Powell J. Encyclopedia Of North American Immigration

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Danish immigration

Though Viking Danes were probably among the first Euro-

peans to settle North America, the first Danish settlement of

lasting importance came in the 1640s, when about 500

Danes composed half the population of the Dutch New

Netherlands colony. In the U.S. census of 2000 and the

Canadian census of 2001, 1,430,897 Americans and

170,780 Canadians claimed Danish descent. Because of

their rapid assimilation, Danes are spread fairly evenly

throughout the U.S. and Canadian populations. Most

Danes during the 19th century originally settled in the

upper Midwest in the United States, with particular con-

centration in Iowa. The largest early Danish settlements in

Canada, between 1903 and 1917, were in Alberta.

Denmark occupies 16,300 square miles of northern

Europe between the North Sea and the Baltic Sea from 54 to

58 degrees north latitude. Sweden lies to the northeast and

Germany to the south. Denmark is made up of the Jutland

Peninsula and 500 islands, 100 of which are inhabited.

Greenland and the Faeroe Islands govern themselves, but fall

under Danish jurisdiction. The land is mostly flat and

highly developed. In 2002, the population was estimated at

5,352,815. Ethnic groups include Scandinavian, Eskimo,

Faeroese, and German. Evangelical Lutheranism is the reli-

gious preference of more than 90 percent of the people.

From ancient times, Denmark was a center of fishing and

trade. Viking raiders during the Middle Ages were mostly

Danes. Denmark reached the peak of its power between

1397 and 1523, when Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and

parts of northern Germany were united under Danish con-

trol. Sweden withdrew in 1523, initiating a long period of

international decline. Norway was lost in 1815, and

Schleswig-Holstein in 1864. Iceland remained part of Den-

mark until 1944. Denmark joined the European Union in

1993.

Although a small number of Danes had immigrated to

the United States annually from colonial times, it was only

after the American Civil War (1861–65) that they came in

large numbers. Denmark’s population rose dramatically dur-

ing the 19th century, from 900,000 to almost 2.5 million.

This combined with Prussian expansion and a rapidly mech-

anizing economy threw Denmark’s old agricultural system

into chaos, with many Danes losing land and being forced

into urban industrial jobs, when they could find them. It has

been estimated that during the late 19th century, one in 10

Danes emigrated, most to the United States. In line with

most other western European countries, they came in waves

between 1866 and 1873, 1880 and 1893, 1900 and 1914,

and 1920 and 1929. Between 1865 and 1930, about

325,000 Danes entered the country, with almost 12,000

entering in the peak year of 1882. In addition to those

immigrating to the United States for economic reasons,

some 17,000 Danes came between 1849 and 1904 after

converting to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

(Mormons), most settling near Salt Lake City, Utah.

Another group of some 50,000 Danes from Schleswig

arrived after German occupation of their region in 1864,

especially objecting to German military service and the use

of the German language in education. After 1930, Danish

immigration averaged a few hundred per year, including

6,389 between 1992 and 2002.

The Dane Jens Munk visited Canada in 1619 search-

ing for the Northwest Passage but established no colony.

The oldest Danish settlement in Canada was established in

New Brunswick in 1872, though it included only seven

families and 10 single men. The number of Danes in

Canada remained small until the first decade of the 20th

century. In 1903, a group of Danish immigrants from

Nebraska began to settle a township near Innisfail, Alberta.

A number of additional colonies were established in Alberta,

Manitoba, and Saskatschewan between 1903 and 1917. As

these Danes were usually classified as Americans, it is diffi-

cult to determine their numbers. When the United States

limited immigration with the J

OHNSON

-R

EED

1924, Danish agriculturalists increasingly looked to the

Canadian West, a trend that continued through the 1950s.

During the 1920s, the Canadian Pacific Railway and the

Danish Department of Colonization and Development

cooperated in promoting Danish settlement on the Cana-

dian prairies. Furthermore, after spending six months in

Canada in 1925, Olaf Linck recommended in Canada, the

reat Land of the Future that young and healthy Danes con-

sider emigration there in or

der to increase their opportuni-

ties and to relieve population pressures at home. Although

almost 19,000 Danes immigrated to Canada between 1919

and 1931, Canada virtually halted immigration during the

Great Depression. After World War II, Canada once again

encouraged Danish immigration, highly regarding the train-

ing and skill of the artisans. Whereas only 10,984 Danes

immigrated to the United States during the 1950s, 27,750

entered Canada. As the Danish economy improved in the

1960s, few chose to emigrate. Of 17,805 Danish immi-

grants in Canada in 2001, only 3,625 came after 1970.

Further Reading

Barton, H. Arnold. “Where Have the Scandinavian-Americanists

Been?” Jour

nal of American Ethnic History 15, no.

1 (Fall 1995):

46–55.

Bender, Henning, and Birgit Flemming Larsen, eds. Danish Emigr

tion to C

anada. Aalborg, Denmark: Danish Worldwide Archives

and Danish S

ociety for Emigration History, 1991.

———. Danish Emigration to the U.S.A. Aalborg, Denmark: Danish

orldwide Ar

chives and Danish Society for Emigration His-

tory, 1992.

Hvidt, Kristian. Flight to A

merica—the Social Background to 300,000

anish Emigrants. New York: Academic Press, 1975.

Lov

oll, O. S. Nordics in America: The Future of Their Past. Northfield,

Minn.: Norwegian-American Historical Association, 1993.

aulsen, F

rank. Danish Settlements on the Canadian Prairies: Folk Tra-

ditions, Immigr

ant Experiences, and Local History. Ottawa: Centre

for Folk Culture Studies, 1992.

etersen, P

eter L. The Danes in America. Minneapolis, Minn.: Lerner,

1987.

Stilling, N. P., and A. L. O

lsen. A New Life. A

alborg, Denmark: Dan-

ish Worldwide Archives, 1994.

