
● Inequality Critics argue that the distribution of income resulting from pay-
ment according to marginal productivity may be highly unequal because pro-
ductive resources are very unequally distributed in the first place. Aside from
their differences in mental and physical attributes, individuals encounter sub-
stantially different opportunities to enhance their productivity through edu-
cation and training. Some people may not be able to participate in production
at all because of mental or physical disabilities, and they would obtain no
income under a system of distribution based solely on marginal productivity.
Ownership of property resources is also highly unequal. Many landlords and
capitalists obtain their property by inheritance rather than through their own
productive effort. Hence, income from inherited property resources conflicts
with the “To each according to what he or she creates” idea. This reasoning
calls for government policies that modify the income distributions made
strictly according to marginal productivity.
● Market Imperfections The marginal productivity theory rests on the assump-
tions of competitive markets. Yet labour markets, for example, are riddled with
imperfections, as you will see in Chapter 15. Some employers exert pricing
power in hiring workers. And some workers, through labour unions, profes-
sional associations, and occupational licensing laws, wield monopoly power
in selling their services. Even the process of collective bargaining over wages
suggests a power struggle over the division of income. In this struggle, mar-
ket forces—and income shares based on marginal productivity—may get
pushed into the background. In addition, discrimination in the labour market
can distort earnings patterns. In short, because of real-world market imper-
fections, wage rates and other resource prices frequently are not based solely
on contributions to output.
370 Part Three • Microeconomics of Resource Markets
As you have learned from this
chapter, a firm achieves its least-
cost combination of inputs when
the last dollar it spends on each
input makes the same contribu-
tion to total output. This raises an
interesting real-world question:
What happens when technologi-
cal advance makes available a
new, highly productive capital
good for which MP/P is greater
than it is for other inputs, say a
particular type of labour? The an-
swer is that the least-cost mix of
resources abruptly changes and
the firm responds accordingly. If
the new capital is a substitute
for labour (rather than a comple-
ment), the firm replaces the par-
ticular type of labour with the
new capital. That is exactly what
is happening in the banking in-
dustry, in which ATMs are replac-
ing human bank tellers.
ATMs made their debut about
30 years age when Diebold, a
U.S. firm, introduced the prod-
uct. Today, Diebold and NCR
(also a U.S. firm) dominate
global sales, with the Japanese
firm Fujitsu a distant third. The
number of ATMs and their usage
have exploded, and currently
INPUT SUBSTITUTION:
THE CASE OF ATMS
Banks are using more automatic teller machines (ATMs)
and employing fewer human tellers.