The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 13: Republican China 1912-1949, Part 2
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EMERGENCE OF MODERN INSTITUTIONS 371
of the country as a whole. The turning point came with the appointment
of Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei as chancellor. A
cbin-shih
degree holder and
a
member
of the Hanlin Academy under the Ch'ing who, out of conviction, threw
in his lot with the revolutionaries
at
the turn
of
the century, Ts'ai was
widely respected
for his
knowledge
of
both Chinese
and
Western
learning, and
for
his firm dedication
to
liberal ideals. Called back from
his studies
in
France
in
late 1916, Ts'ai assumed his duties
in
January
1917.
21
At the age
of
fifty he could now put into practice what he had
worked out in his own mind during the preceding years of European study
and revolutionary activity.
Once
at
the helm, Ts'ai worked vigorously to revamp Peita, aided by
the support
of
the minister
of
education, Fan Yuan-lien,
an
old friend
and fellow-revolutionary, plus the fact that a university president enjoyed
great administrative authority at that time. First, he improved the quality
of the teaching faculty by hiring on the basis of academic competence alone
without regard
to a
person's political opinion
or
intellectual bias;
as a
result, most
of
the young faculty members
of
the Ts'ai
era
became
well-known personalities in scholarly and professional circles in subsequent
years while raising the academic standard of Peita.
22
Ts'ai next tackled the problems
of
the attitudes and life-styles
of
the
students. In his inaugural speech he urged them
to
embrace 'new views
of the world and of life'. While attending the university they should 'take
it
as
their unavoidable responsibility
to
devote themselves
to
learning,
not to use the institution as a stepping-stone for official advancement and
the gaining
of
wealth'.
23
He
also encouraged recreational
and
study
societies and campus journals as desirable forms of extracurricular activity.
Third,
the
structure
of
Peita
was
rationalized,
so
that
by
1923
the
institution was completely free
of
the ' preparatory school' atmosphere
inherited from the previous era. Its three main divisions now were Science,
Social Science, and Language and Literature. The use of elective courses
was begun
in
1919 and approved
in
1922 by the Ministry
of
Education
11
T'ao Ying-hui, Ts'ai
Yuan-p'ei nien-p'u
(A chronological biography of Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei),
1.473-4.
In taking the post, contrary to the advice of some friends, Ts'ai cited the history of the unification
of Germany. He gave credit
to
the ' effective higher education'
of
Prussia which trained good
primary school teachers who, in turn, taught their pupils the qualities that made them patriotic
modern citizens, eventually leading to the victory over France in the Franco-Prussian War. Sun
Yat-sen was said to be among those who urged Ts'ai to accept the appointment; see Lo Chia-lun,
' Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei hsien-sheng yu Pei-ching ta-hsueh', in Shib-chc ju-ssu
cbi
(Recollections of those
who are gone),
5
5.
22
Tao Ying-hui,' Ts'ai/Peita', 276-9.
In
1920 Peita became the first Chinese university to appoint
a woman
to a
professorship when Ch'en Heng-che (Sophia H. Chen Zen) joined
the
history
faculty. Among the famous scholars
at
Peita
at
that time were
Hu
Shih and Shen Yin-mo
in
philosophy, Ch'ien Hsuan-t'ung
in
philology,
Ku
Hung-ming
in
English literature,
and Ma
Yin-ch'u
in
economics. Wang Ch'ung-hui taught constitutional
law, and Yu
T'ung-kuei
chemistry.
2J
Ibid.
280.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
372 THE GROWTH OF THE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
for nationwide adoption. Peita also led the way in 1920 in admitting
women students to a previously all-male campus.
24
Government primary
schools had admitted females in 1911 and by 1920 a national tide was
running. By 1922 China's national universities reported 405 women in a
total student body of io,535.
25
Other innovations included plans drawn up in 1918 to establish
programmes in graduate study in the humanities, science, social science
and law. Ts'ai had to adapt these new programmes to available resources.
In setting up the Department of
Law,
for example, at a time when China's
own judicial system was undergoing revision and qualified instructors were
scarce, Ts'ai decided to use 'comparative law' as a starting point. The
first two lecturers hired, Wang Liang-ch'ou and Lo Wen-kan, were both
on the staff of the Ministry of Justice, which precluded their being
appointed full-time professors. As Ts'ai related later, all these factors made
it extremely difficult to construct a course of law studies; it was only years
later when legal scholars like Wang Shih-chieh and Chou Keng-sheng came
on the scene that a proper Department of Law could be organized.