Delaware colony

The Delaware region was explored by Henry Hudson in

1609 as he searched for a passage to Asia. The Dutch first

settled near present-day Lewes in 1631 but were driven out

by the native peoples. Sweden settled the area as a commer-

cial venture in 1638, giving it the name New Sweden and

bringing in Swedish and Finnish settlers. In the 1640s, both

the Netherlands and Sweden claimed the region, and in

1655 the Dutch finally incorporated New Sweden into their

more northerly colony of New Netherland. As a result of a

series of Anglo-Dutch wars in the 1660s and 1670s,

Delaware became English territory. Originally administered

as part of N

ORK COLONY

, in 1682 it became a part of

the P

ENNSYLVANIA COLONY

grant to William Penn. Known

as the three lower counties, the Delaware region sought

autonomy, which was granted in the Charter of Liberties

(1701). Its first separate legislature met in 1704. By the time

of the A

MERICAN

EVOLUTION

(1775–83), most of the

early Swedes and Finns had become indistinguishable from

their more numerous English and Dutch neighbors.

Further Reading

Christensen, Gardell D., and Eugenia Burney. Colonial Delaware.

New Y

ork: Nelson, 1975.

orle, Craig William, ed. Records of the Courts of Sussex County,

Delawar

e, 1677–1710. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania

Press, 1992.

unr

oe, John A. Colonial Delaware: A History. Millwood, N.Y.: KTO,

1978.

Department of Citizenship and Immigration

Canada

See D

EPARTMENT OF

ANPOWER AND

MMIGRATION

Department of Homeland Security (DHS)

Established by the Homeland Security Act (2002), the

Department of Homeland S

ecurity (DHS) was the admin-

istrative response to the terrorist attacks of S

EPTEMBER

11,

2001. The DHS coordinates most of the antiterror elements

within the U.S. government in a new cabinet-level network

of agencies tasked with the specific mission of preventing

terrorist attacks within the United States, reducing vulnera-

bility to terrorism, and minimizing damage from potential

terrorist attacks. The DHS became fully operational on

March 1, 2003.

The DHS is divided into five directorates. Border and

Transportation Security (BTS), the largest, is responsible for

securing the nation’s borders and protecting its transportation

75DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY 75

systems. Agencies within the BTS include the Transportation

Security Administration, the Animal and Plant Health

Inspection Service, and the Federal Law Enforcement Train-

ing Center. The BTS performs security functions previously

under the direction of the U.S. Customs Service and the

MMIGRATION AND

ATURALIZATION

ERVICE

. The Emer-

gency Preparedness and Response Directorate (EPR) is

responsible for preparing against terrorist attack and natural

disasters and for overseeing necessary recoveries. The Science

and Technology Directorate (S&T) is devoted to research and

development necessary for preparing against and responding

to potential terrorist attacks involving weapons of mass

destruction. The Information Analysis and Infrastructure Pro-

tection Directorate (IAIP) identifies and assesses intelligence

information from many sources, issues warnings, and recom-

mends preventive action. The Management Directorate is

responsible for management and personnel matters related to

the work of the DHS.

In addition to the five directorates, other agencies work

under the umbrella of the DHS. Except in time of war or

under the direct order of the president, the U.S. C

OAST

UARD

operates under the DHS. The U.S. Secret Service is

responsible for protecting government officials from harm

and the U.S. currency from counterfeiting. The Bureau of

Citizenship and Immigration Services, which includes the

U.S. C

ITIZENSHIP AND

MMIGRATION

ERVICES

, adminis-

ters immigration policy and provides services to all immi-

grants. The Office of State and Local Government

Coordination ensures a coordinated response in case of ter-

rorist attack, while the Office of Private Sector Liaison

enables businesses, trade associations, and other nongovern-

mental organizations to work directly with the DHS on any

security issues. The Office of Inspector General operates

independently to audit and investigate any allegations of

fraud, inefficiency, or mismanagement within the DHS.

The relative importance and particular responsibilities of the

various directorates and agencies are likely to change as the

DHS develops.

Further Reading

Anikeeff, Anthony H., et al. Homeland Security Law Handbook.

Rockville, Md.: ABS Consulting, 2003.

utikofer

, Nathan R. United States Land Border Security Policy: The

National S

ecurity Implications of 9/11 on the “Nation of Immi-

grants” and Free Trade in North America. Monterey, Calif.: Naval

ostgraduate School, 2003.

ressle, Sharon S. Homeland Security Act of 2002: Legislative History

and P

opagation. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Ser-

vice, 2002.

aynes,

Wendy. “Seeing Around Corners: Crafting the New Depart-

ment of Homeland Security.” Review of Policy Research 21, no. 3

(2004): 369–395.

Homeland Security Statutes. Rockville, Md.: Government Institutes,

ABS Consulting, 2003.

United S

tates Department of Homeland Security Handbook. Washing-

ton, D.C.: International B

usiness Publications, 2003.

United States Department of Homeland Security Web site. Available

online. URL: http://www.dhs.gov/dhspublic. Accessed July 5,

2004.

Department of Manpower and Immigration

The Department of Manpower and Immigration, created by

the Government Organization Act of 1966, was the branch

of the Canadian government responsible for administering

immigration policies between 1966 and 1994. The measure

consolidated various functions previously performed by the

Department of Citizenship and Immigration and the

Department of Labour and formed the basis for the struc-

ture of Canadian immigration management into the 21st

century.

When Liberals were returned to office in 1963, they

began systematically to analyze immigration guidelines,

fearful of the substantial increase in unskilled immigrants.

