Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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824 document 41 (the fall of 1604)

Aer we have pronounced our monarchic, brotherly goodwill and inclination to

Sigismund the ird, [the lord] of the whole Ruthenia and Prussia, the grand

duke of Lithuania, Samogitia, Kiev, Podolia, [the lord] of the Swedes, Goths, and

Vandals, the autocratic ruler of Mazovia, Livonia, and numerous other states,

the hereditary great emperor from the times of his grandfathers and great grand-

fathers, and the king of Poland, we [hereby] announce in a friendly way:

If you, Your Royal Majesty, kindly inquire aer us, your brother Ghazi

Giray, then you should know that—through the grace of Almighty God—we

are in very good health; and in desire to learn and hear about the welfare of our

brother, Your Royal Majesty, we have appointed our great envoy, entrusting

the great embassy to Ghazi Bey,

the son of Dervish Bey, a worthy and respect-

able one from among our Lords Councilors, and we send him to our brother,

Your Royal Majesty, along with our whole kindness and true friendship.

And as recently you, Your Royal Majesty, sent us, your brother, a worthy

and illustrious man, your envoy, Pan Ławryn Piaseczyński,

so that he should

prolong and conrm the agreement and solid friendship between [our] two

states, and you asked that we give him a properly worded [instrument of ]

agreement with proper articles, I, the sultan

and khan Ghazi Giray, as I had

never aimed or intended anything else but to always rmly keep and respect the

ancient solid agreement with our brother, Your Royal Majesty, that [also] our

grandfathers and great grandfathers had rmly kept with the great grandfathers

and ancestors of Your Royal Majesty, in desire to fulll this [wish] and ensure

that the poor subjects of [our] two states be safe in their health and property, we

sent through the aforementioned envoy of Your Royal Majesty, Piaseczyński, an

[instrument of ] agreement, [composed] according to the ancient treaties and

their articles; counting from that time until the present, we have not violated

or infringed the concluded and resolved agreement in the least, no treason of

deceit has occurred; on the contrary, it has been entirely fullled and it will

never be violated. And the previous and current agreement is as follows:

Sefer Ghazi Bey, also referred to as the son of Dervish Bey and ranked as the

Crimean great envoy, arrived at Cracow on 14 November 1604. His arrival had been

earlier announced by a courier, Biy Timur. On 16 November, Sefer Ghazi was received

by Sigismund III and delivered the present document. As the king was not satised

with its contents, he decided to postpone the payment of the customary “gis” and

send another embassy to the Crimea, headed by Florian Oleszko (on Oleszko and his

embassy of 1607, see Document 42, n. 7). Disappointed Sefer Ghazi le Cracow on

7 January 1605. In December 1609, Sefer Ghazi was again sent to King Sigismund

by the new khan, Selamet Giray. He was received in a military camp near Smolensk

on 24 April 1610 and delivered a new treaty document (see Document 44). Again,

the king delayed the payment of the gis until future negotiations. During Oleszko’s

second mission to the Crimea in 1619–1621, Sefer Ghazi was still active in the khan’s

service and participated in the negotiations; see Skorupa, Stosunki polsko-tatarskie, pp.

125–127, 157–158, 228. In his last mission, he delivered to Poland the ‘ahdname issued

in 1624 by Mehmed III Giray (see Document 48) and died in an accident at sea on

his return; see n. 399 in Part I.

On Ławryn Piaseczyński, see Document 39, n. 5. Here his rst embassy from the

year 1601 is mentioned.

