Powell J. Encyclopedia Of North American Immigration

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

Further Reading

Esthus, Raymond A. Theodore Roosevelt and Japan. Seattle: University

Washington Press, 1967.

Kikumura, Akemi. Issei Pioneers: Hawaii and the Mainland, 1885 to

1924. Los Angeles: J

apanese American National Museum,

1992.

Morris, Edmund. Theodore Rex. New York: Random House, 2001.

Neu, C. E. An U

ncertain Friendship: Theodore Roosevelt and Japan,

1906–1909. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,

1967.

U.S. D

epar

tment of State. Report of the Hon. Roland S. Morris on

apanese Immigration and Alleged Discriminatory Legislation

against Japanese Residents in the United States. 1921. Reprint,

w York: Arno Press, 1978.

———. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1924. Washington,

D.C.: GPO, 1939.

Georgia colony

The Georgia colony was unique among Britain’s American

colonies. It was founded in 1732 as a penal colony for the

“worthy” poor in the disputed territory between the British

AROLINA COLONIES

and Spanish Florida. It was the last

British colony established on the Atlantic seaboard.

Fearing the possible northward expansion of Spain,

the British Crown granted General James Oglethorpe and

a board of trustees a charter for settling the land between

the Savannah and the Altamaha Rivers. Oglethorpe

believed that he could give London paupers a fresh start in

the New World, while also thwarting any Spanish aggres-

sion. Immigration was encouraged, but the terms were not

generous. A head of household could claim a grant of 50

acres of land and an additional 50 acres for each servant.

On the other hand, one could not amass more than 500

acres of land and could pass it down only to an eldest son;

otherwise, the land reverted to the trustees. Slavery was

prohibited.

Because the trustees in London retained total control

of the government of Georgia, the colonists complained

from the beginning. They harried Oglethorpe and the

trustees into making fundamental reforms. In 1738, land

and inheritance laws were made more liberal, and in 1750,

settlers were allowed to import slaves. In 1751, Georgia

was returned to the Crown, which authorized an assem-

bly. With the purchase of large tracts of lands from local

Indian tribes in 1763, 1766, and 1773, the government

was able to attract a wide variety of settlers seeking lands of

“the most fertile quality,” most notably several thousand

Scots-Irish who arrived by way of Charleston, as well as

small numbers of Austrian Lutherans and Moravians and

a Jewish community in Savannah. The coastal region

remained predominantly English, while the backcountry

filled with what historian Bernard Bailyn called “a remark-

ably poly-ethnic and poly-linguistic community.”

Further Reading

Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of Amer-

ica on the E

ve of the Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,

1986.

Coleman, K

enneth. C

olonial Georgia: A History. New York: Scrib-

ner

’s, 1976.

Davis, Harold E. The Fledgling Province: Social and Cultural Life in

Colonial G

eorgia, 1733–1776. C

hapel Hill: Institute of Early

American H

istory and Culture, University of North Carolina

Press, 1976.

German immigration

Germans are one of the few immigrant groups to substan-

tially define American character from the founding of the

republic to the turn of the 21st century. Almost 43 million

Americans claimed German ancestry in the 2000 U.S. cen-

sus, making them by far the largest ancestry group. Those

claiming English, Scottish, Scots-Irish, and Welsh descent

number about 35 million. German immigration was less

prominent in Canadian cultural development, though still

the largest group among the nonfounding peoples. In the

Canadian census of 2001, 2,742,765 Canadians claimed

German descent. The German heritage was not monolithic,

however, for Germans came at irregular intervals across four

centuries from many European states, bringing with them

diverse religious and political traditions. Though Anglo-

Americans misunderstood their aloofness during the colo-

nial era, Germans earned a reputation for industry, honesty,

and diligence. In the colonial period, German immigration

was concentrated in the P

ENNSYLVANIA COLONY

. During

the 19th century, German settlement shifted to the upper

Midwest and Great Plains, including Wisconsin, Minnesota,

North Dakota, South Dakota, and Nebraska, where Ger-

man influence was greatest. There were also significant Ger-

man concentrations in most of the major Atlantic seaports,

most notably New York City. German Canadians are widely

dispersed, with large numbers in Ontario, the prairie

provinces, British Columbia, and Nova Scotia.

Located in central Europe, Germany has an area of

137,846 square mile. It is bordered on the north by Den-

mark, on the east by Poland and the Czech Republic, on

the south by Austria and Switzerland, and on the west by

Luxembourg, Belgium, and the Netherlands. The Germanic

tribes of the region successfully resisted Roman encroach-

ments, but the region was not organized politically until

the early ninth century, when Charlemagne’s Holy Roman

Empire was formed. Throughout the Middle Ages, Ger-

many was largely ruled by an Austrian emperor as a decen-

tralized state with more than 300 separate principalities.

Two of these, Austria and Prussia, were major powers, but

most were small states, governed by an array of kings, dukes,

counts, margraves, electors, and ecclesiastical princes. In

addition to political diversity, Germans were divided in reli-

104104 GEORGIA COLONY

gion. From the time of the Protestant Reformation of the

16th century, most northern Germans adopted

Lutheranism, while most southern Germans remained

Roman Catholics, and there were dozens of smaller Protes-

tant sects scattered throughout the region. Political and reli-

gious diversity led to a wide variety of conditions under

which Germans chose to leave Europe. Some emigrated to

escape the restrictions of Lutheran or Catholic state

churches, while others sought personal freedoms unknown

in Europe. Most were seeking better economic opportuni-

ties. Napoléon’s conquest of Europe between 1796 and 1815

led to significant territorial changes, including the redrawing

of German boundaries. The German Confederation took

the place of the old Holy Roman Empire, and the number

of independent states was reduced to 39. During the 1860s,

Prussia outmaneuvered Austria politically and defeated her

militarily to gain the predominant hand in the future of a

united Germany. Following the Franco-Prussian War

(1870–71), the first German empire was established under

Prussian leadership and with Austria excluded. Widely

blamed by Europeans for bringing about World War I

(1914–18) and by her own people for losing the war, Ger-

many became politically destabilized in the 1920s, leading

to the rise of the National Socialist Workers’ (Nazi) Party

under Adolf Hitler. Again defeated in a world war

(1939–45), Germany was immediately divided into what

became a democratic and economically dynamic nation in

the west and a Soviet-dominated, state economy in the east.

