Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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804 document 37 (ca. august 1599)

according to his letter of agreement that was sent to us, in conformity with his

true

faith.

We send our present letter of agreement [list przemirny], which should be

entirely trusted, through our loyal councilor, Djan Temir Agha.

And because we lacked our great seal, which is normally impressed on letters

of agreement, as we were in route [i.e., campaign in Hungary], therefore we

have impressed our signet ring.

It is rather unlikely that the original document, issued in the khan’s chancery,

referred to the Christian faith as “true.” It is apparently a translator’s addition.

DOCUMENT 38 (OCTOBER 1599)

e instrument of Djan Temir Agha, the Crimean envoy, containing

his pledge on behalf of Khan Ghazi II Giray to keep peace with

King Sigismund III

e original document is missing.

Polish translation:

A. AGAD, AKW, Dz. tat., k. 65, t. 127, no. 704.

B. AGAD, Metryka Koronna, Libri Legationum, no. 27, fol. 106a.

C. AGAD, Teki Naruszewicza, no. 12, p. 203 [fol. 102a].

Ja, Dziantamir

aga, poseł do Króla Jego Miłości polskiego od pana mego

cara

Kazigiereia, ręczę się i wyznawam, skoro przyjadę do Cara Jego Miłości

bądź do Węgier, albo skoro się zwróci Car Jego Miłość do państwa swego,

tedy wedle kopii

z listu przemirnego

Króla Jego Miłości list swój przemir-

zgodliwy ma zarazem do Króla Jego Miłości dać. I do tego czasu jako

od Cara Jego Miłości samej osoby, tak też od ludzi i poddanych jego pań-

stwom Króla Jego Miłości, ludziom, poddanym żadnej

krzywdy i szkody

dziać się nie będzie, i owszem pokój obwarowan

będzie. Do którego listu

mego własnemi rękami memi pisanego

dla lepszej pewności pieczęci swe

e instrument, preserved in Polish translation, is dated on 3 Rebi I 1008 A.H.

(miesiąca po naszej liczbie Rebel Avela die 3 roku 1008), i.e., 23 September 1599, yet

apparently it was issued in October, aer or shortly before the audience in Radom that

took place on 8 October; cf. Skorupa, Stosunki polsko-tatarskie, p. 88. Possibly, being

far away from the Crimea, the Tatar envoy lost track of time or the error should be

attributed to a Polish translator or scribe who confused Rebi I (Rebi‘ü`l-evvel) with

Rebi II (Rebi‘ü`l-ahir).

is copy, erroneously entitled Zaręczenie Dziantamira posła tureckiego Królowi

Jego Miłości polskiemu (“e pledge of Djan Temir, a Turkish [sic] envoy, to His Maj-

esty, the king of Poland”), is almost two centuries’ later hence its minor variations are

not annotated.

B. Dziantimir.

Missing in B.

B. kopiej.

B. przemiernego.

B. przemierny.

B. i żadnej.

B. obwarowany.

B. Do którego listu mego i własnemi rękami podpisanego.

C. pieczęć swą.

806 document 38 (october 1599)

rękami swemi przycisnąłem, miesiąca po naszej liczbie Rebel Avela die 3

roku 1008.

I podpisem ręki mej

[. . .].

Translation:

I, Djan Temir Agha, the envoy from my lord, Khan Ghazi Giray, to His Maj-

esty, the king of Poland, pledge and engage that as soon as I reach His Majesty,

the khan, either in Hungary or when His Majesty, the khan, returns to his state,

he should promptly issue [and send] His Royal Majesty his letter of agreement,

being in accordance with [the present] copy of His Royal Majesty’s letter of

agreement. Until that time neither His Majesty, the khan, nor his people and

subjects should commit any harm or damage to the domains, people and sub-

jects of His Royal Majesty; on the contrary, the peace will be strengthened. In

order to render my present letter, written with my own hands, more trustwor-

thy, I have impressed my seals with my hands, on the 3rd day of the month of

Rebi I of the year 1008, according to our calendar.

[I have conrmed the above statement] with the signature [made] by my

hand.