26
In
his attention to postgraduate studies and research, Ts'ai was strongly
influenced by his experience in Germany, where he became inspired by
Berlin University and its founder Wilhelm von Humboldt. At Peita his
efforts met with enthusiastic support, partly because of the high quality
of the new faculty, and partly on account of a tradition of faculty-student
discussion on scholarly topics that dated back to the Peking University
era when most of the students were mature men with some learning.
27
The leading role played by Peita in the May Fourth movement seemed
to reaffirm the link between young academics and the fate of the nation.
As an institution the National Peking University had, by the early 1920s,
come to represent the general direction in which higher education was
to develop in China: a curriculum organized along the disciplinary lines
common in modern Western practice, and a faculty that embodied both
Chinese and foreign studies backgrounds, with the possibility of continued
learning and research beyond the undergraduate course of studies. The
relevance of higher education to nation-building was visibly symbolized
by Peita's status as the first of the national universities. The growth of
other leading institutions, such as National South-eastern (later Central)
University at Nanking, when more fully studied, should offer enlightening
comparisons and contrasts.
Private institutions: Nankai. Not all leading universities were
government-related. Private colleges of diverse types and qualities began
24
Ibid.
291-6, 297-8.
25
Jessie Gregory Lutz, China and the Christian colleges, rSjo-ifjo, 136-7.
26
T*ao
Ying-hui,' Ts'ai/Peita', 296-7, and Ts'ai's own account
of
his years
in
Peita
in
ibid.
276.
27
Lo
Chia-lun, Sbib-cbe ju-ssu cbi, 57, 64-5.
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EMERGENCE OF MODERN INSTITUTIONS 373
to multiply, especially in Peking and Shanghai and some provincial cities.
The best-known example of educational entrepreneurship was Nankai,
the secondary school and higher education complex that grew up in
Tientsin under the leadership of Chang Po-ling (1876-1951). In contrast
to many late Ch'ing pioneers of modern education, Chang was no classical
scholar, but a star graduate of the Peiyang Naval Academy, a modern
school, at the age of eighteen. He ended his naval career abruptly,
however, in 1898, after witnessing the lowering of the Chinese flag and
the raising of the British one at Weihaiwei, the Chinese naval base acquired
by the British
as a
leased territory
in
that
year.
That excruciating humiliation
had a traumatic impact on Chang. Leaving the navy, he vowed to devote
his life to education, 'the road to self-strengthening'.
28
As Chang related
in his
Reminiscences,
'The Nankai Schools were born from China's
calamity. Therefore their object was to reform old habits of life and to
train youth for the salvation of the country.' The task of educators was
to aim this training at the elimination of the five aspects of China's
weakness: physical weakness and poor health, superstition and lack of
scientific knowledge, economic poverty, disunity as shown by the lack
of a group life and activity, and selfishness. The comprehensive educational
programme Chang later developed in the Nankai system was designed
to meet China's needs in these five areas.
29
Chang's educational odyssey had begun modestly as family tutor to the
children of Yen Hsiu, a prominent Tientsin gentryman who, like Ts'ai
Yuan-p'ei, was a progressive-minded Hanlin scholar. On the basis of this
connection and that of another tutorship in the home of a second
well-known Tientsin gentryman, Wang I-sun, Chang Po-ling was to build
the first of his schools. In 1904 Yen and Wang jointly financed the
establishment of a middle school and a normal school. The first normal
school class graduated in 1906, and the first middle school class in 1908.
Although the local gentry were heavily represented in the first group of
students - family names such as Han, Yen, T'ao, Pien and Cheng figured
prominently in the initial rosters - the new curriculum of the school
attracted a rapidly increasing enrolment. In 1908, through the generous
donation of land by a third local benefactor, Cheng Chvi-ju, and further
financing by Yen Hsiu, the school was able to move into its first permanent
buildings at a location called Nan-k'ai Hollow, from which the school
took its name.
