broth-
erly friendship. Yet, God’s will descended upon him and he le this world. In his
place we will send another sultan [i.e., prince], [our] son or a son of [our] son,
to be the guest of our brother Sigismund, the king and grand duke. On hearing
this, our enemies [should] tremble with fear, and our friends rejoice.
And I, Mehmed Giray Khan, wishing all the best to our brother, King
Sigismund, have allowed the <gis and> merchants from the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania to freely arrive,
28
without any anxiety, take salt in Kačybej, and,
having paid the toll to the amins,
29
bring it to Kiev, Luc’k, and other towns,
guarded by our men so that—while taking salt in Kačybej—they do not suer
any harm from our unruly subjects and cossacks.
30
And if the merchants suer
any harm, we should compensate it to our brother. Merchants from the Polish
Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania—either rich or poor—may freely
come with their merchandise to the Horde [i.e., the Crimean Khanate] or to
Caa, conduct their trade and freely depart, having paid the toll according to
the ancient custom.
We will always fulll whatever is written above in our present letter, we will
not depart from it, and we will send our sons along with our troops against his
[i.e., Sigismund’s] Muscovian enemy; and we will take away from him [i.e., the
Muscovian duke] the towns, estates, lands, and waters that were acquired by
the father
31
of the Muscovian [duke], and by himself, from he Grand Duchy of
Lithuania, and restore them to our brother Sigismund, the king and the grand
duke of Lithuania; and we shall face jointly any of his enemies.
And if any of our subjects, or the subjects of our son Bahadır Sultan, or
Alp Giray Sultan, raid the land of our brother, the great king, we will capture
them and send to our brother, the great king; and if they escape themselves,
we will conscate their properties and arrest their wives, and send them to the
great king.
And I, Mehmed Giray Khan—to begin with—along with my son Bahadır
Sultan, Alp Giray Sultan, Hemmet Giray Sultan,
32
all the sultans [i.e., princes],
27
On Djalaleddin Sultan and his death in Vilnius, see Document 12, n. 25.
28
e text is obviously corrupt: instead of the phrase that appears in the earlier
document: “in desire to reciprocate the kindness, gis, and friendship of our brother
[. . .] we [allow] the merchants . . .” (xotjačy brata našeho [. . .] dobrotam y vpomynkom,
y tuju pryjazn protyv čynyty, kupcom . . .; cf. Document 14), here it reads: “wishing all
the best to our brother, [I] have allowed the gis and merchants . . .” (xotjačy brata
našoho [. . .] vseho dobroho, pomynkov y kupcov pryzvolyl . . .). In result we obtain a
somewhat comical statement that the khan allows the king to bring him gis.
29
Tur. amin or emin, i.e., “intendant;” for the correct reading of this Turkish term,
corrupt in the Ruthenian text, cf. Document 19.
30
e Turkic word kazak (hence the later Slavic kozak, i.e., “cossack”) applied to
free vagabonds; cf. Chapter 6 in Part II.
31
Here Ivan III is correctly referred to as the father, and not brother of Vasilij III;
cf. n. 25 above.
32
Hemmet Giray was the nephew of Mehmed Giray. His father, Ahmed Giray, was
Mehmed Giray’s qalga since 1515, but his relations with the khan soon deteriorated
document 18 (may–june 1517) 641
ulans, beys, and mirzas, have rmly and sincerely sworn to our brother, the
great king and grand duke Sigismund, before his Council,
33
and given him my
present letter with the golden seal.
I, Bahadır Sultan, have sworn with the soul of my father, Mehmed Giray Khan,
and with my soul, and with the soul of my brother, Alp Giray Sultan, and with
the soul of my other brother, Hemmet Giray,
34
and having written a copy of the
present letter of agreement [lysta dokončannoho], I have given it with the seal
of my ring [i.e., signet seal] to Pan Olbracht Gasztołd.
35
And when your Easter feast arrives, I will send my brother, Maqsud Giray,
to Kiev, and whichever of his lords our father, His Royal Majesty, sends to meet
us, we will deliver [Maqsud Giray] to the hands of this lord.
Written in the town of my father, the great king, in Čerkasy.
and in 1519 he was killed by the latter’s son, Alp Giray (cf. Document 9, n. 4 and
Document 17, n. 11). Not by accident, Ahmed is not mentioned either in the present
document, or in the royal document issued in 1516 (Document 17). Hemmet Giray,
though loyal to his father, maintained somewhat better relations with his uncle and
cousins, especially Alp Giray, along with whom he raided the Lithuanian lands in
1518. Aer the father’s death in 1519 he found refuge in the Ottoman territories and
declined Mehmed Giray’s oers of reconciliation. Like his father, he also maintained
good relations with Muscovy but declined the invitation to settle in Meščera (i.e., the
Khanate of Kasimov) under Vasilij III’s suzerainty; cf. Syroečkovskij, “Muxammed-
Geraj i ego vassaly,” pp. 56–57; Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 2, pp. 504
and 619–626, and index, columns 31–32; Xoroškevič, Rus’ i Krym, pp. 106, 173, 214,
249, 284–286.