B. miesiąca po naszej liczbie Rebelwiella dnia trzeciego roku 1008; C. miesiąca

Rabel Anela [sic] 3 roku 1008, po polsku roku 1599.

Missing in B; C. Z podpisem ręki mojej.

e A. copy contains an authentication by the royal chancery translator: Machiin

Czyr tłumacz Króla Jego Miłości własną ręką, followed by an illegible signature. e

C. copy, based on the A. copy, contains a corresponding note on the reverse side

(p. 204 [fol. 102b]): ta kopia pisana die 9 Decembris 1785 z kopii tłumaczonej na

papierze przez Machiin Chir, tłumacza Jego Królewskiej Miłości bez oryginału (“this

copy was executed on the 9th day of December 1785 aer a paper copy translated by

Machin Chir, His Royal Majesty’s translator, in the absence of the original”).

DOCUMENT 39 (20 MARCH 1601)

e letter of agreement (list przemirny) sent by King Sigismund III

to Khan Ghazi II Giray

e original document is missing.

Polish copy: Biblioteka Narodowa, ms. III. 3086 “Księga poselstwa Ławryna

Piaseczyńskiego,” fol. 15a–16b.

Przymierze od Królia Jego Miłości carowi przekopskiemu anno 1601:

Miłością bożą Zigmunt III król polski i wielki kniaź litewski, ruski, pruski,

mazowiecki, żmoidzki, inantski, kiiowski, wołyński, podliaski, i też szwedzki,

gotski, wandalski dziedziczny król.

Oznajmujemy tym listem, którem tego wiedzieć należy, niniejszym i na potym

będącym, iż jakośmy za wolią bożą siadszy na stolicy Polskiej Korony i Wiel-

kiego Księstwa Lithewskiego, i ziem do niej nalieżących, nastał też na carstwo

Ordy Krymskiej po śmierci Hslamgiereia [sic] Kazigierei car, z którem acz

pierwszych czasów obrazy mieliśmy, alie iż zjachawszy się w ziemi wołoskiej

na Cocorze z Jaśnie Wielmożnym Janem Zamoiskim, kanclierzem naszym

i hetmanem wielgim, i wojskiem naszym, starał się, aby chęć i łaskę naszę

pozyskał, i żądał tegoż hetmana naszego, aby się przyczynił i starał o to, oa-

rując się nam nie tylko być przyjacieliem, alie <alie> i przyjaciołom naszym

przyjaciołem, a nieprzyjaciołom nieprzyjacieliem, i stać i wojować przeciw

każdemu naszemu nieprzyjacielowi, w czem beł do nas posłał do Krakowa,

do stolice naszej, uczciwego Dzian Achmet Czelebeia posła swego.

My o tym porozumiewaliśmy się z Radami naszymi i tę chęć i oarowanie

cara Kazigiereia wdzięcznie przyjęliśmy, i ten list nasz przemirny posłaliśmy

jemu przez posła naszego, obiecując mu wszytkie rzeczy w nim opisane

mocno i nienaruszno dzierżeć, jeśli on nam takowyż list przemirny, zgod-

liwy z naszem listem napisany poślie, i mocno to przemirze i wszytkie jego

obowiązki trzymać będzie.

Alie że cara na ten czas w ziemi jego nie beło, zatem też ten poseł nasz

u niego nie beł i przemirza nam nie przyniósł, które acz potem car przez

posła swego Dzian Temir agę do nas przysłał, alie że nie według tego,

jakoby się na obie stronie do gruntownej przyjaźni zgadzało w tem cars-

kim przemirnym liśce napisano beło, przeto przez posła naszego wielkiego,

Ławryna Piasoczyńskiego podkomorzego bracławskiego, sekretarza naszego,

list ten nasz przemirny napisawszy posłaliśmy carowi Kazigiereiowi, i od

niego drugi taki z naszem zgodliwy wziąć kazaliśmy.