During the

COLD WAR

, West Germany was the front line for

western resistance to the potential expansion of the Soviet

Union in Europe. In 1990, the two Germanies were

reunited, a move culturally welcomed but economically dif-

ficult and one that placed a drag on what had been one of

the world’s dynamic economies during the 1980s.

Poor Germans, including many Christian sectarians—

Mennonites (see M

ENNONITE IMMIGRATION

), Baptists,

Dunkers, Moravians, Brethren, and Schwenkfelders (see

CHWENKFELDER IMMIGRATION

)—came to America in the

18th and early 19th century as indentured servants (see

INDENTURED SERVITUDE

), and many of them were also

redemptioners. The redemption system enabled emigrants

to travel free of charge, with the shipowner recouping his

investment by selling the emigrant’s labor, usually for a four-

year term. German settlers were recruited by the London

Company for the first voyage to Jamestown (1607), and 13

German and Dutch Mennonite families seeking religious

freedom were brought by William Penn to the Pennsylvania

colony in 1681. Germans did not immigrate to North

America in large numbers until 1709, when bad crops and

heavy taxes drove several thousand of them to western New

York and Pennsylvania. In the 1750s, some 3,000 Germans

migrated to Nova Scotia, where they became known for

their skill in shipbuilding and fishing. Most Germans emi-

grated from Dutch ports on the North Sea, easily accessed

by citizens of states near the Rhine River: Pfalz, Baden,

Würtemberg, Hesse, Nassau, Cologne, Osnabrück, Mün-

ster, and Mainz. Most of the 100,000 immigrants to Amer-

ica entered through Philadelphia, settling in the nearby

countryside, where they became known as the Pennsylvania

Dutch (from a corruption of the German word for their

own people, the Deutsch). The S

EVEN

EARS

’W

(1756–63) and the A

MERICAN

EVOLUTION

(1775–83)

virtually ended German immigration to the United States

for 50 years and encouraged the gradual assimilation of the

first wave of German Americans. By 1790, when the first

U.S. census was taken, 8.6 percent of the American popula-

tion was German, with the heaviest concentration in Penn-

sylvania (33 percent).

While 13 colonies remained the primary destination

for German emigrants, two significant German groups set-

tled in Canada prior to the American Revolution. Some

2,000 Palatines settled in Lunenburg and Halifax between

1750 and 1752. Approximately 600 Palatines and Swabians

followed, settling in Nova Scotia in the 1760s. After the

Revolution, German Americans who had remained loyal

to the British Crown (United Empire Loyalists) were

granted free land in Canada. Most were either small farm-

ers or disbanded soldiers and were settled along the north-

ern shores of the St. Lawrence River, Lake Ontario, and

Lake Erie and in an area southeast of Montreal. Between

1778 and 1784, most of these German Loyalists traveled

inland routes to their new homes in Ontario, where they

formed the third most populous ethnic group (behind the

English and French) throughout the 19th and 20th cen-

turies. Finally, some 64 German families settled in York

County in 1794.

After the economic and political turmoil of the French

Revolution, French Revolutionary Wars, and Napoleonic

Wars (1789–1815), German immigration resumed on a

large scale. The southwestern German states, which had

been particularly hard hit by the effects of rapid population

growth, crop failures, high taxes, and an antiquated cottage

industry, continued to supply most of the emigrants via the

Rhine River and the port cities of Amersterdam, Rotterdam,

and Antwerp. The situation was worsened by declining

potato crops in 1842 and the complete failure of the crop

in 1846. German rulers sometimes sponsored organizations

such as the Central Society for German Emigrants (Berlin,

1844) and the National Emigration Society (Darmstadt,

1847) in order to alleviate domestic problems. With the

reduction of interstate German tolls by the Zollverein (tar-

iff union) in 1834, travel to the more desirable German

ports of Bremen and Hamburg became easier, encouraging

emigration from Westphalia, Oldenberg, Saxony, Prussia,

and Mecklenburg. The typical German immigrant after

1830 was more likely to be skilled and with some education,

choosing America or Canada as a place to maintain family

status, rather than to establish it.

105GERMAN IMMIGRATION 105

Immigration to the United States peaked proportionally

in the 1850s, with nearly a million German speakers emi-

grating to escape the effects of the abortive democratic

REV

OLUTIONS OF

1848, to flee social or religious persecution,

or simply to take advantage of the burgeoning American

economy. The economic downturn of the late 1850s and the

American Civil War (1861–65) discouraged immigration

for a decade, but it rebounded with the revival of the U.S.

economy (1866–73). With endemic low wages in Germany

and the unsettling effects of Prussian statesman Otto von

Bismarck’s wars of German unification (1863–71), many

Germans believed that prosperity would never return to

their homeland. Almost 1.5 million emigrated in the 1880s.

As German industry developed in the 1890s, displaced rural

workers more often migrated to German industrial centers

than to America, although almost 1 million still came

between 1890 and 1914.

Most of the 5 million Germans who immigrated to

America in the 19th century were agriculturalists, seeking

land, and thus were attracted to the Midwest—Ohio, Illi-

nois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Missouri. After

the Civil War, some whose families had migrated to Russia in

the late 18th century began to immigrate to America. Like

their cultural brethren from Germany, they were divided,

based on location (Black Sea area, Caucasus area, Volga area,

Volhynia area) and religious affiliation (Lutheran, Mennon-

ite, Hutterite Brethren). The freeing of Russian serfs (1862),

the introduction of compulsory military service (1871), and

attempts to force Russian education upon their communities

drove a substantial minority of the 1.5 million German-

speaking Russians to the United States, where they tended

to settle in the Great Plains states. By 1920, 45 percent of the

more than 300,000 German-speaking Russians lived in

North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Colorado. No

matter the country of origin, however, German immigrants

usually resisted assimilation. German-language parochial

schools were common. In rural areas, the immigrants clus-

tered around their particular churches—Lutheran, Reform,

Catholic, or one of the Pietist denominations. In cities such

as Milwaukee, Wisconsin; St. Louis, Missouri; Louisville,

Kentucky; and Cincinnati, Ohio, where Germans sometimes

numbered more than a quarter of the population, they

played a large role in shaping urban culture, establishing

newspapers, educational clubs, beer gardens, and mutual-

106106 GERMAN IMMIGRATION

Emigrants gather in Hamburg, Germany, to purchase tickets from the Hamburg-Amerika Line.The company provided a village for

prospective emigrants, including rooms, baths, churches, and synagogues.The sign above the clock reads “Mein Feld ist die Welt”

(My Field Is the World).