Determining that Canada’s future immigration policy

should be closely tied to the country’s economic needs, the

Liberals introduced a number of reforming measures,

including the Government Organization Act. Most powers

relating to immigrants as laborers would rest with the Man-

power Division. According to the guiding theory of the

reorganization, all employment services would be provided

equally to all residents, both long established and new

arrivals. As Freda Hawkins observed in Canada and Immi-

ation: P

ublic Policy and Public Concern, theoretically “it

would make no difference whether a man arrived at a

Toronto Canada Manpower Centre fr

om Rome, Halifax, or

Sudbury—he would have the same treatment.” In fact, this

led to what one critic called a “twilight zone in the planning

and development of services for immigrants to facilitate

their adjustment to Canadian life.” Critics during the

debate condemned the measure as a “grave error of national

policy.” Nevertheless, the Government Organization Act

became law on June 16, 1966. It created a Department of

Manpower and Immigration and a Department of Indian

Affairs and Northern Development, while putting matters

of citizenship under the secretary of state. The Immigration

Appeal Board Act, passed on March 23, 1967, established

an appeal board completely independent of the new

Department of Manpower and Immigration. In 1994 a fur-

ther reorganization created the Department of Citizenship

and Immigration Canada (CIC), once again linking citi-

zenship and immigration procedures in the same govern-

ment department.

Further Reading

Hawkins, Freda. Canada and Immigration: Public Policy and P

ublic

Concern. 2d ed. Kingston and Montreal: McGill–Queen’s Uni-

versity P

ress, 1988.

7676 DEPARTMENT OF MANPOWER AND IMMIGRATION

House of Commons Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immi-

gration. Canadian Citizenship: A Sense of Belonging. Ottawa: Pub-

lic W

orks and Government Services Canada, June 1944.

Detroit, Michigan

Located on the Detroit River, which separates the United

States from Canada, Detroit became one of the great indus-

trial cities of the United States by the end of the 19th cen-

tury, attracting immigrant labor from eastern Europe and

the Middle East. It became an important cultural hub for

Italians, Bulgarians, Romanians, and Serbs, among others.

From the 1970s, greater Detroit became increasingly recog-

nized as the center of Arab settlement in the United States,

with a population of approximately 200,000.

France’s Fort Pontchartrain, established in 1701, was

the first settlement founded along the north bank of the

Detroit River. The opening of the Erie Canal in 1825

encouraged settlement from New York and New England,

and completion of the Sault (Soo) Sainte Marie Canals

along the Canadian border fostered the early development of

Detroit as an industrial center. Between 1860 and 1880,

the population grew from 45,600 to 116,000. A good trans-

port system and a large supply of labor helped Detroit

become the capital of the automotive industry during the

early 20th century, and by 1910, the population had

jumped to 465,766. Although the percentage of foreign-

born immigrants declined from 44 percent in 1870 to 40

percent in 1890 and 34 percent in 1910, the dramatic

increase in population meant that the majority of citizens

during this period were either first- or second-generation

immigrants. Prior to World War I (1914–18), Detroit plants

and factories attracted large numbers of Greeks, Macedo-

nians, Poles, Romanians, and Serbs. Syrian Druzes and

Ottoman Turks created significant Muslim communities

that would later serve as magnets for their coreligionists

from other parts of the Middle East. Between 1880 and

1920, the largest non-Anglo ethnic groups in the city were

Irish, Germans, and Poles.

With passage of the restrictive J

OHNSON

-R

EED

1924, Detroit plants and factories increasingly turned to

domestic labor supplies, mainly poor southerners, both

black and white. Earlier immigrants nevertheless continued

to migrate to Detroit for jobs, and Canada provided a back-

door for unauthorized immigration. With U.S. entry into

World War II (1939–45) in 1941, the auto plants were

transferred to military production, further stimulating the

northward migration. Between 1910 and 1950, the popula-

tion more than tripled to 1,849,568. As overcrowding

became a problem and crime increased, by the late 1950s,

people who could afford to were rapidly moving to the sub-

urbs. At the same time, Arabs from a variety of religious

and ethnic backgrounds were migrating westward from New

York City and by 1970, had made Detroit the leading Arab

city in the United States, with a population of more than

70,000. The auto industry and the large Muslim commu-

nity continued to attract immigrants from the Middle East,

especially Iraqis, Yemenis, Palestinians, and Bosniaks.

Despite provisions of the N

ORTH

MERICAN

REE

RADE

GREEMENT

(NAFTA) which have encouraged the export

of industrial jobs, Detroit remained the automotive capital

of the country into the 21st century.

The 1990s saw a massive influx of Hispanic and Asian

immigrants to Detroit, significantly altering the ethnic char-

acter of the city. Asian growth, including those from mul-

tiracial backgrounds, jumped 133 percent, and Hispanics 61

percent. In 2000, metropolitan Detroit had the seventh

largest foreign-born population in the United States, though

its percentage of foreign born was relatively low at 7.4 per-

cent. It is only 14th in the nation as a magnet for immi-

grants, but still attracts people from around the world. The

largest communities are still the older, largely assimilated

German, Irish, Polish, and Italian. In 2000, however, the

official Mexican and Arab populations were both over

100,000, with the actual figure much higher. Among the

recent ethnic groups, the largest were Asian Indians

(49,782), Lebanese (47,411), and Iraqis (10,628). As one

journalist put it, Detroit “is more of a mosaic than a blend

of racially mixed people.”

Further Reading

Abraham, Nabeel. “The Yemeni Immigration Community of Detroit:

Background, E

migration, and Community Life.” In Arabs in the

New Wor

ld. Eds. Sameer Y. Abraham and Nabeel Abraham.

Detroit: Wayne State U

niversity Press, 1983.

Abraham, Nabeel, and Andrew Shryock, eds. Arab Detroit: From Mar-

gin to Mainstream. Detroit: Wayne State University Pr

ess, 2000.

Arellano, Amber, and Kathleen Gray. “A Shifting Ethnic Mosaic.”