Najpierwej tedy od nas i Senatorów Panów Koronnych, poddanych naszych,

carowi Kazigiereiowi, synom, bratom, liudziom, ziemie jego pokój obiecu-

jemy pewny i nieodmienny. Także z swojej z strony car Kazigierei, i gałga

carewicz Salamatgirei, i inni gałgowie po nim będący, i z syny, bracią swemi,

808 document 39 (20 march 1601)

murzami, kniaziami, karaczey, <karac> ulany, bejami, przełożonemi miejsc

i liudzi tak wojennych, jako i wszech innych liudzi swoich, i ze wszytkiemi

liudźmi swemi, i z liudźmi nahaiskiemi z sobą sprzyjaźnionemi i złączonemi,

będąc nam wiernem przyjacieliem i prawdziwie mając nas i liudzie nasze

za przyjacielie, a nieprzyjaciół naszych za nieprzyjacioły swoje, nie będzie

żadnem naszym, Panów Rad, szliachty, poddanych naszych zamkom, mias-

tom, miasteczkom, wsiom, wołościom, liudziom, stadom, towarom szkodzieł

ani ich wojował, brał. I owszem z liudźmi naszemi on sam, i gałga czare-

wic Salamatgirei, i inni gałgowie po nim będący, synowie, bracia, murzowie,

kniaziowie, karaczey, ulanowie, bejowie, i wszyści przełożeni jego, i wszyści

zgoła liudzie jego, i nahaiscy, którzy pod nim są, mają szczery i wierny pokój

zachować, nie wojując ani nasyłając na państwa naszy, ani żadnych szkód i

krzywd czyniąc, i w grunty się nasze nie wtargiwając, aż do Morza Czarnego. I

przez ziemie nasze liudzie ani wojska jego na jakiekolwiek swe i czyjekolwiek

potrzeby i wojny idąc przechodzić nie mają, ani się o nie ocierać.

A co beli powinni przodkowie cara Kazigiereia, carowie dawni tatarscy,

za potrzebą i napomnieniem Ich Miłości króliów polskich dawnych, i wiel-

kich kniaziów litewskich, wojować ziemię moskiewską, i zamki nalieżące

odbierać i oddawać ze wszytkimi grunty i pożytkami ich, także też przeciwko

innym wszem nieprzyjaciołom naszym za potrzebą i napomnieniem naszym

wojować, toż też car Kazigierey, i gałga czarewic Salamatgirey, i inni gałgowie

po nim będący z syny, bracią, murzami, kniaziami, karaczey, ułany, bejami,

i liudźmi swemi powinien czynić będzie. I będzie czynieł szczerze i prawdzi-

wie, że moskiewskiego i kożdego nieprzyjacielia naszego za napomnieniem

naszym wojować ma i powinien będzie.

My także, jako przodkowie jego nasze, i naszy przodkowie jego przodków

nieprzyjaciół za swoich mając, nie będziem im pomagać.

Też ma przeciwko hospodarowi wołoskiemu, za wolią naszą postano-

wionemu, i ziemi wołoskiej zachować się spokojnie i przyjacielskie, i przeciw

jemu nie być, ani szkody żadnej jemu albo ziemi mołdawskiej czynić, i hospo-

daryków innych na tę ziemię ani prowadzić, ani przechowywać, i owszem ich

wydać, i jako począł, życzliwość pokazować i pomocnem być, także i hospo-

darowi i ziemi multańskiej, gdyż takowi hospodarowie przyjaźń i przymirze

starodawne między nami a Cesarzem Jego Miłością tureckim, przyjacieliem

naszym, mają zadzierżywać i pomnażać.

Obrazy wszytkie i szkody, które się aż do tego czasu między nami stały

odpuszczamy carowi dufając, że nam to stateczną chęcią i wiarą swą na potym

nagrodzi. On też także u nas i u liudzi naszych żadnych szkód swych własnych

i liudzi swych upominać się nie ma, i upominków żadnych przeszłych, gdyż

odtąd przyjaźń między nami poczyna się.