(National Archives #131-SSA-7)

benefit societies. Whether in rural or urban centers, German

clannishness had by mid-century already led to the rise of a

strong nativist feeling (see

NATIVISM

), which increased in

the years prior to World War I.

As second- and third-generation urban Germans gained

success as entrepreneurs, industrialists, and managers, they

began to adopt American urban culture and simultaneously

to shape it. German-language school enrollments peaked

between 1880 and 1900, when some 500,000 students were

being instructed at least in part in German. The German

family unit remained strong, especially on the farms and in

the communities of the Midwest and plains states. Rural

Germans, who owned more than 10 percent of American

farms in 1900, often continued to speak German and to

maintain their distinct culture well after World War II.

Canada continued to attract a small but steady stream

of German immigrants throughout the 19th century.

Between 1800 and 1830, numerous groups of New Jersey

and Pennsylvania Mennonites, pressured by overpopulation,

were attracted by free land grants and the promise of reli-

gious freedom. Most settled in Waterloo County, Ontario,

which then became a destination for later German immi-

grants, most of whom were not Mennonities. By the turn

of the 20th century, most of Ontario’s Germans had been

largely assimilated, though the more remote settlements of

Waterloo County retained their German distinctiveness into

the 21st century. After the mid-19th century, cheap land

became scarce in eastern Canada, prompting greater streams

of immigration to the western prairies. Between the 1870s

and 1911, some 140,000 people of German descent settled

on the Canadian plains, about one-third of them having

been born in Europe. This group included 7,500 Mennon-

ites who emigrated from Russia in the 1870s and settled in

southern Manitoba. Germans throughout Canada were

often praised as models of industriousness.

German cultural assimilation in both Canada and the

United States was proceeding rapidly when World War I

erupted in 1914. The German-language press in America,

30 percent smaller than it had been in 1894, was pro-Ger-

man and almost unanimously called for national neutrality.

When the United States finally entered the war in 1917,

German Americans were harassed and widely mistrusted

and expected to display “one-hundred percent American-

ism.” Within a few years, hundreds of schools removed the

German language as a course offering, and communities

renamed streets and banned German books and music. By

1919, German churches were reluctant to use their native

language, and parochial schools were often closed. This

heightened cultural pressure, along with rapid industrial

development, increased economic mobility, and a generally

more relaxed attitude toward entertainment, aided German

assimilation into mainstream American society. Although

some of the 500,000 German immigrants who entered the

United States in the 1920s and 1930s were attracted to the

anti-Semitism of the Irish-Canadian-American activist priest

Father Charles E. Coughlin, the German-American Bund,

and the Nazi Party, few were committed followers. Many

new immigrants were actually refugees from Hitler’s Nazi

regime, which had come to power in 1933. German ethnic-

ity was not a major issue during World War II.

In the aftermath of World War II, the United States reset-

tled almost 450,000 displaced persons (1948–52; see D

PLACED

ERSONS

). Almost half were ethnic Germans,

many of whom had previously lived in various countries

throughout eastern Europe, including Czechoslovakia, Hun-

gary, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia,

and Yugoslavia; about 63,000 were Jews. Thereafter, German

immigration leveled off, with most coming for educational

and economic opportunities. With the German economy

booming during much of the postwar era, most Germans

stayed at home. Between 1992 and 2002, German immigra-

tion to the United States averaged about 7,300 per year.

Canada continued to attract German religious minori-

ties in the 20th century, including 20,000 Mennonites

(1923–30) among some 90,000 Germans who emigrated

from Poland, Germany, Austria, and Czechoslovakia between

1919 and 1935. Several thousand Hutterites migrated from

North and South Dakota in the United States to Manitoba,

Saskatchewan, and Alberta. Between 1946 and 1965, about

300,000 immigrants from West Germany entered Canada,

most well educated and seeking “adventure” or economic

opportunity and choosing to settle in Canada’s largest cities.

Of 174,075 German immigrants in Canada in 2001, almost

97,000 came before 1961, and 128,000 before 1971. About

15,000 immigrated between 1991 and 2001.

Further Reading

Arends, S. F. The Central Dakota Germans: Their History, Language,

and Culture. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown U

niv

ersity Press,

1989.

Bailyn, Bernard. From Protestant Peasants to Jewish Intellectuals: The

mans in the Peopling of America. Oxford: Berg, 1988.

Bassler

, Gerhard P. The German Canadian Mosaic Today and Yester-

day: Identities, R

oots, and Heritages. Ottawa: German-Canadian

Congress, 1991.

ausenhart, Werner. German Immigration and Assimilation in Ontario,

1783–1918. New York, Ottawa, Toronto: Legas, 1989.

isenach, G. J. P

ietism and the Russian-Germans in the United States.

Berne, Ind.: Berne Publishers, 1948.

aust, Alber

t B. The German Element in the United States. 2 vols. 1909.

eprint, New York: Arno Press, 1969.

Ferenczi, Imre, and Walter Wilcox. International Migrations. Geneva,

witz

erland: International Labor Office, 1929.

Fogelman, Aaron Spencer. Hopeful Journeys: German Immigration, Set-

tlement, and P

olitical C

ulture in Colonial America, 1717–1775.

Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996.

awgood, J

ohn A. The Tragedy of German America. New York: Put-

nam, 1940.

107GERMAN IMMIGRATION 107

Hoerder, Dirk, and Jorg Nagler, eds. People in Transit: German Migra-

tions in Comparative Perspective, 1820–1930. Stanford, Calif.:

Stanfor

d University Press, 1993.

Johnson, H. B. “The Germans.” In They Chose Minnesota. Ed. J. D.

olmquist. S

t. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1981.

Jordan, Terry G. German Seed in Texas Soil. Austin: University of Texas

ess, 1966.

Kalbfleisch, H. K. The History of the Pioneer German Language Press of

ntario

, 1835–1918. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968.

Kamphoefner,

Walter. “German Americans: Paradoxes of a Model

Minority.” In Origins and D

estinies: I

mmigration, Race, and Eth-

nicity in America. Eds. Silvia Pedraza and Rubén G. Rumbaut.

Belmont, Calif

.: Wadsworth, 1996.