30
Despite the political upheavals at the end of the Ch'ing, Chang Po-ling
28
Chang Po-ling,' Ssu-shih-nien Nan-k'ai hsueh-hsiao chih hui-ku' (Retrospect of Nankai after forty
years,
1944), in Wang Wen-t'ien et al.
Chang
Po-ling jS Nan-ka'i (Chang Po-ling and Nankai),
hereafter Wang Wen-t'ien,
Chang/Nankai,
83. BDRC 1.101.
2
' Hu Shih, 'Chang Po-ling, educator", in J. L. Buck, et al.
There
is
another
China,
10.
30
Wang Wen-t'ien,
Chang/Nankai,
7-9. The Nankai Normal School closed in 1906, therefore only
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374 THE GROWTH OF THE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
was too single-minded to allow himself or his school to become entangled
in revolutionary activities. He concentrated on plans for further develop-
ment. After studying
for a
year
at
Teachers College
at
Columbia
University in 1917-18, Chang enlisted the support
of
Yen Hsiu and Fan
Yuan-lien in his plan for a university. By mobilizing his connections with
the Tientsin upper class (for example, the Yen and Cheng families) and
the national intelligentsia (Fan Yuan-lien was ex-minister of education and
a close associate
of
Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei),
and
also with
the
international
educational community (Chang
had
become
a
Christian
in
1909
and
established ties with
the
YMCA),
he
raised enough funds
for the
construction of the first building of Nankai University. The first freshman
class
of
over forty students entered
in the
autumn
of
1919.
31
Nankai
University opened with three divisions: Letters, Science and Business. As
soon as the first class graduated in 1923 the university was able to move
into its more spacious campus at Pa-li-t'ai, where it remains today. A new
science building
was
opened when Nankai moved
to
this suburban
campus, another gift from
a
private donor.
32
Chang made several trips to the United States to observe the system of
higher education and raise funds. After returning from one such journey
in 1928-9
he
reorganized Nankai University into three colleges:
the
College
of
Letters, consisting
of
the Departments
of
Political Science,
History and Economics; the College
of
Science, with the Departments
of Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry and Biology under it; and the College
of Business, comprising the Departments
of
Financial Administration,
Banking, Statistics and Business.
33
Chang Po-ling's bicultural achievement was to integrate support from
the Tientsin upper class, the national intelligentsia
of
returned-student
educators and the international (especially Anglo-American) educational
community. Achievements
of
other educational entrepreneurs, though
less well known, are of comparable nature. For example, another private
institution, Fu-tan University
in
Shanghai, grew
out of an
academy
founded
in
1905 by students who withdrew from the Catholic academy
that became Chen-tan (Aurora) University.
A
moving spirit
in
these
developments
was the
Catholic layman,
Ma
Liang
(Ma
Hsiang-po,
1840-1939, see below). Still another private institution, Amoy (Hsia-men)
University, was founded
in
1921 by the Overseas Chinese entrepreneur
and philanthropist, Tan Kah Kee (Ch'en Chia-keng), who had become
one class graduated from it. Among this class of ten graduates, however, were several who later
figured prominently in the academic community, among them T'ao Meng-ho and Mei I-ch'i.
11
Ibid.
8-9, 10, 15-14.
32
Ibid.
14-15. The importance of private financial support to Nankai stood in sharp contrast to other
leading universities of the time.
33
Ibid.
17.
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EMERGENCE OF MODERN INSTITUTIONS 375
a Singapore millionaire in the rubber, pineapple and shipping industries.
Amoy University was developed from 1921 to 1937 by its first president,
Lim Boon Keng (Lin Wen-ch'ing), a gifted Singapore doctor who took
his medical degree at Edinburgh and became also a classical scholar and
journalist.
34
The long historical tradition of Chinese private philanthropy
in education plainly calls for further study, to say nothing of the Overseas
Chinese influence in recent times. Amoy had of course been a major
entrepot in Chinese trade with South-East Asia, a focal point in the
'Maritime China' discussed in volume 12.
Technical
schools.
As the curricula of the early universities indicate,
education in applied science and engineering was developing only slowly.