Jako też bywało za przodków naszych, co się w dokończeniu królia

starego Zygmunta świętej pamięci z Meligiereiem carem najduje,

-b

carowi

a–b

e punctuation has been corrected here as this fragment apparently belongs

to the following paragraph and not the preceding one; cf. Documents 36, 37, 41, 42,

and 46.

document 39 (20 march 1601) 809

Kazigiereiowi, abo synom jego, albo braciej, za pozwolieniem naszym w

poczcie pewnym od nas zamierzonym, do nas i ziemie naszej jako gościem

wezwanem do pomocy przeciwko nieprzyjaciołom naszym, gdybyśmy ich

do czynienia z nieprzyjacioły naszymi użyli, przyjachać wolno będzie. Także

żadnej krzywdy ani w osobie, ani w liudziach, ani w rzeczach od nas i liudzi

naszych cierpieć nie mają, i owszem uczciwie i dobrowolnie mają być od nas

przyjęci i szanowani.

Kupcy, kramarze naszy i państw nasych w ziemi carskiej, także carskie z

ziemie jego w naszych ziemiach, mają wolno na obie stronie po kupiectwach

jeździć i targować, zapłaciwszy zwykłe myta, a od nikogo nie mają być z żad-

nej miary krzywdzeni i szkodzeni. A gdzie by jaka krzywda stała się, spra-

wiedliwość rychła i gruntowna ma być czyniona.

A żeby nasza szczodrobliwość przeciw carowi Kazigiereiowi i sługom jego

pokazała się, żeby tym gotowszy i sposobniejszy do powinnej pomocy, jako

się wyżej napisało, nam przeciw wszystkim naszym nieprzyjaciołom beł, tedy

obiecujemy jemu [z] szczodrobliwości i łaski naszej odtąd na każdy rok upo-

minki dawać, tak jako stary król Zygmunt dawał, w pieniędzach połowicę, a

drugie w kupiach, i posełać do . . . na dzień. . . .

A car Kazigierei, i gałga czarewic Salamatgirei, i inni gałgowie po nim

będący z syny, bracią, murzami, kniaziami, karaczei, ulany, bejami, i z przeło-

żonemi i liudźmi wszytkimi swemi zachować ma przeciwko nam i poddanym

naszym, zamkom, miastom, miasteczkom, wsiom, uchodom, i pastwiskom

pokój prawdziwy i nieodmienny, i wszytkie rzeczy w tym liście przemirnym

wyszej opisane nienaruszenie trzymać, pełnić i wykonywać skutkiem i rzeczą,

bez wszech farb, chytrości, wymówek, na wieczne czasy. Czego jeśli by nie

czynił, tedy my będziemy wolni od tego, co jemu z strony naszej obiecu-

jemy.

Do której rzeczy pieczęć naszę koronną przycisnącieśmy kazali. Pisan w

Warszawie roku od narodzenia Syna Bożego tysiąc sześćsetnego pierwszego,

miesiąca marca XX dnia, a panowania królestw naszych polskiego czterna-

stego, a szwedzkiego ósmego roku.

Translation:

e [instrument of ] agreement [sent] from His Royal Majesty to the khan of

Perekop [i.e., Crimea] anno 1601:

Sigismund the third, by the grace of God the king of Poland and the grand duke

of Lithuania, Ruthenia, Prussia, Mazovia, Samogitia, Livonia, Kiev, Volhynia,

Podlachia [Podlasie], and also the hereditary king of the Swedes, Goths, and

Vandals.

We announce with the present letter, to whom it may concern, presently and

in the future, that as, with God’s will, we ascended the throne of the Polish

Empty spaces were le to ll in the place and date.

810 document 39 (20 march 1601)

Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and of the lands belonging to it,

also Ghazi Giray Khan became the khan of the Crimean Horde aer the death

of Islam Giray; and though initially transgressions happened between us and

him [i.e., Ghazi Giray], having met his excellency Jan Zamoyski, our chancellor

and grand hetman, and our troops, in Ţuţora [Cecora] in the Moldavian

land,

he endeavored to gain our goodwill and favor and asked the hetman to assist

in acquiring this aim, oering not merely to be our friend, but a friend of our

friends and an enemy of our enemies, and to face and ght any of our enemies;

in reference to this matter he sent his honest envoy, Djan Ahmed Chelebi,

Cracow, our capital.