———. The Westfalians: From Germany to Missouri. Princeton, N.J.:

rinceton U

niversity Press, 1987.

Kloss, Heinz. Atlas of 19th and Early 20th Century German-American

Settlements. Marburg, G

ermany: Elwert, 1974.

Köllmann, Wolfgang, and Peter Marschalck. “German Emigration to

the United States.” Perspectiv

es in American History 7 (1973):

499–557.

Lehmann, H

einz. The G

erman Canadians, 1750–1937: Immigration,

Settlement and C

ulture. Trans. Gerhard P. Bassler. St. John’s,

Canada: Jesperson, 1986.

Levine, B

ruce C. The Migr

ation of Ideology and the Contested Meaning

of F

reedom: German-Americans in the Mid-Nineteenth Century.

Washington, D.C.: G

erman H

istorical Institute, 1992.

———. The Spirit of 1848: German Immigrants, Labor Conflict, and

the Coming of the Civil War

. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,

1992.

Luebke, Fr

ederick. Bonds of Loyalty: Ger

man A

mericans and World War

I. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974.

———. Germans in the N

World: Essays in the History of Immigra-

tion. Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990.

———. Immigrants and P

olitics:

The Germans of Nebraska,

1880–1900. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1969.

McLaughlin, K. M. The Ger

mans in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian His-

torical Association, 1985.

O’Connor

, Richard. The German Americans. Boston: Little, Brown,

1968.

ickle, Linda S. Contented among S

trangers: Rural German-Speaking

Women and

Their Families in the Nineteenth-Century Midwest.

Urbana: U

niversity of Illinois Press, 1996.

Rippley, Lav

ern J. The German-Americans. Boston: Twayne, 1976.

Roeber

, A. G. Palatines, Liberty and Property: German Lutherans in

Colonial America. B

altimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,

1993.

Sallet, R. S. Russian-German Settlements in the U

nited S

tates. Trans. L.

J. Rippley and A. Bauer. Fargo: North Dakota Institute for

Regional Studies, 1974.

Sauer, Angelika E. “Christian Charity, Government Policy and Ger-

man Immigration to Canada and Australia, 1947–1952.” In

Immigration and Ethnicity in Canada. Eds. Anne Laperrière,

arpu Lindström, and

Tamara Palmer Seiler. Montreal: Associa-

tion for Canadian Studies, 1996.

Struve, Walter. Germans of Texas: Commerce, Migration and Culture in

the Days of the Lone S

tar Republic. Austin: University of Texas

ess, 1996.

Trefousse, H. L., ed. Germany and America: Essays on Problems of Inter-

national R

elations and Immigration. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Brooklyn

College Pr

ess, 1980.

Trommler, Frank, and Joseph McVeigh, eds. America and the G

rmans:

An Assessment of a Three-Hundred-Year History. 2 vols. Philadel-

phia: U

niversity of Pennsylvania Press, 1985.

Walker, Mack. Ger

many and the Emigration, 1816–1885. C

ambridge,

Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964.

Wieden, Fritz. The Trans-Canada Alliance of German Canadians: A

Study in C

lture. Windsor, Canada: Tolle Lege Enterprises, 1985.

ittke, Carl F. Refugees of Revolution: The German Forty-Eighters in

America. P

hiladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1952.

Zucker

, Alfred E., ed. The Forty-Eighters: Political Refugees of the Ger-

man Rev

olutions of 1848. New York: Columbia University Press,

1959.

Ghanaian immigration

Most Ghanaians came to the United States and Canada after

independence in 1957, seeking education and business

opportunities. In the U.S. census of 2000 and the Cana-

dian census of 2001, 49,944 Americans and 16,935 Cana-

dians claimed Ghanaian descent. The largest concentrations

of American Ghanaians lived in Washington, D.C., New

York City, Baltimore, Chicago, and Boston. About two-

thirds of Canadian Ghanaians lived in Toronto.

Ghana occupies 88,700 square miles of the southern

coast of West Africa between 5 and 12 degrees north lati-

tude. Burkina Faso forms its border to the north; Togo, to

the east; and the Ivory Coast, to the west. Ghana is com-

posed mainly of plains. Lake Volta occupies much of the

southeastern portion of the country. In 2002, Ghana’s pop-

ulation was estimated at 19,894,014, with nearly 2 million

in the capital of Accra. The people were divided into many

ethnic groups, including the Akan (44 percent), the

Moshi-Dagomba (16 percent), the Ewe (13 percent), and

the Ga (8 percent). Ghana was also religiously divided,

with 30 percent Muslims, 24 percent Christians, and 38

percent practicing indigenous beliefs. Named for an

African empire that had flourished along the Niger River

(400–1240), Ghana became linked to the triangular trade

with Europe and the Americas during the 17th and 18th

centuries that brought more than 10 million slaves to the

New World, most to the Caribbean sugar islands and

Brazil. In 1874, Britain defeated the most powerful of the

local tribes, the Asante, establishing a dominant political

presence in the region it called the Gold Coast. Ghana

became independent in 1957, but its first 40 years of inde-

pendence were marked by political instability. The first

president, Kwame Nkrumah, built hospitals and schools

and promoted development projects such as the Volta

River hydroelectric and aluminum plants but also ran the

country into debt, jailed opponents, and established a one-

party socialist state. He was overthrown in 1966 by a

police-army coup that expelled Chinese and East German

108108 GHANAIAN IMMIGRATION

teachers and technicians. Elections were held in 1969, but

four further coups occurred in 1972, 1978, 1979, and

1981. The 1979 and 1981 coups, led by Flight Lieutenant

Jerry Rawlings, were followed by suspension of the consti-

tution and banning of political parties. A new constitu-

tion, allowing multiparty politics, was approved in April

1992. In 1993, more than 1,000 people were killed in eth-

nic clashes in northern Ghana. Kofi Annan, a career

United Nations (UN) diplomat from Ghana, became UN

secretary general on January 1, 1997.