Practical skills like railway building, no matter how spectactular, could
not quickly acquire the prestige of the book learning that had for so long
distinguished the examination graduate. However, some exclusively
technical and professional schools did come into existence, starting with
the campaign for modern education in the final years of the Ch'ing, and
many of these institutions evolved until they reached college or university
level. A few examples will illustrate the diversity of origins of some of
the best-known technical institutions in modern China. In 1895 Sheng
Hsuan-huai sponsored the founding of Hsi-hsueh hsueh-t'ang (School of
Western Learning) in Tientsin with a curriculum emphasizing specialities
in the fields of
electrical,
mining, and mechanical engineering; eight years
later, when the educational system of the country was undergoing
reappraisal, this school was reorganized as the Peiyang College of
Engineering, and moved to its new campus outside the city of Tientsin.
35
Another school established under Sheng's
aegis,
the Nan-yang kung-hsueh
in Shanghai, began with an emphasis on political science, but eventually
developed into the highly regarded Chiao-t'ung University,
36
considered
the southern counterpart in engineering education to Peiyang College in
Tientsin.
Aside from officially sponsored technical schools, advocates of modern
education on occasion were able to establish such institutions with private
funding. The industrial and community developer Chang Chien, in
response to the trend of the times, founded in 1906 Nan-t'ung College
in Kiangsu, which tried to combine classroom instruction with practical
experience. The college offered a curriculum in agriculture, textile
34
See
Lin
Wen-cb'ing cbuan (Life
of
Lim Boon Keng); also Wang Tseng-ping and
Yu
Kang, Cb'en
Cbia-keng bsing-bsueb cbi (Tan Kah Kee's promotion
of
learning).
35
Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei
et al.
Wan-Cb'ing san-sbib-wu-nim
lai
cbib Cbung-kuo cbiao-ju (1/97-19)1) (Chinese
education in the
5 5
years since late Ch'ing), hereafter Wan-Cb'ing, 66-7. Ting Chih-p'in, Cbung-kuo
cbin cb'i-sbib-niin
lai
cbiao-yii cbi-sbib (Chronology
of
Chinese education
in
the past seventy years),
hereafter Ting Chih-p'in, Seventyjears. Cp. CHOC 11.330-1, 377-83.
36
Wan-Cb'ing, 68.
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THE GROWTH OF THE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
technology, engineering and medicine, and was Linked to a textile factory,
a hospital, and 16,000
mou
of land for agricultural experiments.
37
Another
source of funding for technical schools was foreign business interests that
operated within the modern industrial sector of China: in 1909 a British
firm, the Foo Chung Company in Honan province, opened Lu Kung
College at Chiao-tso, the location of a growing modern coal industry.
Briefly closed in the political upheavals of 1912, the school reopened in
1914 as the Fu Chung College of Mining. Under the Nationalist
government after 1928 it was reconstituted as the Chiao-tso College of
Engineering,
38
a school with a rising reputation until Chinese academic
progress was once again disrupted by war in 1937. The foregoing
instances were part of an accelerating trend toward education in
technology and engineering, which would receive further emphasis during
the Nationalist period.
The
Christian
colleges.
When they began in most cases at the secondary
level, the original objective of these institutions was to help spread the
Christian religion. In time, however, they made a major contribution in
the liberal arts. The earliest Christian school on record within China dated
back to 1845. Several more emerged in the 1860s and 1870s, in the early
years of the self-strengthening movement. Inevitably the disintegration
of the old order in late nineteenth-century China gave the mission schools
a chance to take the initiative in several areas of non-traditional
instruction, such as science and foreign language training. By so doing,
these schools demonstrated the new types of learning. After 1900, as the
demand for modern education grew, some Christian schools evolved by
stages through
a
complex process of expanded offerings and amalgamations
into college-level institutions. In 1906 Protestant missionaries had over
2,000 primary schools and almost 400 intermediate-level schools, from
which by the 1920s a dozen (and eventually 16) colleges or universities
had gradually emerged.
39
Nevertheless, spreading and deepening the
Christian religious cause in China usually remained high among their
priorities. President Francis L. H. Pott of St John's University in
Shanghai, for example, held that the university should be kept small, not
only to maintain the quality of faculty-student contact, but also because
'too large an element of non-Christian students will have the effect of
chilling the Christian atmosphere of the institution'. He also made
"
See
Samuel
C. Chu,
Reformer
in
modern China: Chang Cbien,
ifjj-rf2t.
38
Anthony
C. Li,
The history of privately
controlled higher education
in
the
republic
of
China,
10,
n—12.