[And] having taken counsel in this matter with our Councilors, we favorably

received this wish and oer of Ghazi Giray Khan, and we sent him our pres-

ent letter of agreement [list przemirny] through our envoy,

promising him to

rmly and invariably keep everything that is written there, on the condition

that he sends us a similar letter of agreement, written in accordance with our

letter, and rmly keeps this agreement and all its clauses.

Yet, as at that time the khan was absent from his land, our envoy did not

meet him and did not bring us the [instrument of ] agreement; even though the

khan sent us one subsequently through his envoy Djan Temir Agha,

as the con-

tents of his letter of agreement did not conform with mutual requirements of

sound friendship, we have [again] written our present letter of agreement and

sent it to Ghazi Giray Khan through our great envoy and secretary, Ławryn

Piaseczyński,

the chamberlain [Pol. podkomorzy] of Braclav, and we have

In seventeenth-century Polish, the adjective wołoski/wołoska (lit. “Wallachian” or

“of Wallachia”) referred to either Wallachia or Moldavia. In the given case it refers

to Moldavia.

On Djan Ahmed Chelebi, see Document 36, n. 2. Here his embassy from the years

1597–1598 is mentioned.

I.e., Nikodem Kossakowski; on his embassy from the years 1598–1599, see Docu-

ment 36, n. 1 and the paragraph below. e present royal document, issued in 1601,

is similar to the one from 1598 taken by Kossakowski, but of course it is not the same

document.

On Djan Temir Agha, see Document 37, n. 2. Sent from Ghazi II Giray’s camp in

Hungary, he brought the khan’s letter of agreement to Poland in October 1599. As the

document’s contents deviated from the Polish expectations, Djan Temir was made to

give a solemn promise that the khan would issue a corrected version aer his return

from Hungary (see Document 38). Yet, no other document by Ghazi Giray was issued

until the summer of 1601 (see Document 39).

On Ławryn (Wawrzyniec) Piaseczyński, see his biography by Ewa Dubas-Urwanowicz

in PSB, vol. 25 (Wrocław etc., 1980), pp. 805–808, and Petro Kulakovs’kyj, Kanceljarija

Rus’koji (Volyns’koji) metryky 1569–1673 rr. Studija z istoriji ukrajins’koho regional-

izmu v Reči Pospolytij (Ostroh-L’viv, 2002), pp. 140–146; on his three embassies to the

Tatars in the years 1601–1603, see also Pułaski, “Trzy poselstwa Piaseczyńskiego,” and

Skorupa, Stosunki polsko-tatarskie, pp. 96–117. Piaseczyński le Warsaw in April and

was received by Ghazi Giray on 23 August 1601. In the following days he negotiated

the clauses to be inserted in the khan’s instrument along with Djan Ahmed Chelebi,

the Crimean diplomat entrusted to deliver the khan’s document to Poland (on Djan

Ahmed, see Document 36, n. 2). Both envoys le the Crimea in October 1601 and

document 39 (20 march 1601) 811

ordered him [i.e., the envoy] to take from him [i.e., the khan] another one [i.e.,

letter of agreement], being in accordance with our [letter of agreement].

us, rst of all we promise certain and inviolable peace on our part and on

the part of the Lords Senators of the Crown, our subjects, to Ghazi Giray Khan,

his sons, brothers, people, and land. And on his part, Ghazi Giray Khan, and

the qalga Selamet Giray Sultan,

and other qalgas who will come aer him,

along with his [i.e., the khan’s] sons and brothers, and the mirzas, princes,

qaraçıs, ulans, beys, and those commanding over places and people (both mili-

tary and all his other people), and with all his people, and the Nogay people

who are allied and united with him, being our loyal friend and truly regard-

ing us and our people as his friends, and our enemies as his enemies, will not

harm, raid, or capture any castles, towns, boroughs, villages, estates, people,

herds, or goods of ours and of our Lords Councilors, nobles, and subjects. On

the contrary, he, and the qalga Selamet Giray Sultan, and other qalgas who will

come aer him, and his sons, brothers, mirzas, princes, qaraçıs, ulans, beys, all

commanders, and in short, all his people, and the Nogays who are his subjects,

should keep sincere and loyal peace with our people, without raiding or sending

raiders to our states, causing damage or harm, and without invading our lands

[extending] as far as the Black Sea. And his people and troops should not pass

through our lands while heading for any campaigns or wars of their own or

anybody else’s,

nor should they even graze them [i.e., touch the frontiers].