Detroit Free Press, March 29, 2001. Available online. URL:

http://www

.fr

eep.com/news/census/crace29_20010329.htm.

Accessed February 20, 2004.

Sengstock, M.C. “Iraqi Christians in Detroit: An Analysis of an Eth-

nic Occupation.” In Arabic-Speaking Communities in American

ities. E

d. B. C. Aswad. New York: Center for Migration Stud-

ies and Association of Arab-American University Graduates,

1974.

argas, Zaragoza. Proletarians of the North: A History of Mexican Indus-

trial Wo

rkers in Detroit and the Midwest. 1917–1933. Berkeley:

Univ

ersity of California Press, 1993.

Vinyard, J. M. The Irish on the Urban Frontier: Detroit, 1850–1880.

New Y

ork: Arno Press, 1974.

Zunz, Olivier. The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Indus-

trial Dev

elopment, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880–1920.

Chicago: Univ

ersity of Chicago P

ress, 1982.

Dillingham Commission

Between 1907 and 1910 the Dillingham Commission,

established by the U.S. government, completed a study

77DILLINGHAM COMMISSION 77

whose findings reflected the popular opinion of many

native-born Americans that new immigrants from eastern

and southern Europe were less desirable than earlier immi-

grants from western and northern Europe. The commis-

sion’s recommendation of a literacy test was not adopted at

the time, but a bill embodying the restriction was finally

passed over President Woodrow Wilson’s veto in 1917. The

commission’s findings also served as the basis of additional

restrictive immigration legislation in the 1920s.

An I

MMIGRATION

in 1907 codified and extended

previous restrictive legislation and established a commission

to evaluate U.S. immigration policy. Commission members

from the Senate were Chairman William Paul Dillingham of

Vermont (a Republican), Henry Cabot Lodge of Mas-

sachusetts (Republican), and Asbury Latimer of South Car-

olina (Democrat); members from the House of

Representatives were Benjamin F. Howell of New Jersey

(Republican), William S. Bennet of New York (Republican),

and John L. Burnett of Alabama (Democrat); and presiden-

tial appointees were William R. Wheeler, Jeremiah W. Jenks,

and Charles P. Neill. On December 5, 1910, a two-volume

summary of the commission’s findings was presented to

Congress, and early in the following year, the massive 42-

volume report was released. The commission’s study con-

cluded that during the 1880s a fundamental change

occurred in immigration to the United States. Most who

had come under the “old” immigration “mingled freely

with . . . native Americans,” and thus were assimilated. The

NEW IMMIGRATION

that had begun around 1883 was

marked by an increase in transient, unskilled laborers who

flocked to urban enclaves where they resisted assimilation.

Recommendations of the committee included

1. new immigration legislation should “look especially

to the economic well-being of our people”

2. industry should not be promoted to the detriment

of wage levels and conditions of employment

3. a five-year period of deportability for immigrants

accused of serious crimes, and a three-year period of

deportability for those who become public charges

4. continuation of restrictions on Chinese, Japanese,

and Korean immigration

5. further restrictions on unskilled immigrants

6. a literacy test as the best means of restricting immi-

gration

Although there is much of value in the information and

statistics gathered by the commission, its conclusions reflect

the restrictionist bias of the committee members, who estab-

lished an artificial dichotomy between “old” and “new”

immigrants that obscured many variations from one ethnic

group to another. The commission also failed to consider the

effect of the recency of immigration, which clearly affected

education, achievement, and rate of assimilation.

Further Reading

Handlin, Oscar. Race and Nationality in American Life. B

oston: Little,

Brown, 1957.

Hutchinson, E. P. Legislative History of American Immigration Policy,

1798–1965. Philadelphia: U

niversity of Pennsylvania Press,

1981.

Jones, Maldwyn A. American Immigration. Chicago: University of

Chicago P

ess, 1960.

Report of the United States Immigration Commission. 41 vols. Washing-

ton, D.C., 1911.

Displaced Persons Act (United States) (1948)

Bills to assist central European refugees were brought before

Congress in 1937 and 1939, but it was not found necessary

to pass new legislation because the number of refugees could

be accommodated under existing legislation. The magnitude

of the refugee problem was so greatly enhanced by the

destruction of World War II (1939–45), however, that new

legislation became imperative. By mid-1945, there were

already almost 2 million displaced persons, with thousands

still fleeing from Soviet domination in eastern Europe (see

ORLD

AND IMMIGRATION

). The main provisions

of the Displaced Persons Act included approval of 220,000

visas to be issued for two years without regard to quota but

charged to the appropriate quotas in future years; up to

3,000 nonquota visas for displaced orphans; and granting to

the attorney general, with the approval of Congress, the

right to adjust the status of up to 15,000 displaced persons

who entered the country prior to April 1, 1948.

The act was amended on June 16, 1950, to add another

121,000 visas, for a total of 341,000, through June 1951,

chargeable against future quotas at a maximum rate of one-

fourth of quotas for three fiscal years (1951–54) and at one-

half of quotas thereafter as needed. The number of visas for

orphans was raised to 5,000 and taken as a part of the total

authorization of 341,000. The provision for adjusting the

status of previously admitted displaced persons was

extended to those who had entered the United States prior

to April 30, 1949. An additional section was added to the

Displaced Persons Act, providing 5,000 additional non-

quota visas for orphans under the age of 10 who were com-

ing for adoption, to an agency, or to reside with close

relatives.

On June 28, 1951, the Displaced Persons Act was again

amended to extend the time for issuing the 341,000 visas to

the end of 1951 and through the first half of 1952 for dis-

placed orphans.

Further Reading

Daniels, Roger. Guarding the Golden Door: American Immigration Pol-

icy and Immigr

ants since 1882. New York: Hill and Wang, 2004.

Holborn, Louise

W. The International Refugee Organization, a Spe-

cialized A

gency of the United Nations: Its History and Work,

1946–1952. London: Oxford University Press, 1956.