Cf. n. 4 above.

document 41 (the fall of 1604) 825

If—according to the [conditions of ] agreement, written down in his letter

and sent to us—His Royal Majesty keeps solid friendship and peace towards the

qaraçıs and mirzas, our good and bad subjects,

and us and our sons, towards

the villages, estates, and properties belonging to us, all the qaraçıs and mirzas,

and all our subjects of either high or low status, and towards the Nogay Tatars

subject to our rule, and if he displays honest and genuine friendship and calm

neighborliness to us, so that we, along with all our subjects, do not suer [even]

a smallest damage in our states, but—on the contrary—that we may enjoy a

complete relief, and so that the subjects of our both sides may conduct their

trade in neighborly concord and amity, then also we, Ghazi Giray Khan, along

with our elder son, the qalga Tokhtamısh Sultan,

all the other sons, the sul-

tans, and the qaraçıs, mirzas, and all our subjects remaining under our orders

and monarchic rule, and with the entire horde of the Nogay Tatars, want to

remain loyal, well-disposed, and resolute in our friendship with our brother,

His Royal Majesty, his Lords Councilors, and all his subjects.

And when our brother, His Royal Majesty, asks me to raid his enemy, then

I will be ready to be an open enemy of any of his enemies, and a friend of

his friend, respecting [his] friend and raiding [his] enemy. His Royal Majesty

should act likewise in respect to us, giving our enemies neither aid nor help

against us.

And if we raid any enemy on the order, notice, and urge of His Royal Maj-

esty and pass through or near the states of His Royal Majesty along with our

troops, then we should protect and defend all towns, castles, boroughs, manors,

villages, and any estates of His Royal Majesty and his subjects: Lords Council-

ors, princes, and nobles; we should not bring [even] a smallest damage or raid

any of the domains of His Royal Majesty; on the contrary, we should preserve

them in peace, both [domains] of His Royal Majesty, and of all his subjects.

And we should not send any—even small—troops to the states of His Royal

Majesty; neither should we, or any of my subjects, raid, capture any prisoners

and sell them into slavery; on the contrary, I, along with my sons and all the

aforementioned subjects, want to preserve the solid agreement and friendship

in their entirety, and to keep the [present] engagement.

And if I, Ghazi Giray Khan, or my elder son, the qalga Tokhtamısh Sultan,

or my other sons, the sultans, or my troops, enter an enemy’s land on the notice

e phrase thus recorded in the Polish translation (poddane nasze dobre i złe)

might refer to the subjects of either high or low status. Yet, it would be redundant as

the text further reads “and all our subjects of either high or low status (i wszytkich

poddanych naszych od wielkiego do małego począwszy). Hence, it is likely that this

seemingly strange phrase reects a genuine customary formula encountered in the

Crimean documents; for a similar phrase, in which the khan refers to “all bad or good

people of our country” (yaman yahşı barça vilayetimiz kişilerin), cf. Djanibek Giray’s

instrument from 1632, which is preserved in the Turkish original (Document 49).

Tokhtamısh Giray, the oldest son of Ghazi Giray Khan, replaced his uncle

Selamet Giray in the post of qalga in 1601 (cf. Document 40, n. 8). Aer his father’s

death in early 1608 he was elected the khan. Yet, the Porte introduced to the throne

Selamet Giray and Tokhtamısh was killed in a battle against the new qalga, Mehmed

Giray (future Mehmed III Giray Khan); see Skorupa, Stosunki polsko-tatarskie,

pp. 147–149.

826 document 41 (the fall of 1604)

and request of His Royal Majesty, and render a substantial and good service

to His Royal Majesty, then His Royal Majesty, along with his Lords Council-

ors, should display us his goodwill and favor, and reward us in return for the

service rendered by us, our sons, or troops. And according to the old custom of

our ancestors, we may freely return along with all our spoils from the enemy’s

land to our state, the Crimea, without being harassed or retained by His Royal

Majesty, his Lords Councilors, any troops or subjects of His Royal Majesty; on

the contrary, they should peacefully let us go to our land. And we promise that

we will not bring [even] a smallest damage, just as our ancestors, who already

departed from this world, did not.

Moreover, all merchants being the subjects of His Royal Majesty will be able

to stay and travel in our land with the aim of conducting their trade and sell-

ing their goods, having paid the ancient customary toll. And if any of the mer-

chants suers a damage due to the loss of his property and goods or for another

reason, then we should render eective justice and restore him his property,

ensuring that the poor [people] should not suer any damage or harm.