39
Lutz, Christian
colleges,
551—5, sequential chart
of the
evolution
of 16
Christian colleges
and
universities from
the
mid-nineteenth century
to
after
the
First World War. For
a
further summary
see CHOC 10.576-7
(P. A.
Cohen) and 12.174—7
(A.
Feuerwerker); also William Purviance Fenn,
Christian higher education
in
changing
China iSSo—ifjo;
and an
illuminating study, Jane Hunter,
The
gospel of gentility.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
EMERGENCE OF MODERN INSTITUTIONS 377
religious courses and services compulsory, justifying them on the ground
that if a student did not want to be introduced to the Christian religion,
he need not come to this college.
40
Catholic higher education could build on the foundation of Jesuit
scholarship established particularly at Zicawei (Hsu-chia-hui, the ancestral
home of the great convert of the late Ming, Hsu Kuang-ch'i) outside
Shanghai. A vigorous and omnicompetent personality, Ma Liang, in the
course of a long career as Jesuit priest, Ch'ing official and reformer,
founded in 1903 Chen-tan (Aurora) Academy, which later became a
Catholic university. In 1905 he set up Fu-tan Academy, which became a
private university as noted above.
41
The academic quality of the Christian institutions was uneven.
42
Some
were outstanding universities in instruction, innovative programmes and
the professional attainments of their faculty members, some of whom were
nationally or internationally known. Yenching University in Peking, for
example, had a Department of Journalism that drew students from all parts
of
China,
while its faculty included such well-known figures as Hung Yeh
(William Hung) in Chinese history, Ku Chieh-kang (folklore), Hsu Shu-hsi
(political
science),
Wu Wen-tsao (sociology), Hsu Ti-shan, Hsieh Wan-ying
(Ping Hsin) and Hsiung Fu-hsi in literature and Chao Tzu-ch'en in
religion. Yenching had high visibility due to its location at Peking.
Meanwhile there were of course many solid achievements at other
Christian institutions like Nanking (Ginling) University and Lingnan
(formerly Canton Christian College).
Yet regardless of where they stood in the scale of academic attainment,
the Christian colleges found themselves ambivalent. Although the original
missionary purpose had been evangelistic, some missionaries had very
early found it desirable to spread secular learning also. The movement
toward modernization in China carried their educational institutions past
the boundaries of proselytizing, and caused them to be gradually absorbed
into the general secular programme of national development. For the
majority of the students enrolled in the Christian colleges, they were
simply centres of modern higher education. The students did not to any
appreciable extent become Christian converts,
43
nor did they divorce
40
Mary Lamberton, St. John's University, Shanghai, rS^p—if/i, 65.
41
See Chang Jo-ku, Ma Hsiang-po
bsien-sbeng
nien-p'u (Chronological biography of Ma Hsiang-po
[Ma Liang]).
42
For example, a Japanese report translated and published in the official Chinese Cbiao-ju hmg-pao
(Educational gazette), 8.1-2 (Jan.—Feb. 1921) rated Aurora (Chen-tan) University in Shanghai
very low in academic quality; see Shu Hsin-ch'eng (1962), 1103.
45
Clarence Burton Day,
Hancbtnv
University: a brief
history,
reports that a 1930 survey revealed that
there existed little interest among the students in religious meetings or courses, and only about
2) % of the university's students were professing Christians.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
TABLE 3
Major
colleges
and
universities
in China and their distribution, 1922
Institution
Location
No.
in
category Peking Shanghai Tientsin Canton Nanking Wuhan Foochow Other
I. National universities 5
National Peking x • • • • •
Chiao-t'ung (three campuses) x x Tang-shan
Peyang College of Engr. x
South-eastern (later Nat. Cent.) x
Shanghai College of Commerce .
x
.....
II.
Provincial universities 2
Shansi . » . . . . • • Taiyuan
O-chou,
preparatory division .....
x
.
III.
Private universities 13
Min-kuo x ......
Chung-kuo x ......
Ch'ao-yang x ......
P'ing-min X ......
Nankai X
Ho-pei ....... Ch'ing-yuan
Fu-tan .
x
.....
Ta-t'ung .
x
.....