7878 DISPLACED PERSONS ACT

Hutchinson, E. P. Legislative History of American Immigration Policy,

1798–1965. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981.

Zucker

, Norman L., and Naomi Flink Zucker. The Guarded Gate: The

Reality of American R

efugee Policy. San Diego, Calif.: Harcourt

race Jovanovich, 1987.

Dominican immigration

Between 1980 and 2000, the Dominican Republic was sec-

ond only to Mexico among source nations in the Western

Hemisphere for immigration to the United States. In the

U.S. census of 2000 and the Canadian census of 2001,

764,945 Americans and 4,965 Canadians claimed Domini-

can descent. The Immigration and Naturalization Service

estimated that there were also about 91,000 Dominicans in

the country illegally, though many observers believe the

actual figure to be two or three times that amount. Most

Dominicans in the United States live in the Northeast, with

by far the greatest concentration—about 550,000—in the

New York metropolitan area.

The Dominican Republic occupies 18,700 square miles

of the island of Hispaniola in the West Indies between 18

and 20 degrees north latitude. The Atlantic Ocean forms the

northern coastline, the Caribbean, the south. Haiti occupies

the western portion of Hispaniola and the island of Puerto

Rico is the nearest to the east. A high mountain range rises

in the center of the country forming a fertile valley in the

north. In 2002, the population was estimated at 8,581,477.

The people are of mixed ethnicities, including whites and

blacks, and almost all are Roman Catholic. C

HRISTOPHER

OLUMBUS

landed on Hispaniola in 1492 and found native

Arawak and Carib Indians. Spain held the island until 1697

when the western third was ceded to France and named

Haiti. In 1801, the eastern portion of the island was seized

by Haitians and then ruled intermittently by Haiti or Spain

throughout the 19th century. U.S. Marines occupied the

country from 1916 to 1924, when a constitutional govern-

ment was established. From 1930 to 1961, General Rafael

Leonidas Trujillo Molina subjected the island to harsh rule.

Following Trujillo’s assassination in 1961, the country

moved toward anarchy and civil war. Fear of a communist

takeover led to a U.S. invasion in 1965 in support of a pro-

Western regime, and a 17-month occupation. Former Tru-

jillo aide Joaquín Balaguer was subsequently elected and

remained in office almost continuously until 1996.

During the Trujillo regime, fewer than 17,000 mostly

privileged Dominicans left the island. With Trujillo’s assassi-

nation and the resulting political instability of the 1960s, the

number of immigrants increased, leading to a substantial

Dominican community even before the new provisions of

the I

MMIGRATION AND

ATIONALITY

(1965) took

effect. Over the next 40 years, the tide increased dramati-

cally, with more than 93,000 coming in the 1960s, 148,000

in the 1970s, 252,000 in the 1980s, and 335,000 in the

1990s. The emigration was fueled by the dramatic shift from

an isolated, agricultural country to a more diversified econ-

omy, including significant manufacturing sectors. As a result

of international loans, the Dominican Republic went deeply

into debt, and eventually a large percentage of the workforce

was displaced. During the 1960s and 1970s, Dominicans

found work in northern U.S. cities, as previous residents fled

to the suburbs and the American economy evolved, requir-

ing a greater number of unskilled laborers in a variety of

service industries. During the 1980s, Dominicans sent hun-

dreds of millions of dollars to their country. Dominican

migrants tended to be young (averaging 22 years of age), 60

percent women, and often coming as sojourners who

intended someday to return to their island home.

Between 1985 and 1995, it is estimated that almost

one-10th of the Dominican Republic’s population of 7.5

million emigrated, almost 60 percent coming to the United

States. Dominicans have one of the highest rates of depen-

dence on public assistance of any immigrant group, and the

highest among nonrefugees. Immigration peaked between

1990 and 1994, when it averaged 45,000 annually. Between

1998 and 2002, the number remained steady at around

20,000 per year.

Immigrants of the 1960s and 1970s sometimes came

for political reasons, though they were seldom formally clas-

sified as refugees. Most came for economic opportunity, a

trend that increased as the Dominican economy imploded

during the 1980s. A small but highly visible minority of

Dominicans came to the United States to play professional

baseball. In 2002, 1,630 of the 3,066 (53 percent) profes-

sional baseball players born outside the 50 states were from

the Dominican Republic, including stars such as Sammy

Sosa, Vladimir Guerrero, Pedro Martínez, Manny Ramírez,

and Albert Pujols. More than 90 percent of Canadian

Dominicans immigrated after 1980.

Further Reading

Aponte, Sarah. Dominican Migration to the United States, 1970–1997:

An A

nnotated Bibliography. New York: CUNY Dominican Stud-

ies Institute, 1999.

tkins, G. Pope, and Larman C. Wilson. The Dominican Republic and

the U

nited S

tates: From Imperialism to Transnationalism. Athens:

Univ

ersity of Georgia Press, 1998.

Eugenia, Georges. The Making of a Transnational Community. New

k: Columbia University Press, 1990.

Gmelch, G. Double Passage: The Lives of Caribbean Migrants Abroad

and B

ack H

ome. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,

1992.

rasmuck, S

herri, and Patricia Pessar. Between Two Islands: Dominican

Inter

national Migration. Berkeley: University of California Press,

1991.

———. “D

ominicans in the U

nited States: First- and Second-Gener-

ation Settlement, 1960–1990.” In Origins and Destinies: Immi-

gration, Race, and Ethnicity in America. Eds. Silvia Pedraza and

Ruben G. R

umbaut. Belmont, Calif: Wadsworth, 1996.

79DOMINICAN IMMIGRATION 79

Kasinitz, Phillip. Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Poli-

tics of Race. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992.

Klein, Alan M. Sugarball: The American Game, the Dominican Dream.

w Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991.