As from the ancient times eir Royal Majesties, the ancestors of our brother,

His Royal Majesty, were obliged to send us gis through their envoys and deliver

them to the hither side of the Dnieper, and they have done so accordingly until

the present time, also hereaer His Royal Majesty should send us gis through his

envoy, each year, in the same manner.

Previously, whenever the Cossacks were absent from the Dnieper, no damage

was done in the state of His Royal Majesty and the agreement was not violated

in the least; hence also now and forever, if they are absent, the agreement will

not be violated in the least. Now, as these Cossacks, who dwell on the Dnieper,

bring constant damages and harm in the Crimea, doing much mischief, com-

mencing quarrels and breaking the agreement, therefore these evildoers should

be expelled and removed from the Dnieper, so that they should not bring any

more damage in the Crimea and our states.

Moreover, as [currently] for the sake of the friendship and favor of Your

Royal Majesty we do not commit any raids to Moldavia and the lands of the

Moldavian palatine,

we will act likewise also in the future, protecting his

lands and subjects as long as he acts sincerely and truly in regard to us and

Your Royal Majesty, and as long as a treacherous act on his part is not dis-

closed and made manifest.

Having completed the present [instrument of ] agreement [przymierze] that

we dictated from our lips and ordered to write down, we send it to our brother,

Your Royal Majesty, through one of our slaves,

the worthy great envoy Ghazi

In seventeenth-century Polish, the adjective wołoski (lit. “Wallachian” or “of

Wallachia”) referred to either Wallachia or Moldavia. In the given case it refers to

Moldavia. On Ieremia Movilă, the hospodar of Moldavia in the years 1595–1606, see

Document 36, n. 4, and Document 39, n. 10.

Pol. jednego z niewolników naszych; the term niewolnik (“slave”) is apparently a

translation of the Turkish term qul, which must have appeared in the original. It is

noteworthy that the khan referred with this term to a member of the Tatar nobility.

document 41 (the fall of 1604) 827

Bey, the son of Dervish Bey, from among our Lords Councilors. Hence we swear

by the name of the highest Almighty God, who has no beginning and no end,

the creator of heaven and earth, by the most glorious book of Koran and the

Psalms or Books of Prophet David,

and by our most holy and true prophet

sent by God, Muhammad Mustafa,

that we want to sincerely preserve and

keep the present agreement and [its] recorded articles, and we engage that as

long as no deviation from the agreement and [its] articles happens on the part

of Your Royal Majesty, and, moreover, the customary gis are delivered in

full, and no damage occurs in our state, also on our part we will ensure that

we should not trespass in the least our holy [instrument of ] agreement that

we have issued; on the contrary, we should entirely preserve the solid friend-

ship and brotherhood, as we have no other intention or aim; indeed, we will

endeavor through our entire life to leave a [good] memory, so that the poor, our

merchants and subjects of both sides may pray to God for us, our prosperous

health, and long fortunate reign of both of us.

Wishing you all the best from God, we dedicate our goodwill and friendship

to Your Royal Majesty’s favor.

In the Muslim tradition the Psalms of David, referred to as Zabur, were regarded

as one of the four Holy Books sent by God to humanity, along with the Torah, the

Gospel, and the Koran; cf. Document 40, n. 17.

Mustafa (lit. “the Chosen”) is the second name of Prophet Muhammad.

DOCUMENT 42 (MAY 1605)

e letter of agreement (list przemirny) sent by King Sigismund III

to Khan Ghazi II Giray

e original document is missing.

Polish copy: Bibl. Czart., ms. 1623, pp. 274–278.

List przymierny Króla Jego Miłości posłany carowi:

My Zygmunth etc. etc.