33
It should rather read “before his envoys” as in Document 14, or perhaps “before
our Council” as the khan took his oath in the Crimea and not in Vilnius or Cracow.
34
On Hemmet Giray, the cousin of Bahadır Giray, see n. 32 above.
35
On Olbracht Gasztołd, then the palatine of Polack, see Document 17, n. 21. In
the spring of 1517, Gasztołd was sent to Čerkasy to meet Bahadır Giray, deliver him the
annual gis due to the khan, and escort to Vilnius a hostage promised in return by the
Crimean side; see Kazimierz Pułaski, “Machmet-Girej, chan Tatarów perekopskich i
stosunki jego z Polską (1515–1523),” in: idem, Szkice i poszukiwania historyczne. Serya
druga (St. Petersburg, 1898): 281–350, esp. p. 307 and Banionis, LDK pasiuntinybių
tarnyba, p. 196. Yet, from the report of the Muscovian envoy to the Crimea, Vasilij
Šadrin, recorded aer his return to Moscow on 29 February 1518, we learn that in
spite of Bahadır’s eorts, his mother Nurum Sultan, supported by the pro-Muscovian
party, refused to send one of her younger sons to Lithuania. Bahadır’s reproaches to
his father of his being a henpecked husband (kakoj ty car’, koli tebja žonka ne slušaet;
“what kind of a khan are you, if your wife does not obey you!?”) remained futile. As
Bahadır arrived at Čerkasy without the promised hostage, Gasztołd refused to deliver
the gis and gave him only a minor present in his own name (Bagatyr’ carevič’ poexal
po kaznu bez careviča [. . .] i Olbrext Bagatyrju kazny ne dal, tolko ego počtil pominkom
ot sebja); see Pamjatniki diplomatičeskix snošenij, vol. 2, pp. 502–503. As Bahadır
promised to send the hostage on the upcoming Easter (see below), the issue was post-
poned. In fact, the following year brought a Crimean rapprochment with Moscow
and renewed Tatar raids against Lithuania. e clause regarding hostages to be sent
to Lithuania was abolished altogether in 1520 (cf. Document 19).
DOCUMENT 19 (21 OCTOBER 1520)
e donation yarlıq cum şartname (dokončane) sent by Khan
Mehmed Giray to King Sigismund
e original document is missing.
Ruthenian copies:
A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 7, pp. 779–785 [old folia-
tion: 392a–395b].
A.* 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska, no.
193, pp. 461–464.
Polish 16th-century translation: Bibl. Kórn., ms. 222, pp. 118–122.
1
Published in Acta Tomiciana, vol. 6, pp. 101–103.
Докончение Магаметъ Киреѧ, цара перекопъского, присланыи до Гос-
подаря Его Милости до Торꙋнѧ Ѡникеемъ Горностаевичомъ месеца
април е҃ [5] день, инъдыкт ѳ҃ [9]:
Божъею милостью Магъмет Киреи цар, Деист-и Сипчокъ всимъ
землѧмъ господаръ, татарскимъ с предков своихъ господаръ, слово
мое то есть:
Праваѧ рꙋка, леваѧ рука тмы тмами, сто и десѧть хто мает, с уланы,
кнѧзи, и мурзами, всеѧ Рꙋси ѡтчизны митрополитомъ, владыкамъ,
чернъцомъ, попомъ, и кнѧземъ, паномъ, боꙗромъ, мещаномъ, и всим
посполитым людемъ:
Праве то ведаите, з давна цари, с предковъ дѧди наши, великии
Ачъжи Кгиреи цар, дид нашъ, потныи кон его, ꙋ Литовскомъ Вели-
комъ Кнѧжени великому кнѧзю Витолъту, и великому Казимерꙋ
королю ꙋ гостиное приехалъ; коли ѡни тамъ поехали великую чест
видевши, городы и места, которыи дали, и волости со всими выходы
и данми, и землѧми, и водами, и записали есмо все, без жадного
1
e Polish translation, entitled Machmetgireia cara pakta, is confusingly dated:
“on the 9th day of the month of August of the year 926 aer the departure of His Maj-
esty, Prophet Muhammad, from this world [sic; it should refer to the Hegira and not
Muhammad’s death], of the year 1522 since the birth of Lord Christ” (po roku ześcia
z tego świata Machometa Proroka 926, dnia 9 miesiąca augusta; od narodzenia Pana
Chrystusa roku 1522). As the Muslim year 926 A.H. lasted from 23 December 1519
till 11 December 1520, the Christian year number (1522 A.D.) is apparently wrong.