Mitchell, Christopher. “U.S. Foreign Policy and Dominican Migra-

tion to the United States.” In Western Hemisphere Immigration

and U

nited S

tates Foreign Policy. Ed. Christopher Mitchell. U

ni-

versity Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992.

Palmer, R. W. Pilgrims from the Sun: West Indian Migration to Amer-

ica. Ne

w York: Twayne, 1995.

essar, Patricia. “The Dominicans: Women in the Household and

Garment Industry.” In New Immigrants in New York. Ed. Nancy

oner

. New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.

Richardson, Bonham. Caribbean Migration. Knoxville: University of

ennessee P

ress, 1983.

Torres-Saillant, Silvio, and Ramona Hernández. The Dominican

mericans. W

estport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1998.

Dominion Lands Act (Canada) (1872)

The Dominion Lands Act was designed to entice settlers to

the western prairies of Canada by granting 160 acres of free

land to anyone 21 years of age or older who paid a $10 reg-

istration fee, built a permanent residence, planted at least 30

acres of land, and lived on the land six consecutive months

for three years. Women were allowed to claim lands only if

they were the sole heads of families. Although not very suc-

cessful in attracting foreign immigrants, the offer of free

land did entice thousands of Canadians to leave Ontario and

Quebec for the opportunities of the west.

After acquiring Rupert’s Land and the Northwest Terri-

tories from the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1869, the Cana-

dian government was eager to attract settlers to the region. A

transcontinental railway had been promised in hopes of per-

suading British Columbia to join the Canadian confedera-

tion in 1871, yet it was unlikely to be a successful

commercial venture without customers along the way. Also,

there was concern about U.S. aggression in some border

regions, particularly in the Red River region of Manitoba.

As a result, S

OHN

LEXANDER

ACDONALD

’s govern-

ment fashioned the Dominion Lands Act and based it on the

United States’s successful H

OMESTEAD

(1862). Despite

the generous provisions, most European immigrant farmers

chose to settle in the United States. Although homestead

entries averaged about 3,000 annually between 1874 and

1896, there were in many years almost as many cancellations.

In 1874, the government of Alexander Mackenzie amended

the act to provide for sale of land at reduced prices to colo-

nization companies that would develop lands at no cost to

the government. Although many schemes were put forward,

only one of 26 major efforts was successful. Ultimately, sig-

nificant group settlements of Mennonites, Hungarians, Jews,

and Icelanders were attracted to the Canadian west, but most

came under specially negotiated group settlement programs.

Further Reading

Johnson, Stanley C. A History of Emigration from the United Kingdom

to N

orth America, 1763–1912. London: G. Routledge, 1913.

Macdonald, N

orman. Canada: Immigration and Colonization,

1841–1903. Tor

onto: Macmillan of Canada, 1966.

orrie, K. H. “The Rate of Settlement of the Canadian Prairies,

1870–1911.” In Perspectives on Canadian Economic History. Ed.

Douglas M

cCalla.

Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1987.

Douglas,Thomas (fifth earl of Selkirk, Lord

Selkirk) (1771–1820)

businessman, philanthropist

Thomas Douglas, fifth earl of Selkirk, was a Whig politician

and philanthropist who was deeply concerned for the welfare

of Scottish crofters (tenant farmers with very small holdings)

being driven from the Highlands during the clearances—the

removal of former tenant farmers by legislatively “enclosing”

communal lands—after 1750. He founded a prosperous set-

tlement of 800 Highlanders on P

RINCE

DWARD

SLAND

1803 and a less successful settlement of 15 families at Bal-

doon, Upper Canada, in 1804. After acquiring a controlling

interest in the Hudson’s Bay Company between 1808 and

1812, Lord Selkirk convinced the governing committee to

sell him 116,000 square miles of Rupert’s Land, extending

from Lake Winnipeg in the north to the headwaters of the

Red River in the south. In one of the great land deals of all

time, Selkirk purchased a tract of land almost as large as

Britain and Ireland combined for the cost of 10 shillings,

financial provisions for 200 company men, and a promise to

settle 1,000 people within 10 years. The settlement of 270

Scots in the R

IVER COLONY

(1812–16) led to vigorous

opposition from the North West Fur Company and eventu-

ally to bloodshed, when company troops drove colonists

from Fort Douglas and Fort Daer in 1815 and 1816. Selkirk

personally led an attack on the North West Fur Company’s

chief post of Fort William, reestablishing his settlement as

Kildonan (1817). A protracted legal struggle cost much of his

fortune. His projects nevertheless laid the foundations of

Winnipeg and Manitoba. Selkirk wrote two major works,

Observations on the Present State of the Highlands of Scotland

(1805) and A S

ketch of the British Fur Trade in North Amer-

ica (1816). H

e returned to Scotland in 1818.

Further Reading

Bowsfield, Hartwell. Selkirk. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, 1968.

yce, George. The Life of Lord Selkirk: Coloniser of Western Canada.

Toronto: Musson, 1912.

yce, George. Mackenzie, Selkirk, Simpson. London: Oxford Univer-

sity Press, 1926.

ray

, J. M. Lord Selkirk of Red River. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada,

1963.

Mar

tin, C. Lord Selkirk’s Work in Canada. Toronto: Oxford University

ress, 1916.

Selkirk, Lord. The Collected Writings of Lord Selkirk, 1799–1820. 2

vols. E

d. J. M. Bumsted. Winnipeg, Canada: Manitoba Record

Society, 1984, 1988.

8080 DOMINION LANDS ACT

———. Lord Selkirk’s Diary, 1803–1804: A Journal of his Travels in

British North America and the Northeastern United States. Ed.

Patrick C.