Oznajmujemy tym listem, którym to wiedzieć należy, niniejszym i na potym

będącym, iż jakośmy za wolą bożą siadszy na stolicy Korony Polskiej i Wiel-

kiego Xięstwa Lithewskiego, i ziem do niej należących, nastał tyż na car-

stwo Ordy Krymskiej po śmierci Aslamgiereia Kazigierei car, z którym tyż

pirwszych czasów obrazy mieliśmy, ale iż zjachawszy się w ziemi wołoskiej

na Cocorze z Jaśnie Wielmożnym Panem Janem Zamoiskim, kanclerzem

naszym i hetmanem wielkim, i wojskiem naszym, starał się, aby chęć i łaskę

naszę pozyskał, i żądał tegoż hetmana naszego, aby się przyczynił i starał o

to, oarując się nam nie tylko być przyjacielem, ale i przyjaciołom naszym

przyjacielem, a nieprzyjaciołom nieprzyjacielem, i stać i wojować przeciw

kożdemu naszemu nieprzyjacielowi, w czym był do nas posłał do Krakowa,

do stolice naszej, uczciwego Dczan Achmet Celebieia posła swego.

My o tym porozumiewaliśmy się z Radami naszemi i tę chęć i oarowanie

cara Kazigiereia wdzięcznie przyjęliśmy, i ten list nasz przymierny posłaliśmy

jemu przez posła naszego, urodzonego Nikodema Kosakowskiego, dwo-

rzanina naszego, obiecując mu wszystkie rzeczy w niem opisane mocno i

nienaruśno dzierżeć, jeśli i on nam takowyż list przymierny, zgodliwy z listem

naszym napisany poszle, i mocno to przymierze i wszystkie jego obowiązki

trzymać będzie.

Ale że cara na ten czas w ziemi jego nie było, zatym tyż ten nasz poseł

u niego nie był i przymierza nam nie przyniósł, które acz potym car przez

posła swego Dżan Antemir agę do nas przysłał, ale że nie według tego,

jakoby się na obie stronie do gruntownej przyjaźni zgadzało w tym carskim

przemirnym liście było napisano, zaczym iny poseł nasz wielki, urodzony

Ławryn Piaseczyński, podkomorzy braczławski, gdy od nas u cara był, tedy

i ten przymierza gruntownego z Casigiereiem carem nie skończywszy wrócił

się nazad do nas. I acz potym car Casigierey inego posła swego wielkiego,

Derbisz begowego syna posłał do nas i przez zeń list swój przymierny posłał

nam, lecz jako pierwszy przez Dżan Antemir agę posłany, tak i ten wtóry

niedoskonałym do całej i gruntownej przyjaźni na obie stronie rozumieliśmy.

Przeto tedy teraz znowu przez posła naszego wielkiego, urodzonego Flo-

riana Oleszka, wojskiego włodzimirskiego, sekretarza naszego, list ten nasz

document 42 (may 1605) 829

przemirny napisawszy posłaliśmy carowi, i od niego drugi z tym naszym

zgodliwy wziąć kazaliśmy.

Napirwej tedy od nas i od Senatorów Panów Koronnych, poddanych

naszych, carowi Kazigiereiowi, synom, bratom, ludziom, ziemi jego pokój

obiecujemy pewny i nieodmienny. Także z swojej strony car Cazigierey, i

gałga carewicz Tochtmysz Gierei, syn carski, i ini gałgowie po nim będący,

i z syny, bracią swemi, murzami, kniaziami, karaczey, ulany, bejami,

przełożonemi miejsc i ludzi tak wojennych, jako i wszech inych ludzi swoich,

i ze wszystkiemi ludźmi swemi, i z ludźmi nahaiskiemi z sobą sprzyjaźnionemi

i złączonemi, będąc nam wiernym przyjacielem i prawdziwie mając nas i

ludzie nasze za przyjaciele, a nieprzyjaciół naszych za nieprzyjaciele swoje,

nie będzie żadnym naszym, Panów Rad, ślachty, poddanych naszych zam-

kom, miastom, miasteczkom, wsiom, włościom, ludziom, stadom, towarom

szkodził ani ich wojował, brał. I owszem z ludźmi naszemi on sam, i gałga

carewicz Tochtmysz Gierey, syn carski, i ini gałgowie po niem będący, syno-

wie, bracia, murzowie, kniaziowie, karaczni, ułanowie, bejowie, i wszystcy

przełożeni jego, i wszystcy zgoła ludzie jego, i nahaiscy, którzy pod niem są,

mają szczyry i wierny pokój zachować, nie wojując ani nasyłając na państwa

nasze, ani żadnych szkód i krzywd czyniąc, i w grunty nasze nie wszczypiając

się, aż do Morza Czarnego, i nie wtargiwać. I przez ziemie nasze ludzie ani

wojska jego na jakieśkolwiek i czyjekolwiek potrzeby i wojny idąc przechodzić

nie mają, ani się o nie ocierać.