And as the ancestors of Ghazi Giray Khan, the former Tatar khans, were

to raid the Muscovian land whenever eir Majesties, the ancient kings of

Poland and the grand dukes of Lithuania, needed and requested, and retake

and restore [to them] the castles that had belonged [to them], along with all

arrived at Vilnius aer ca. 2 months (Piaseczyński in November, Djan Ahmed in

December). As the royal side was not satised with the khan’s instrument, in March

1602 Piaseczyński again le for the Crimea in order to receive an “amended” docu-

ment. Also in this trip he was accompanied by Djan Ahmed Chelebi. As the Polish

court detained the gis expected by the Tatars, Piaseczyński’s reception in the Crimea

in June 1602 was very cold. In August 1602, he returned to Cracow and in October

1602 was once more sent to the khan. Since the latter was campaigning in Hungary,

Piaseczyński did not reach him and traveled only as far as Jassy. ere in January 1603

he nally released the gis to the Tatar envoy, Ali Mirza, and in February returned

to Poland.

Pol. carewicz or czarewic is rendered here as sultan. Selamet Giray was Ghazi

Giray’s brother and the qalga in the years 1597–1601. In September 1601, shortly aer

he gave a solemn audience to Piaseczyński, Selamet escaped from the Crimea to the

Ottoman lands, apparently fearing for his life (cf. Skorupa, Stosunki polsko-tatarskie,

pp. 104–105). Since he got involved in the Anatolian celali rebellion, he was impris-

oned in the Istanbul castle of Yedi Kule. In 1608 he became khan with the Ottoman

support and reigned until his death in 1610.

e Polish term kniaziami (kniaziowie in the nominative) apparently refers to

the beys, traditionally referred to in Ruthenian sources as knjazi. Yet, beys are also

mentioned below as bejowie (bejami in the ablative).

A plain reference to the long Ottoman-Habsburg war of the years 1593–1606.

Regularly called to join the Ottoman troops in Hungary, the Tatars oen crossed the

Ukrainian lands of Poland-Lithuania.

812 document 39 (20 march 1601)

their lands and prots, and moreover, they were to raid our other enemies

whenever we needed and requested, also [now] Ghazi Giray Khan, and the

qalga Selamet Giray Sultan, and other qalgas who will come aer him, along

with his sons, brothers, mirzas, princes, qaraçıs, ulans, beys, and people should

do likewise. And he will do it sincerely and truly by raiding our Muscovian and

any other enemy on our request.

And just as his [i.e., the khan’s] ancestors regarded our [ancestors’] enemies

[as their enemies], and as our ancestors regarded his ancestors’ [enemies] as

such, likewise, we will not assist them [i.e., such enemies].

And he should behave in a calm and friendly manner towards the Molda-

vian

hospodar,

who has been placed [on his throne] according to our will,

and towards the Moldavian land; he should not act against him or cause any

damage to him or the Moldavian

land; and he should not bring along to

this land any other pretenders to the hospodar’s throne,

or give them refuge;

on the contrary, he should deliver them [to the current Moldavian hospodar];

and he [i.e., the khan] should display benevolence and assist [the Moldavian

hospodar], like he did initially, and likewise [he should display benevolence

and assist] the hospodar and the land of Wallachia,

because such hospodars

[have been placed on their thrones]

to cement and strengthen the friendship

and ancient agreement between us and our friend, His Majesty, the Turkish

emperor.