T. White. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1958.

Durham Report

Following a series of rebellions in Canada in 1837 John

George Lambton, Lord Durham, was commissioned by the

British government to temporarily govern Canada, to inves-

tigate the causes of discontent, and to make recommenda-

tions regarding British governance of the region. Durham

completed his report in 1839, recommending that Upper

and Lower Canada be united and that responsible govern-

ment be granted.

Following the War of 1812 (1812–15), the rapid influx

of English, Irish, and Scottish immigrants caused many

French Canadians to fear that their cultural heritage and

special political status in Lower Canada (Q

UEBEC

) would be

lost. With the French controlling the legislature and the

English controlling the legislative council, it was difficult to

reach a political consensus. In Upper Canada (Ontario),

farmers and minority religious groups were dissatisfied with

the heavy-handed political control of the landowners, mer-

chants, and clergy of the Church of England. Loss of faith in

the colonial government led to revolts in Lower Canada

(November 1837, November 1838) and Upper Canada

(December 1837). Though the colonial militia was able to

quickly defeat the insurrectionists, it was clear to British offi-

cials that the colonial system of government in Canada

needed reform.

In order to facilitate a thorough reform, Lord Durham

was given unprecedented powers. He was appointed gover-

nor in chief of the Canadas, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,

and Prince Edward Island, as well as being given the new

title of governor-general, which also covered Newfound-

land. As high commissioner, he had responsibility “for the

adjustment of certain important questions . . . respecting

the form and future government” of Lower and Upper

Canada. Durham arrived in Quebec at the end of May

1838, spending most of his time in Lower Canada until

his departure on November 1. Durham’s report, completed

by the end of January 1839, acknowledged a deeply rooted

hostility between British and French interests, recommend-

ing that the old policy of endeavoring “to preserve a French

Canadian nationality in the midst of Anglo-American

colonies and states” should be abandoned. As a result,

Durham recommended that the two Canadas be combined,

giving English speakers (550,000) a clear majority over the

French (450,000) and one that would naturally be

increased “by the influence of English emigration.”

Durham also recommended that provisions be made for

other North American colonies to join a Canadian confed-

eration. In the Act of Union (1840), the British govern-

ment followed Durham’s recommendation to unite the

colonies, but they chose not to grant responsible govern-

ment, fearing loss of colonial control. Although responsible

government was not immediately granted, the union led to

a united reform movement and an eventual grant of self-

government under Durham’s son-in-law, James Bruce, Lord

Elgin, in 1848.

Further Reading

Craig, Gerald M. Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784–1841.

Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1963.

urham, Earl of

. Life and Letters of the First Earl of Durham,

1792–1840. Ed. S. J. Reid. London: Longmans, Green, 1906.

tin, Ged. Britain and the Origins of Canadian Confederation,

1837–1867. Vancouver, Canada: University of British Columbia

ess, 1995.

Dutch immigration

Coming to the Hudson River Valley of New York as early as

1614, the Dutch were among the earliest European settlers

in the New World and exerted considerable political and

economic influence in New York well into the 19th cen-

tury. Their descendants formed the first significant migra-

tion to Canada as part of the Loyalist evacuation during

and after the American Revolution (1775–83, see A

MERI

CAN

EVOLUTION AND IMMIGRATION

). In the U.S. census

of 2000 and the Canadian census of 2001, 4,542,494 Amer-

icans and 923,310 Canadians claimed Dutch descent. As

the earliest area of Dutch settlement (1621), New Amster-

dam, later New York City (see N

ORK

remained their cultural center. The earliest Dutch Canadi-

ans settled in N

OVA

COTIA

and N

RUNSWICK

, though

later immigrants concentrated in Toronto, Ontario, and

Vancouver, British Columbia.

The Netherlands occupies 13,100 square miles of north-

western Europe along the North Sea between 51 and 54

degrees north latitude. Germany lies to the east and Belgium

to the south. The land is flat and barely above sea level. An

extensive network of dikes is utilized to reclaim and protect

lowlying farmland. Netherland dependencies include several

Caribbean islands known as the Netherlands Antilles and

Aruba. The population of the Netherlands, estimated at

15,981,472 in 2002, is highly urbanized. Thirty-four percent

of the people identify themselves as Roman Catholic and 25

percent as Protestant. Julius Caesar first conquered the region,

which was originally inhabited by Celtic and Germanic tribes.

After the collapse of Charlemagne’s empire in the ninth cen-

tury, northwestern Europe entered into an era of regional

nobilities. During the 14th century the region fell under the

control of the dukes of Burgundy and in the early 16th cen-

tury became part of the Spanish Habsburg empire. In 1579,

a confederation of lowland provinces was formed, leading to

a declaration of Netherlander independence in 1581. During

the 17th century, the Dutch republic rose to imperial,

81DUTCH IMMIGRATION 81

economic, and cultural renown, establishing colonies in

North America (New Netherland), South America (Suriname

and an area of Brazil), the Caribbean, South Africa, India

and Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka), and the East Indies. Its

merchant fleet was the largest in Europe. In 1795, the Nether-

lands became part of the French Batavian Republic. In the set-

tlement of the Napoleonic Wars (1803–15), diplomats at the

Congress of Vienna combined Belgium and the Netherlands

as a brake against future French expansion. Belgium, French-

speaking and Catholic, seceded in 1830. Despite neutrality

during World War II (1939–45), the Netherlands was occu-

pied by Germany from 1940 to 1945. In 1949, following

years of fighting, the Netherlands granted colonial Indonesia

its independence. Irian Jaya was ceded in 1963. Since World

War II, immigration to the Netherlands from its former impe-

rial colonies has reshaped the ethnic composition of the

Dutch population.

Dutch immigration to North America occurred in three

stages. The earliest, from 1614 to 1664, centered on the

commercial venture of the New Netherland colony. Fort

Nassau (later Albany) was founded in 1614, and the region

was later developed by the Dutch West India Company.