A co byli powinni przodkowie cara Kazigiereia, carowie dawni tatarscy,

za potrzebą i napominaniem Ich Miłości królów polskich dawnych wojować

ziemię moskiewską, i zamki należące odbierać i oddawać ze wszystkiemi grun-

tami i pożytkami ich, także tyż przeciwko inym naszym wszem nieprzyjaciołom

za potrzebą i napomnieniem naszym wojować, toż tyż car Kazigierey, i gałga

carewicz Tochtmysz Gierey, i ini gałgowie po niem będący, z synmi, bracią,

murzami, kniaziami, karaczni, ulami [sic], bejami, i z ludźmi swemi powi-

nien czynić będzie. I będzie czynił szczyrze i prawdziwie, że moskiewskiego i

kożdego inego nieprzyjaciela naszego za napomnieniem naszym wojować ma

i powinien będzie.

My także, jako przodkowie jego nasze, i nasi przodkowie jego przodków

nieprzyjaciół za swoich mając, nie będziem im pomagać.

Tyż ma przeciw hospodarowi wołoskiemu, za wolą naszą postanowio-

nemu, i ziemi wołoskiej zachować się spokojnie i przyjacielskie, i przeciw

niemu nie być, ani szkody żadnej jemu albo ziemi mołdawskiej czynić, i hos-

podaryków inych na tę ziemię ani prowadzić, ani przechowywać, i owszem

ich wydać, i jako począł, życzliwość swą pokazować i pomocnym być, gdyż

hospodarowie wołoscy przyjaźń i przymierze starodawne między nami a

Cesarzem Jego Miłością tureckim, przyjacielem naszym, mają zadzierżywać i

pomnażać.

Także hospodarowi multańskiemu, który by za porozumieniem naszym z

Cesarzem Jego Miłością tureckim był postanowiony, przyjaźń pokazować ma.

Obrazy wszystkie i szkody, które się aż do tego czasu między nami stały

odpuszczamy carowi dufając, że to nam stateczną chęcią i wiarą swoją na

potym nagrodzi. On tyż także u nas i u ludzi naszych żadnych szkód upominać

830 document 42 (may 1605)

się nie ma i upominków żadnych przeszłych, gdyż odtąd przyjaźń między

nami poczyna się.

Jako tyż bywało za przodków naszych, co się w dokończeniu króla Zyg-

munta świętej pamięci z Menligiereiem carem najduje, carowi Cazigiereiowi,

albo synom jego, albo braci, za pozwoleniem naszym w poczcie pewnym od

nas zamierzonym, do nas i ziemie naszej jako gościom w dobry obyczaj i w

przyjaźni przyjachać wolno będzie. Także żadnej krzywdy ani w osobie, ani

w ludziach, ani w rzeczach od nas i ludzi naszych cierpieć nie mają, i owszem

uczciwie i dobrowolnie mają być od nas przyjęci i szanowani.

Kupcy, kramarze nasi i państw naszych w ziemi carskiej, także carskie z

ziemie jego w naszych ziemiach, mają wolno na obie stronie po kupiectwach

jeździć i targować, zapłaciwszy zwykłe myta, a od nikogo nie mają być z żad-

nej miary krzywdzeni i szkodzeni. A gdzie by jaka krzywda stała się, spra-

wiedliwość rychła i gruntowna ma być czyniona.