Besides, as the Polish translation is identical with the Ruthenian copy (though it con-
tains several mistakes), it should be dated like the latter one, i.e., on 21 October, and
not 9 August 1520. e mistaken day number (9th) apparently origins from the fact
that the original Tatar document was issued on 9 Zilkade 926 A.H. (cf. n. 41 below).
document 19 (21 october 1520) 643
ѡстанку, дади наши, цари, и ѡтець нашъ, цар, каким лицемъ первыи
их, предков моихъ, естъ листы. Богъ створител коли нас помиловал,
на ѡтца своего столъцы зостали есмо царемъ, ачколвекъ есмо стали,
на тыи есмо листы смотревши вамъ, великому королю Жикгимонъту,
брату нашому, штобы братство и приꙗзнь промежи нас твердо стала,
нашого великого посла, шириневского кнѧзꙗ Довлетекова сына,
Ꙋлиꙗр мурзꙋ, и под нимъ ѡхмистра нашого, кнѧзѧ Абрагима, золо-
томъ сее докончане под золотою печатю, сее доконъчане послали
есмо.
Как первыи короли и великии кнѧзи литовскии Великое Кнѧжене
держали Литовское, и тепер брату нашому, королю Жикгимонту, и
его детемъ и внучатомъ, в здорови и въ щастьи держали бы: киев-
скии поветъ со всими доходы и данъми, и з землꙗми, и з водами;
Володимер со всимъ поветомъ и з данми, и з землѧми, и водами; Смо-
ленскъ, Полтескъ, Витебьскь, Звинигород, из землѧми и водами; ѡт
Киева поченъ Днепромъ ѡтца моего верху
a
и до вустьѧ; и Снепород,
Глинескъ, со всими землѧми и водами, и данми; Чалбашъ и Путивль
со всими волостьми и выходы, и землѧми, и водами, и данми; Бирин,
Синеч, Хотень, Лусичы, Хотимешл, и Начинъ, из водами и землѧми, и
данъми; Чернигов со всими выходы и волостьми, и данми, и землѧми,
и водами; Северскии Новгородокъ, Рылескъ, Трꙋбъческъ, со всими
землꙗми и водами, и выходы, и данми; Еголдаевь повет Сараева сына,
вес его повет со всими его землѧми и водами, и данъми; Радогощъ,
Милелюбъ, со всими ихъ выходы и данми, и землѧми, Мужач, Скала;
Стародꙋбъ, Бранескъ, из землѧми и водами, и со всими их данъми и
выходы; Мценескъ, Любꙋтескъ, Тула-город, из землѧми и водами, и
данми, и выходы; Берестеи, Ратно, Козелескъ, Пронескъ, Валакунѧ,
Спашъ, Дꙋнеч, и[з] землѧми и водами, и з данъми, и со всими доходы;
Дашовъ городъ, Балакълыи, Корел город, Чудновъ, Автешков-
городищо<в>, Дꙋшин, Немиров; туровскии вес повет, Мышенъ город,
Ѳедоров городъ ракун стура
b
зъ землѧми и водами, и со всими выходы
и данми; Пьсков, Великии Новгород, Резан-Переꙗславль, люди въ
головахъ, и земли, и воды, и дани, и доходы, што и течеть, што и
канеть, Великому Кнѧженю Литовскому на правдꙋ есмо дали.
Ещо слово наше то ест: ꙗ, Магъметъ Киреи цар, и сын мои Бога-
тыр солтанъ ꙋ головах дити мои царевичи, и братѧ мои, еще вланы,
и кнѧзи, и мурзы, и со всими двораны, и со всими подъдаными, такъ
есмо ꙋрадили, твердꙋ присегꙋ и правдꙋ вчинили, с тобою братомъ
моим милыи брат и приꙗтел, с тобою будꙋчи приꙗтелю приꙗтел бы
был, неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелъ. И дѣти бы наши и внучата наши,
и твои, брата нашого дѣти и внучата, против кождого бы нашого
неприꙗтелѧ, и твоего неприꙗтелѧ бы неприꙗзнь доводили.
a
Apparently it should read: ѡт самого верху.
b
Apparently it should read: рекомо ѡстров as in Document 14.