Nan-t'ung Agricultural College ....... Nan-t'ung
Ts'ung-sheng min-chih .
x
..... Kiangsu
Hsia-men ....... Amoy
Chung-hua X
Ming-te • • • • • X •
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
IV. Christian universities 17
Yenching
Cheloo
St John's
Tung-wu (Soochow) - main campus
- Law School
Ginling (Nanking)
Ginling College for Women
Chen-tan (Aurora)
Hu-chiang (Shanghai)
Fu-chien hsieh-ho (Fukien
Christian)
Chih-chiang (Hangchow)
Hua-nan College for Women
Wen-hua (Boone)
Ya-li (Yale-in-China)
Hua-hsi hsieh-ho
(West China Union)
Lingnan
Hsia-k'e Medical College
TOTAL }
7
Tsinan
Soochow
Hangchow
Changsha
Chengtu
Note: 37 institutions had forty individual campuses.
Sources:
adapted from
Wan-Cb'mg,
99-100; Lutz,
Christian
colleges,
5
51—3,
'List of Chinese Christian colleges'.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
380 THE GROWTH OF THE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
themselves from the ' new-tides' sweeping over the country as a whole.
In fact, some of them, particularly those in Peking and Shanghai,
44
were
often in the forefront of student activism.
45
By the early 1920s the Christian colleges and universities had reached
their peak of growth. As table 3 shows, they constituted nearly one-half
of the major institutions of higher education in 1922. This was the period
when the New Culture movement was running high, therefore even as
their numbers increased the Christian colleges were having to face new
challenges from Chinese society. The May Fourth movement brought
Chinese intellectuals into conflict with Christian proselytism. A meeting
in Peking of the World Christian Student Federation in 1922 touched off
an anti-religious and anti-Christian movement among student youths all
over China. As Hu Shih pointed out in a talk at Yenching in 1925,
Christian education in China faced three new difficulties. First was the
new nationalistic spirit of the Chinese since the First World War,
'
fear
[of the foreign powers] has diminished, while self-awareness has gradually
increased', hence the movement for the recovery of lost sovereign rights
and, among other things, the belief that 'the methods the imperialist
powers used in cultural aggression were the dissemination of religion and
the opening of schools'. Second, the 'new enlightened rationalism' of the
younger intelligentsia would challenge the Christian credo itself by
demanding, 'give us
proof!'
46
Lastly, Hu saw the entire missionary
enterprise as shot through with inherent weakness. (Chinese patriots noted
that in their historical development the colleges had begun with faculty
members who were sometimes more religious than academic in their
primary qualifications.) Hu Shih therefore urged missionary educators to
arrive at a prescription for themselves in answer to two questions: could
they not concentrate their resources and energies in developing a few truly
excellent, high-quality institutions rather than large numbers of mediocre
44
Among
the
most notable centres
of
student movements
of the
early 1930s were Yenching
Unversity, Shanghai University,
and
Hangchow Christian College (later renamed Hangchow
University);
see
Lutz, Christian
colleges,
530-3.
45
For a
vivid first-hand account
of
Yenching student activism
in 1935 see
Hubert Freyn,
an
American student
at
Yenching
who
took part
in the
demonstrations
and
propaganda against
Japanese aggression, Prelude
to
war: the
Chinese student rebellion 0/19)1-1936;
see
also John Israel,
Student nationalism
in
China, 1927-1937.
46
Hu
Shih,' Chin-jih chiao-hui chiao-yii
ti
nan-kuan' (Difficulties facing Christian education today),
a talk
he
gave
at
Yenching University
in
1925,
in Hu
Shib wen-tfun (Collected writings
of Hu
Shih),
3rd
series, 4.728—33;
for a
useful survey,
see
Jessie
G.
Lutz, 'Chinese nationalism
and
the anti-Christian campaigns
of
the 1920s'. Modem Asian Studies,
10.3
(July 1976) 395-416; also
Yamamoto Sumiko, Chugoku Kirisuto kjosbi ktnh/u (Studies
on the
history
of
Christianity
in
China);
and for a
detailed account, Ka-che
Yip,
Religion,
nationalism
and
Chinese
students:
the
anti-Christian
movement
of
1922-1927.
On the
tie-in between
the
anti-Christian movement
and
educational 'rights recovery',
see
Jessie Gregory Lutz, 'Nationalism, Chinese politics,
and
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