A żeby nasza szczodrobliwość przeciw carowi Cazigiereiowi i sługom jego

pokazała się, żeby tym gotowszy i sposobniejszy do powinnej pomocy, jako

się wyżej opisało, nam przeciwko wszystkim naszym nieprzyjaciołom był, tedy

obiecujemy jemu z szczodrobliwości i z łaski naszej odtąd na kożdy rok upo-

minki dawać, tak jako stary król Zigmunt dawał, w pieniądzach połowicę, a

drugie w kupiach, i posyłać do Kamiencza na dzień . . .

miesiąca novembra.

A car Cazigierey, i gałga carewicz Tochtmysz Gierei, i inni gałgowie po nim

będący z syny, bracią, murzami, kniaziami, karaczej, ułany, bejami, i z przeło-

żonemi i ludźmi wszystkiemi swemi zachować ma przeciw nam i poddanym

naszym, zamkom, miastom, miasteczkom, wsiam, uchodom, i pastwiskom

pokój prawdziwy i nieodmienny, i wszystkie rzeczy w tym liście przymiernym

wyszej pisane nienaruśnie trzymać, pełnić i wykonywać skutkiem i rzeczą, bez

wszech farb, chytrości i wymówek, na wieczne czasy. Czego jeśli by nie czynił,

tedy my wolni będziem od tego, co jemu z strony naszej obiecujemy.

Do której rzeczy i pieczęć naszę koronną przycisnąć rozkazaliśmy.

Translation:

e letter of agreement of His Royal Majesty sent to the khan:

We, Sigismund, etc., etc.

We announce with the present letter, to whom it may concern, presently and

in the future, that as, with God’s will, we ascended the throne of the Polish

Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and of the lands belonging to it,

also Ghazi Giray Khan became the khan of the Crimean Horde aer the death

of Islam Giray; and though initially transgressions happened between us and

him [i.e., Ghazi Giray], having met his excellency Jan Zamoyski, our chancellor

Empty space was le to ll in the date.

Erroneously written powinni; for a correct reading, cf. Document 39.

document 42 (may 1605) 831

and grand hetman, and our troops, in Ţuţora [Cecora] in the Moldavian

land,

he endeavored to gain our goodwill and favor and asked the hetman to assist

in acquiring this aim, oering not merely to be our friend, but a friend of our

friends and an enemy of our enemies, and to face and ght any of our enemies;

in reference to this matter he sent his honest envoy, Djan Ahmed Chelebi,

Cracow, our capital.

[And] having taken counsel in this matter with our Councilors, we favor-

ably received this wish and oer of Ghazi Giray Khan, and we sent him our

present letter of agreement through our envoy, our generous courtier Nikodem

Kossakowski,

promising him to rmly and invariably keep everything that is

written there, on the condition that he also sends us a similar letter of agree-

ment, written in accordance with our letter, and rmly keeps this agreement

and all its clauses.

Yet, as at that time the khan was absent from his land, our envoy did not

meet him and did not bring us the [instrument of ] agreement; even though

the khan sent us one subsequently through his envoy Djan Temir Agha,

the contents of his letter of agreement did not conform with mutual require-

ments of sound friendship, thereaer our next great envoy, generous Ławryn

Piaseczyński,

the chamberlain [Pol. podkomorzy] of Braclav, was [sent] from

us to the khan, [but] he did not reach a sound agreement with Ghazi Giray

Khan either and he returned to us. And even though Ghazi Giray Khan next

sent us another great envoy, the son of Dervish Bey,

and sent us through him

his letter of agreement, we regarded the latter imperfect for the sake of com-

plete and sound mutual friendship, just as the earlier one sent through Djan

Temir Agha. Hence, having written again our present letter of agreement [list

In seventeenth-century Polish, the adjective wołoski/wołoska (lit. “Wallachian” or

“of Wallachia”) referred to either Wallachia or Moldavia. In the given case it refers

to Moldavia.

On Djan Ahmed Chelebi, see Document 36, n. 2. Here his embassy from the years

1597–1598 is mentioned.