New Netherland was never very attractive to Dutch com-

mercialists, however. By 1664, when England wrested con-

trol of the region from the Netherlands, the population of

the colony was less than 10,000, and only 70 percent of

these were Dutch. Although immigration from the Nether-

lands almost totally ceased, by the first U.S. census in 1790,

the Dutch population was estimated at 100,000, testimony

to the high rate of natural increase among all Americans.

In the pioneer, or “free,” stage of immigration between

1820 and 1914, some 200,000 Dutch migrated to Amer-

ica, most of them peasants and artisans. Low mortality rates

and high fertility fueled a rapid rise in population. Dutch

8282 DUTCH IMMIGRATION

Netherlands ambassador J. H. van Roijin and his wife greet Dutch immigrants arriving by ship in Montreal, June 1947.Thousands of

Dutch agriculturalists immigrated to Canada after World War II as part of the Netherlands Farm Families Movement, a program

jointly sponsored by the Canadian and Dutch governments.

(Photo by George Hunter/National Archives of Canada/PA-123476)

citizens suffered from other problems common to most

European countries of the period, including high taxes and

widespread government regulations. The Holland Land

Company offered land for sale in America, principally in

New York State, but during the first four decades of the 19th

century, only a few dozen Dutch emigrated annually. Eval-

uating the raw numbers is difficult because there were sig-

nificant numbers of Belgian and German workers in

Holland. Legal actions taken against pietistic Calvinists after

their secession from the national church in 1834, and the

effects of potato blight in the mid-1840s led to increased

group immigration, with most representing the lower mid-

dle classes, including farmers and artisans. Between 1840

and 1940, emigration was about 250,000, considerably

smaller than emigration from comparable countries like

Sweden. Though the Dutch economy was often weak, emi-

grants frequently chose to settle in Dutch colonies in the

East and West Indies. Nevertheless, by the mid-1840s, a

small but steady stream of mainly Orthodox Calvinists

began to concentrate in Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, and

Illinois. The famine year of 1847 saw 8,090 Dutch migrate

(from a population of just more than 3 million), a rate of

migration that would never again be approached. Often

congregations followed a pastor or other recognized leader.

During the 1860s, the pattern of Dutch migration

shifted from smaller groups to a mass movement, facilitated

by the development of railways and other systems of trans-

portation. Throughout the 1870s, Dutch immigration to

the United States averaged about 1,000 per year. As grain

prices dropped worldwide from the late 1870s and industrial

crops such as madder and colza (rape) became obsolete, the

Dutch compensated by concentrating on labor-intensive

fruits, vegetables, and flowers, and the use of artificial fertil-

izers in order to stave off agricultural crisis. Although emi-

gration prior to World War I (1914–18) never reached the

proportions of other countries in western Europe, a vigorous

campaign by dissident religious groups, business companies,

transportation companies, and governmental agencies led to

increased migration that peaked in 1882 when 9,517 immi-

grated to the United States. Rates of migration remained rel-

atively high between 1907 and 1913 (averaging 119 per

100,000).

Only in the 1890s were the first significant agricultural

settlements established in Canada, mostly in Saskatchewan

and Alberta as cheap land became more difficult to find in

the United States. Although the Dutch population in

Canada was about 30,000 in 1871, most were Canadian

born. Numbers thereafter grew gradually, to about 56,000

in 1911. As U.S. immigration policy became more restric-

tive in the 1920s, Dutch agriculturalists increasingly turned

to Canada, settling mainly in Ontario. The Dutch immi-

gration was unusual in its exceptionally low rate of return

migration (less than 5 percent before 1890) and its high

rate of single-stage migration to an intended destination

(near 70 percent).

The third stage of Dutch immigration came between

1945 and the early 1960s, when the devastation of World

War II (1939–45) caused severe housing shortages and con-

siderable economic dislocation, leading some 80,000 to

immigrate to the United States. The Canadian government

admitted some 5,000 Dutch refugees and 15,000 Dutch

farmers under the Netherlands Farm Families Movement

program, seeking to encourage settlement in rural areas.

With the improvement of the Dutch economy in the 1960s,

immigration decreased dramatically. Between 1991 and

2002, more than 15,000 Netherlanders immigrated to the

United States.

Further Reading

Brinks, Herbert J. Dutch American Voices: Letters from the United States,

1850–1930. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995.

anz

evoort, Herman. A Bittersweet Land: The Dutch Experience in

anada, 1890–1980. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, Depart-

ment of the Secr

etary of State, 1988.

Hinte, Jacob von. Netherlanders in America: A Study of Emigration and

ettlement in the N

ineteenth and Twentieth Centuries in the United

States of America. Ed. Robert P. Swier

enga.

Trans. Adriaan de Wit.

Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1985.

Ishwaran, K. Family, Kinship, and Community: A Study of Dutch Cana-

dians. Toronto: University of

Toronto Press, 1977.

Lucas, Henry S. Dutch Immigrant Memoirs and Related Works. 1955.

Reprint, Grand Rapids, M

ich.: Eerdmans, 1997.

———. Netherlanders in America: Dutch I

mmigr

ation to the United

States and Canada, 1789–1950. 1955. Reprint, Grand Rapids,

Mich.: E

erdmans, 1989.

Petersen, William. Planned Migration: The Social Determinants of the

Dutch-Canadian Mov

ement. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer-

sity of California Press, 1955.

Rink, Oliver A. Holland on the Hudson: An Economic and Social His-

tory of Dutch New Y

k. Cooperstown, N.Y.: Cornell Univ

ersity

Press, New York State Historical Association, 1986.

Ritchie, Robert C. The Duke’s Province. Chapel Hill: University of

North Car

olina P

ress, 1977.

Swierenga, Robert P. Faith and Family: Dutch Immigration and Settle-

nt in the United States, 1820–1920. New York: Holmes and

Meier, 2000.

DUTCH IMMIGRATION 83