Millions of Americans are descended from slaves who

were brought from the Gold Coast between the 17th and

early 19th centuries, though it is impossible to say exactly how

many came from the present-day country of Ghana (see

FRICAN FORCED MIGRATION

;

SLAVERY

). During the 20th

century, a handful of Ghanaian students were educated in

the United States, including Nkrumah. During the 1960s

the Ghanaian government awarded scholarships for advanced

study in the United States and the Soviet Union, with many

of the students staying on in the United States. This formed

the basis for a small program of family reunification as the

political and economic turmoil of the 1970s and 1980s wors-

ened. In 1995, remittances to Ghana were estimated at $300

million. Ghana is fourth among the sub-Saharan African

countries as a source country for immigration—behind Nige-

ria, Ethiopia, and South Africa—averaging more than 4,000

annually between 1995 and 2002.

Ghanaian immigration to Canada was inconsequential

until the 1990s. Of 16,985 immigrants residing in Canada

in 2001, only 215 came before 1971. Immigration

increased to about 1,500 in the 1970s and about 3,700 in

the 1980s. Between 1991 and 2001, however, almost

11,000 Ghanaians entered Canada, most for educational

and economic opportunities. Little study has yet been

done on their community, but indicators suggest that it is

likely to grow.

Further Reading

Alexander, Ken, and Avis Glaze. The African-Canadian Experience.

Toronto: Umbrella Press, 1996.

praku, K

ofi K. African Emigrés in the United States: A Missing Link in

Africa’

s Social and Economic Development. New York: Praeger,

1991.

ttah-P

oku, Agyemang. The Social-Cultural Adjustment Question:

The Role of G

hanaian Immigrant Ethnic Associations in America.

Brookfield, Vt.: Avebury, 1996.

err

y, LaVerele Benette, ed. Ghana: A Country Study. 3d ed. Landham,

Md.: B

ernan, 1996.

Kuada, J. E. , and Y. Chachah. Ghana: The Land, the People, and Their

ultur

e. Copenhagen, Denmark: African Information Centre,

1989.

akinwa-A

debusoye, P. K. “Emigration Dynamics in West Africa.”

International Migration 33, nos. 3–4 (1995): 435–467.

Winks, Robin W. The Blacks in Canada. Montreal: McGill–Queen’s

Univ

ersity Press, 1971.

Gompers, Samuel (1850–1924) labor leader

Samuel Gompers was the most influential early labor leader

in the United States. The son of Jewish parents who had

emigrated from Holland to England in 1844, he and his

family immigrated to New York City in 1863. Gompers was

apprenticed as a cigar maker and continued this work until

the mid-1870s, when he became increasingly concerned

with labor organization. During the depression of 1873–77,

he was elected president of a local cigar makers’ union in

New York City and from that time devoted his life to the

labor movement. He helped to organize the American Fed-

eration of Labor (AFL) and served as its president almost

continuously until his death (1886–94, 1896–1924). He

was appointed to the Council of National Defense (1917)

and to the Commission on International Labor Legislation

at the Paris Peace Conference (1919).

Gompers was an energetic and pragmatic leader who fol-

lowed the British model of trade union organization. His

organization’s high dues, benefits, and tight organization

favored skilled workers, whom he viewed as the foundation

of the labor movement. Gompers opposed both extreme

labor actions and labor involvement in legislation, believing

that workers must provide for themselves in organizations

under their own control. As a result, he was generally held in

esteem by members of the political establishment. Although

a Jew by birth, he did not identify with the Jewish commu-

nity. He worked to limit immigration, fearing that a mass

influx of unskilled workers would drive down wages and the

standard of living for workers already in the United States.

Further Reading

Gompers, Samuel. Seventy Years of Life and Labor: An Autobiography.

2 v

ols. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1925.

———. The S

amuel Gompers Papers. 7 vols. Eds. Stuart Kaufman et

al. U

rbana: Univeristy of Illinois Press, 1986–99.

Kaufman, S. B. Samuel Gompers and the Origins of the American Fed-

ation of Labor

. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973.

Livesay, Har

old C. Samuel Gompers and Organiz

ed Labor in America.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1978.

Mandel, B

ernard. Samuel Gompers: A Biography. Yellow Springs, Ohio:

Antioch Press, 1963.

Taft, Philip

. The A.F. of L. in the Time of Gompers. New York: H

arper

and R

ow, 1957.

Gonzales, Corky (Rodolfo Gonzalez)

(1928–2006)

social activist

Born in Denver, Colorado, to a family of migrant farm-

workers, Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales became one of the lead-

ing activists for fair treatment of Mexican laborers in the

United States. After a career as a professional boxer

(1947–55) and businessman, he began to work as a local

109GONZALES, CORKY 109

organizer for the Democratic Party. In the early 1960s, he

led a variety of organizations, including the Viva Kennedy

campaign, the Denver War on Poverty, and the G.I. Forum.

In 1965, he left the Democratic Party and founded the Cru-

sade for Justice organization, with its emphasis on C

HICANO

empowerment. It became a cultural center that included a

school, the Ballet Folklórico de Aztlán, and the newspaper

El Gallo. As the Chicano movement developed, with its

asser

tiv

e pride in the native and mestizo heritage of Mexico,

Gonzales played a leading role. He led a Chicano contingent

in the Poor People’s March on Washington, D.C. (1968),

was a key participant in the Chicano Moratorium against

the Vietnam War (1972), and organized the annual Chicano

Youth Liberation Conference, including the 1969 Denver

meeting at which El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán manifesto was

drafted. His 1967 epic poem, I A

m Joaquín, became the lit-

erary touchstone of the Chicano mov

ement, tracing the cul-

tural heart of the native peoples of Mexico and the American

Southwest back to Aztec kings and emperors. He was a

cofounder of La Raza Unida (1970), the political arm of

the Chicano movement, and in 1972 led the movement to

create L

AZA

NIDA

ARTY

(LRUP). Although the

LRUP received 7 percent of the vote in Texas, it was not suc-

cessful nationally. He died on April 18, 2006.

Further Reading

Gómez-Quiñones, Juan. Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise,

1940–1990. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,

1990.

“G

onz

ales, Rodolfo.” In Dictionary of Literary Biography 122: Chi-

cano Writers. S

econd Series. Detroit: Gale, 1992.

Mar

tinez, Eliud. “I Am Joaquin as Poem and Film: Two Modes of

Chicano Expression.” Journal of Popular Culture 13 (1980):

505–515.

osales, F

. Arturo. Chicano: The History of the Mexican American Civil

Rights Mo

vement. Houston: Arte Público Press, 1996.