We forgive the khan all the transgressions and damages that have happened

between us until the present time, in trust that in the future he will compensate

them to us by his constant goodwill and good faith. Neither should he reclaim

e Polish adjective wołoski refers here to Moldavia (cf. n. 1 above).

I.e., Ieremia Movilă, the Moldavian hospodar in the years 1595–1606. Enthroned

with the Polish support in 1595 (cf. Document 36, n. 4), Movilă lost almost his entire

principality in May 1600 in result of the invasion of the Wallachian hospodar, Mihai

Viteazul (Michael the Brave). Yet, in October 1600 the Polish troops led by Hetman

Jan Zamoyski entered Moldavia and reinstalled Ieremia Movilă on its throne.

Here Moldavia is referred to more precisely by the Polish adjective mołdawska

(“Mołdawian” or “of Moldavia”); cf. notes 1 and 9 above.

e Polish term hospodaryk (hospodaryków in the genitive plural), or rather hos-

podarczyk like in Document 36, is a diminutive of the term hospodar; it either refers

to a hospodar’s son or is a pejorative reference to a hospodar. It is translated here as

“pretender to the hospodar’s throne” as in fact many pretenders to the Moldavian and

Wallachian thrones were the sons of former hospodars.

Here Wallachia is referred to more precisely (cf. n. 1 above) by the Polish adjec-

tive multańska (“Muntenian” or “of Muntenia”). In early modern Polish sources the

geographical term Multany (Muntenia, i.e., eastern Wallachia) referred to the whole

principality of Wallachia.

e Polish intervention of 1600 not only resulted in the reintroduction of

Ieremia Movilă to the throne of Moldavia (cf. n. 10 above), but also in the enthrone-

ment of his brother, Simion Movilă, in Wallachia. In the summer of 1601 Simion

lost his throne, but a few months later was again installed by the Poles, to be nally

replaced by Radu Şerban in the summer of 1602.

document 39 (20 march 1601) 813

any indemnity in his name or in the name of his people, or any past gis from

us and our people, because our mutual friendship begins from now on.

Also, as it was practiced in the times of our ancestors and is recorded in the

agreement between the late King Sigismund the Old and Mengli Giray Khan,

Ghazi Giray Khan, or his sons or brothers may come to us and our land as

guests invited to help us against our enemies, if we make use of their services

to ght our enemies, provided that we authorize it and set [the size of ] their

retinue. And they should not suer any harm done to them, their people, or

belongings by us or our people; on the contrary, we should receive them hon-

estly and voluntarily, and we should respect them.

Merchants and traders, both ours and from our states in the khan’s land,

as well as the khan’s and from his land in our lands, may freely travel in both

directions for the purpose of commerce and trade, having paid the customary

tolls, and should not be hurt or harmed by anybody in any way. And if they

suer any harm, immediate and thorough justice should be administered.

And in order to display our generosity towards Ghazi Giray Khan and his

servants, so that he be more willing and ready to bring us his due assistance (as

it has been described above) against all our enemies, we promise to henceforth

give him annual gis out of our generosity and grace, half in cash and half in

goods, just as the old king Sigismund

used to do, and send them to . . . by the

day. . . .

And Ghazi Giray Khan, and the qalga Selamet Giray Sultan, and other qal-

gas who will come aer him, along with his sons, brothers, mirzas, princes,

qaraçıs, ulans, beys, commanders, and all his people should maintain true and

inviolable peace towards us and our subjects, castles, towns, boroughs, villages,

hamlets, and pastures, and invariably keep, fulll, and eectively and materi-

ally execute all the conditions described above in the present letter of agree-

ment, without any falsity, deceit, or excuses, and forever. And if he does not

fulll it, then we will be free from our promise to him.

To this eect we have ordered to impress our Crown seal. Written in War-

saw in the year 1601 from the birth of the Son of God, on the 20th day of the

month of March, in the 14th year of our reign in Poland and the 8th year [of

our reign] in Sweden.

I.e., King Sigismund the Old (r. 1506–1548).

Empty spaces were le to ll in the place and date. e value of the gis is also

not given; cf. Document 36, n. 9.