On Nikodem Kossakowski and his embassy from the years 1598–1599, see Docu-

ment 36, n. 1 and the paragraph below. e present royal document, issued in 1605,

is similar to the one from 1598 taken by Kossakowski, but of course it is not the same

document.

On Djan Temir Agha, see Document 37, n. 2. Sent from Ghazi Giray’s camp in

Hungary, he brought the khan’s letter of agreement to Poland in October 1599. As the

document’s contents deviated from the Polish expectations, Djan Temir was made to

give a solemn promise that the khan would issue a corrected version aer his return

from Hungary (see Document 38). In fact, the khan’s instrument brought by Djan

Temir was more in line with the Polish expectations than the subsequent instruments

brought by Djan Ahmed in 1601 and Sefer Ghazi in 1604 (see Documents 39 and 40).

On Ławryn (Wawrzyniec) Piaseczyński and his three embassies to the Tatars in

the years 1601–1603, see Document 39, n. 5.

I.e., Sefer Ghazi Bey, the son of Dervish Bey, who brought the khan’s instrument

of peace to Cracow in November 1604; although the instrument was not accepted, the

royal chancery prepared the present document that was to be taken to the Crimea by

Florian Oleszko; cf. Document 41, n. 5 and the paragraph below.

832 document 42 (may 1605)

przemirny], we have sent it to the khan through our great envoy, generous Flo-

rian Oleszko, the wojski of Volodymyr and our secretary,

and we have ordered

him [i.e., the envoy] to take from him [i.e., the khan] another one, being in

accordance with our [letter].

us, rst of all we promise certain and inviolable peace on our part and

on the part of the Lords Senators of the Crown, our subjects, to Ghazi Giray

Khan, his sons, brothers, people, and land. And on his part, Ghazi Giray Khan,

and the qalga Tokhtamısh Giray Sultan,

the khan’s son, and other qalgas who

will come aer him, along with his [i.e., the khan’s] sons and brothers, and the

mirzas, princes,

qaraçıs, ulans, beys, and those commanding over places and

people (both military and all his other people), and with all his people, and

the Nogay people who are allied and united with him, being our loyal friend

and truly regarding us and our people as his friends, and our enemies as his

enemies, will not harm, raid, or capture any castles, towns, boroughs, villages,

estates, people, herds, or goods of ours and of our Lords Councilors, nobles,

and subjects. On the contrary, he, and the qalga Tokhtamısh Giray Sultan,

the khan’s son, and other qalgas who will come aer him, and his sons, broth-

ers, mirzas, princes, qaraçıs, ulans, beys, all commanders, and in short, all his

people, and the Nogays who are his subjects, should keep sincere and loyal

peace with our people, without raiding or sending raiders to our states, causing

damage or harm, and without raiding or invading our lands [extending] as far

as the Black Sea. And his people and troops should not pass through our lands

while heading for any and anyone’s

campaigns or wars, nor should they even

graze them [i.e., touch the frontiers].

And as the ancestors of Ghazi Giray Khan, the former Tatar khans, were to

raid the Muscovian land whenever eir Majesties, the ancient kings of Poland,

needed and requested, and retake and restore [to them] the castles that had

On Florian Oleszko, the royal secretary and the wojski (an ocial responsible

for keeping order in a province during the general levy) of Volodymyr, see his biog-

raphy by Roman Żelewski in PSB, vol. 23, pp. 758–759, and Skorupa, Stosunki polsko-

tatarskie, pp. 77, 82, 127–147, 184–185, 222–238 (where some biographic details from

the PSB are corrected); on his Ruthenian origin, cf. n. 66 in Part II. Appointed great

envoy in the spring of 1605, Oleszko delayed his departure till the summer and, on the

news of a Tatar raid led personally by the khan, was ordered to return to Cracow with-

out even reaching the border. Sent again in 1607, he returned with the khan’s instru-

ment issued on 24 July 1607 (see Document 42). In 1615, he was again appointed

great envoy to the khan but his embassy was annulled. Once more sent to the Crimea

at the end of the year 1619, he was detained there for the whole period of the Polish-

Ottoman war of 1620–1621 and returned only aer the Treaty of Hotin.