González, Elián (1993– ) Cuban immigrant

Elián González became the focus of an intense public debate

over America’s Cuban immigration policy after surviving a

shipwreck in which his mother died during a November

1999 escape from Cuba. After living with Miami relatives

for five months, the six-year-old was forcibly removed by

U.S. marshals on April 22, 2000, and on June 28 was

returned to Cuba.

González was one of three Cubans rescued from the sea

on November 25, 1999, after his mother and 10 others

drowned following the swamping of their small boat. He

lived in Miami with a great-uncle, Lázaro, who immedi-

ately began the process for securing political asylum or

refugee status for his nephew. Meanwhile González’s father,

Juan Miguel, claimed that his son had been kidnapped and

demanded that he be returned to Cuba. For the next five

months, an international diplomatic battle was waged in the

world media, involving both custody rights and immigra-

tion policy. At various times, González indicated that he did,

or did not, want to return. On January 5, 2000, the I

MMI

GRATION AND

ATURALIZATION

ERVICE

(INS) deter-

mined that the boy’s father should decide where he would

live, but González’s uncle refused to relinquish him and sued

to retain custody. Hundreds of protesters, many of whom

were Cubans who had themselves fled Fidel Castro’s regime,

took to the streets the following day, arguing against the

boy’s return to communist Cuba. Miami mayor Joseph Car-

ollo and Miami-Dade County mayor Alex Penelas publicly

supported the protests. On April 22, U.S. attorney general

Janet Reno ordered federal marshals to seize González and

reunite him with his father, who had flown to the United

States from Cuba. In June, a three-judge panel of the United

States Court of Appeals upheld the INS decision that a par-

ent alone could act for a child in matters of immigration.

After the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal of

the federal court decision supporting the INS decision,

González and his father returned to Cuba on June 28.

Almost a decade after the end of the cold war, the Elián

González case demonstrated the potency of anti-Castro feel-

ings among Cuban Americans and tested the resolve of gov-

ernment policy makers intent on transcending cold war

attitudes regarding Cuban immigration. Although Castro

refrained from publicly exploiting González, the boy’s father

was promoted within the Communist Party and awarded

the Carlos Manuel de Céspedes Medal, Cuba’s highest civil-

ian honor. The González family received special privileges

but also was shadowed by Cuban agents to ensure that there

was no further communication with the Miami relatives.

Further Reading

Eig, Larry M. The Case of Elián González: Legal Basics. Washington,

D.C.: Congressional R

esearch Service, Library of Congress, 2000.

Fighting for Freedom: Facts, Findings and Opinions on the Elián González

ase. M

iami: Cuban American National Foundation, 2000.

John, M

ichael. Betrayal of Elián González. Tampa, Fla.: MaxGo, 2000.

Miami Herald staff. “‘Normal Life’ in Cuba Keeps Child Out of Spot-

light, F

ather in I

t.” April 22, 2001. Herald.com. Available online.

URL: www.miami.com/herald/special/news/elian/docs/010806.

htm.

“Elián González.” U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Avail-

able online. URL: http://www.uscis.gov/graphics/publicaffairs/

eliang.htm. Accessed May 6, 2004.

Gonzalez, Henry B. (1916–2000) politician

Henry Gonzalez was the first Mexican American to be

elected to the Texas state senate in the modern era, setting an

example for Hispanics in the political mainstream. He rep-

resented the best of what one of his political opponents

called the “old-fashioned public servant” tradition, anxious

110110 GONZÁLEZ, ELIÁN

to remedy civil inequalities by working through the estab-

lished political traditions of the state and country.

Gonzalez’s parents were part of the great wave of emi-

gration out of Mexico following the revolution of 1910.

After earning a law degree at St. Mary’s University School

of Law in 1943, Gonzalez served in military and naval intel-

ligence. He lost his bid for the Texas state legislature in 1950

but won a seat on the San Antonio city council and in 1956

was elected to the state senate. Speaking out tirelessly against

segregation measures in 1957, he won statewide prominence

and eventually the support of Governor Price Daniel, Sena-

tor Ralph Yarbrough, Vice President Lyndon Johnson, and

President J

OHN

ITZGERALD

ENNEDY

. In 1960, he suc-

cessfully ran for the U.S. House of Representatives, where he

served until his retirement. In 1989, he became chairman

of the House Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs Com-

mittee and played a prominent role in crafting the new lend-

ing and accounting regulations in the wake of the savings

and loan crisis.

Further Reading

“Gonzalez, Henry B.” Current Biography Yearbook 1993. New York: H.

W. W

ilson, 1993.

Hitchens, Christopher. “No Fool on the Hill.” Harper’s 285 (October

1992): 84–96.

arboe, J

an. “The Eternal Challenger.” Texas Monthly 20 (October

1992): 120ff.

odriguez, Eugene, Jr. Henry B. Gonzalez: A Political Profile. New

York: Arno Press, 1976.

Graham v. Richardson (1971)

According to this U.S. Supreme Court decision of 1971, the

classification of “alien” is suspect under the F

OURTEENTH

MENDMENT

. As a “discrete and insular minority,” aliens

require a high level of judicial protection. In order to be con-

sidered constitutional, such a classification must be related

to a compelling governmental interest.

The case was originally brought by Carmen Richard-

son, a Mexican citizen legally admitted to the United States

in 1956, against the Arizona commissioner of public wel-

fare, who had denied her public welfare disability benefits

on the basis of her not having met the 15-year residency

requirement for noncitizens. In a class-action suit, she

argued that the residency requirement abridged her consti-

tutional right to “equal protection” under the Fourteenth

Amendment. The state appealed her victory in the federal

court to the Supreme Court, which ruled that residency

requirements did violate the “equal protection” clause.

According to the decision, state interest in protecting its

financial resources was not sufficiently compelling to over-

ride the promised protections. Additionally, the Court ruled

that, because the Constitution granted the federal govern-

ment authority over the admission of aliens and the condi-

tion of their residence, state laws interfering with federal

laws violate the supremacy clause. A number of exceptions

were subsequently made to Graham v. Richardson, includ-

ing lo

er burdens of proof for excluding aliens from certain

government positions and employment as public school

teachers.

Further Reading

Federal Immigration Law Report. Washington, D.C.: Washington Ser-

vice Bur

eau, 1983–.

Wiessbrodt, David. Immigration Law and Procedure: In a Nutshell.

4th ed. St. Paul, Minn.: West Group, 1998.

U.S. S

upreme Court. Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365 (1971).