Pol. carewicz is rendered here as sultan. On Tokhtamısh Giray, the son of Ghazi

Giray and the qalga in the years 1601–1608, see Document 41, n. 9.

e Polish term kniaziami (kniaziowie in the nominative) apparently refers to

the beys, traditionally referred to in Ruthenian sources as knjazi. Yet, beys are also

mentioned below as bejowie (bejami in the ablative).

A plain reference to the long Ottoman-Habsburg war of the years 1593–1606.

Regularly called to join the Ottoman troops in Hungary, the Tatars oen crossed the

Ukrainian lands of Poland-Lithuania.

document 42 (may 1605) 833

belonged [to them], along with all their lands and prots, and moreover, they

were to raid our other enemies whenever we needed and requested, also [now]

Ghazi Giray Khan, and the qalga Tokhtamısh Giray Sultan, and other qalgas

who will come aer him, along with his sons, brothers, mirzas, princes, qaraçıs,

ulans, beys, and people should do likewise. And he will do it sincerely and truly

by raiding our Muscovian [enemy] and any other enemy on our request.

And just as his [i.e., the khan’s] ancestors regarded our [ancestors’] enemies

[as their enemies], and as our ancestors regarded his ancestors’ [enemies] as

such, likewise, we will not assist them [i.e., such enemies].

And he should behave in a calm and friendly manner towards the Molda-

vian

hospodar,

who has been placed [on his throne] according to our will,

and towards the Moldavian land; he should not act against him or cause any

damage to him or the Moldavian

land; and he should not bring along to

this land any other pretenders to the hospodar’s throne,

or give them refuge;

on the contrary, he should deliver them [to the current Moldavian hospodar];

and he [i.e., the khan] should display benevolence and assist [the Moldavian

hospodar], like he did initially, because the Moldavian hospodars [have been

placed on their thrones] to cement and strengthen the friendship and ancient

agreement between us and our friend, His Majesty, the Turkish emperor.

Likewise, he should display friendship towards any hospodar of Wallachia,

who would be placed [on his throne] upon an agreement between us and His

Majesty, the Turkish emperor.

We forgive the khan all the transgressions and damages that have happened

between us until the present time, in trust that in the future he will compensate

them to us by his constant goodwill and good faith. Neither should he reclaim

e Polish adjective wołoski refers here to Moldavia (cf. n. 1 above).

I.e., Ieremia Movilă, Moldavian hospodar in the years 1595–1606. Enthroned

with the Polish support in 1595 (cf. Document 36, n. 4), Movilă lost almost his entire

principality in May 1600 in result of the invasion of the Wallachian hospodar, Mihai

Viteazul (Michael the Brave). Yet, in October 1600 the Polish troops led by Hetman

Jan Zamoyski entered Moldavia and reinstalled Ieremia Movilă on the throne.

Here Moldavia is referred to more precisely by the Polish adjective mołdawska

(“Mołdawian” or “of Moldavia”); cf. notes 1 and 11 above.

e Polish term hospodaryk (hospodaryków in the genitive plural), or rather hos-

podarczyk like in Document 36, is a diminutive of the term hospodar; it either refers

to a hospodar’s son or is a pejorative reference to a hospodar. It is translated here as

“pretender to the hospodar’s throne” as in fact many pretenders to the Moldavian and

Wallachian thrones were the sons of former hospodars.

Here Wallachia is referred to more precisely (cf. n. 1 above) by the Polish adjec-

tive multański (“Muntenian” or “of Muntenia”). In early modern Polish sources the

geographical term Multany (Muntenia, i.e., eastern Wallachia) referred to the whole

principality of Wallachia. Aer the Polish protégé, Simion Movilă, had lost the throne

of Wallachia in 1602, until 1611 the principality was ruled by Radu Şerban, who tried

to maintain equilibrium between Vienna and Istanbul; apparently, the Polish court

did not resign from the idea of a Polish-Ottoman condominium in Moldavia as well

as Wallachia.