FindLaw

. Available online. URL: http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/

scripts/getcase.pl?navby=case&court=US&vol=403&page=365.

Accessed October 6, 2003.

Greek immigration

Greeks emigrated from their homeland and from many

parts of the Ottoman (Turkish) Empire beginning in the

1890s, forming one of the most homogeneous ethnic groups

in North America. In the U.S. census of 2000 and the Cana-

dian census of 2001, 1,153,307 Americans and 215,105

Canadians claimed Greek descent. The largest concentra-

tions of Greek settlement are in New York, California, Illi-

nois, and Massachusetts in the United States and Toronto

and Montreal in Canada.

Greece occupies 50,400 square miles of the Balkan

Peninsula in southeastern Europe. Albania, Macedonia, and

Bulgaria lie to the north, and Turkey, to the east. In 2002,

the population was estimated at 10,623,835, 98 percent of

whom were Greek; 98 percent also claimed their religion as

Greek Orthodox. During the second millennium

Greeks developed one of the most sophisticated cultures in

the world. Population growth and a lack of natural resources

forced thousands to migrate during the first millennium

., leading to the establishment of Greek colonies

throughout the Mediterranean coastal regions of Europe,

including the island of Cyprus. Although the Greek city-

states managed to resist Persian invasions early in the fifth

century

., they fell under the domination of the Mace-

donian Alexander the Great, who nevertheless spread Greek

culture from the eastern Mediterranean to the gates of India.

Greece was conquered by the Romans in the second cen-

tury

., became part of the Byzantine Empire after the

fall of Rome in 476, and was transferred to the Ottoman

Empire after the fall of Constantinople in 1453. The Greek

war of independence (1821–29) led to the establishment of

the first independent Greek state in 2,000 years. The

destruction of the war also led American missionaries to

sponsor several dozen Greek immigrants, mostly orphans.

Between the 1820s and World War I (1914–18), Greece and

Turkey were frequently at odds over territories with mixed

111GREEK IMMIGRATION 111

populations, including Crete, Cyprus, and coastal regions of

western mainland Turkey. Greece suffered a disastrous defeat

in the Greco-Turkish War of 1921–23, leading more than

1.25 million Greeks in Turkey and more than 400,000 Turks

in Greece to return to their home regions. Greece joined

the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1952, becoming

a cornerstone of the western

COLD WAR

effort. In 1982,

Greece joined the European Community (later the Euro-

pean Union), the first country in eastern Europe to do so

and steadily moved toward integrating its economy with

Europe generally.

Exact figures for Greek immigration are difficult to

determine, as immigrants were usually classified according

to country of birth. A significant number of Greeks, there-

fore, were included in figures for Turkey, Bulgaria,

Yugoslavia, and Egypt. The first significant Greek colony in

North America was founded in 1768 at New Smyrna,

Florida, near St. Augustine. Between 1768 and the aban-

donment of the colony in 1777, about 450 Greek, Italian,

and Corsican settlers traveled to the region. By 1860, fewer

than 400 Greeks lived in the United States. Poor economic

conditions in Greece in the 1880s led to a massive wave of

emigration between 1890 and 1924, when more than

500,000 immigrated to the United States, most notably

from Laconia and Arcadia provinces in southern Greece.

Between 1901 and 1920, tens of thousands of Greeks left

the Ottoman Empire for the United States, fleeing persecu-

tion. More than 80 percent of the immigrants were men,

most of whom went to work in New England mills and fac-

tories, western railroads and mines, or in northern urban

factories and service industries. Most intended to return to

Greece after earning a sufficient sum of money, though less

than one-third actually did so. As the United States became

more xenophobic after World War I, hostility toward

Greeks and other eastern Europeans increased, leading to a

number of restrictive immigration measures between 1917

and 1924. In 1921, the last year of relatively open immi-

gration, 28,000 Greeks immigrated to the United States;

under provisions of the J

OHNSON

-R

EED

of 1924,

annual immigration was limited to100, though the number

was increased to 307 by the end of the decade. Legal peti-

tions, mostly for the reunification of families, led to the

immigration of almost 11,000 between 1924 and 1929.

Many of the 30,000 Greek immigrants between 1925 and

1945 came as

PICTURE BRIDES

. After World War II

(1939–45), a Greek civil war (1946–49) led to widespread

displacements and the admission of some 75,000 Greeks

during the following two decades, many under various

refugee and displaced persons acts. With passage of the

nonquota I

MMIGRATION AND

ATIONALITY

in 1965,

about 160,000 Greeks immigrated during the 1960s and

1970s. Since 1980, the numbers continuously declined,

averaging fewer than 1,000 per year between 1998 and

2002.

Although a few Greek sailors visited Canada prior to the

19th century, the first settlements were established following

the Greek war of independence. By 1900, however, there

were still fewer than 300 Greeks in Canada, mostly young

men who considered themselves as sojourners who eagerly

hoped to return to their homeland. Though Greece’s prein-

dustrial economy and heavy taxation and Ottoman oppres-

sion in Turkey provided great impetus for emigration,

Greeks were not admitted in large numbers to Canada,

which preferred skilled agriculturalists. By 1931, when

depression stopped almost all immigration to Canada, there

were still only 9,450 Greeks in the country. More liberal reg-

ulations after World War II, however, led to a significant

increase in immigration. Many of the refugees who were

admitted in the late 1940s and early 1950s started an exten-

sive chain migration of family members. Between 1946 and

1970, more than 100,000 Greeks immigrated to Canada.

The immigration peaked in 1967, declining thereafter as the

economy improved, political stability returned, and new

labor opportunities became available in Germany and other

European countries. During the mid-1970s, there was a

brief surge in immigration of Greek Cypriots, when

200,000 Greeks were driven from their homes by a Turkish

invasion. By the late 1990s, the Greek Cypriot community,

centered in the Toronto area, numbered 25,000. Although

Canadian Greeks were traditionally less inclined to marry

outside their group, by the 1990s it was becoming common,

leading to a loss of a distinctive Greek cultural identity. Of

75,770 Greek immigrants living in Canada in 2001, only

7,000 immigrated after 1981.

Further Reading

Fairchild, Henry. Greek Immigration to the United States. New Haven,

Conn.: Yale U

niversity Press, 1911.

Georgakas, Dan, and Charles C. Moskos, Jr. New Directions in Greek-

American Studies. New Y

ork: Pella, 1991.

Kopan, A. T. The Greeks in Chicago. Urbana: University of Illinois

ess, 1989.

Kourvetaris, George A. Studies on Greek Americans. Boulder, Colo.:

East E

opean Monographs, 1997.

Kunkelman, Gary. The Religion of Ethnicity: Belief and Belonging in a

eek-American Community. New York: Garland, 1990.

Moskos, Charles C., Jr

. Greek Americans: Struggle and Success. 2d ed.

w Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1989.

Moskos, Charles C., Jr., Dan Georgakas, and Alexandros Kitroff.

“Greek Americans” and “Greek Americans: A Response.” In

Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 14, nos. 1–2 (Spring–Summer

1987): 55–61.

anagopoulos, E. P

. New Smyrna: An Eighteenth Century Greek Odyssey.

Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1996.

Papaioannou, G. From Mars Hill to Manhattan: The Greek Orthodox

in America under P

atriarch Athenagoras I. Minneapolis, Minn.:

Light and Life, 1976.

aloutos, Theodor

e. The Greeks in the United States. Cambridge,

Mass.: H

arvard University Press, 1964.

112112 GREEK IMMIGRATION

———. They Remember America: The Story of Repatriated Greek Amer-

icans. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1952.

Scourby

, Alice. The Greek Americans. New York: Twayne, 1984.

Zotos, S. Hellenic P

resence in America. W

heaton, Ill.: Pilgrimage Press,

1976.

Vlassis, George. The Greeks in Canada. Ottawa: LeClerc Printers,

1942.

Guadalupe Hidalgo, Treaty of See U.S.-M

EXICAN

Guatemalan immigration

Guatemalan immigration to North America was largely the

product of the civil unrest in Guatemala during the 1980s

and 1990s. As in the case of most Central American immi-

grants, those from Guatemala tended to be young and pos-

sessing few job skills. In the U.S. census of 2000 and the

Canadian census of 2001, 372,487 Americans and 9,550

Canadians claimed Guatemalan descent. The actual number

in the United States was considerably higher, however, as the

Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) in 2000 esti-

mated that 144,000 unauthorized Guatemalans were living

in the country. The largest concentrations of Guatemalans

in the United States are in Los Angeles; Houston, Texas;

Chicago; and New York City. In Canada, the largest groups

are in Toronto and Montreal.

Guatemala occupies 41,800 square miles in Central

America and is the most populous country in Central Amer-

ica. In 2002, the population was estimated at 12,974,361.

Guatemala is bordered by Mexico on the north and west, El

Salvador on the south, and Honduras and Belize on the east.

The people are 56 percent mestizo and 44 percent

Amerindian. The majority of Guatemalans are Roman

Catholic, though many practice a syncretic Catholicism

incorporating Mayan religious rites. About 30 percent are

Evangelical Pentecostal Protestants. The old Mayan Empire

flourished in what is today Guatemala for more than 1,000

years before the arrival of the Spanish in 1523, and most of

the native Indians today are Maya. After gaining indepen-

dence from Spain in 1821, Guatemala endured political dis-

order for most of its history. It was briefly a part of Mexico

and then of the Central American Federation before becom-

ing a republic in 1839. After 1945, when a liberal govern-

ment was elected to replace long-term dictator Jorge Ubico,

the country was caught up in

COLD WAR

politics that led to

an ongoing civil war. When the Communist Party in

Guatemala was implicated in the radical agrarian reform pro-

gram of Colonel Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, he was overthrown

by a U.S.-supported right-wing coup. As opposition to mili-

tary leadership developed, it has been estimated that govern-

ment “death squads” executed 20,000 civilians between 1966

and 1976. Dissident army officers seized power in 1982,

denouncing the presidential election as fraudulent and pledg-

ing to restore “authentic democracy” to the nation. Political

violence caused large numbers of Guatemalans to seek refuge

in Mexico. Another military coup occurred in October 1983

before the nation returned to civilian rule in 1986. During

more than 35 years of armed conflict, some 200,000 people

were killed, most the victims of right-wing governments and

their paramilitary allies. U.S. president Bill Clinton, on a visit

to Guatemala in 1999, apologized for aid the United States

had given to forces that had “engaged in violence and

widespread repression.”

It is impossible to say how many Guatemalans immi-

grated to the United States before 1960, as statistics for sep-

arate Central American countries were not recorded, but the

numbers were small, probably around 6,000. A significant

number of Guatemalans came north after 1917 following a

devastating earthquake of that year. Prior to 1980, most

Guatemalan immigrants were white (ladino) politicians and

other members of the middle class who had resisted the

right-wing government. After 1980, Guatemalan immi-

grants to the United States were largely Amerindians (Maya)

and mestizos fleeing government counterinsurgency cam-

paigns and grinding poverty. The United States, supporting

the right-wing government as a

COLD WAR

bulwark in Cen-

tral America, recognized few Guatemalans as political

refugees. As a result, many entered the country illegally,

often with the aid of Christian or other humanitarian

groups. Estimates place the number of illegal immigrants at

more than 300,000 between 1980 and 2000. In May 1999,

the INS relaxed application rules for permanent resident sta-

tus for Guatemalans who had fled repressive governments

during the Guatemalan civil unrest (1980–96). As a result,

they were allowed to remain in the United States during

their application process and were not required to prove that

they would suffer extreme hardship if returned to

Guatemala. Between 1992 and 2002, about 120,000

Guatemalans immigrated legally to the United States.

There was almost no Guatemalan immigration to

Canada prior to 1979. Of 13,680 immigrants in the coun-

try in 2001, only about 1,100 came before 1980. As politi-

cal violence spilled over from the civil war in El Salvador,

thousands of peasants were driven from their lands and

many insurgents fled as refugees. Between 1974 and 1994,

it has been estimated that about 13,700 Guatemalans settled

in Canada, about half admitted as refugees.

Further Reading

Burns, Allan F. Maya in Exile: Guatemalans in Florida. Philadelphia:

emple University Press, 1992.

Hagan, Jacqueline Maria. Deciding to Be Legal: A Maya Community

in H

ouston. P

hiladelphia: Temple University Press, 1994.

Hamilton, Nora, and Norma Stoltz Chincilla. “Central American

igration: A F

ramework for Analysis.” Latin American Research

Review 26 (1991): 75–110.

113GUATEMALAN IMMIGRATION 113