134 Katina T. Lillios
southern Portugal (map 7.1). Amphibolite was a durable and highly workable meta-
morphic stone. Even when local hard stone, such as basalt, was available and some-
times used, communities – even those far from the sources – still preferred
amphibolite. At Late Neolithic and Copper Age sites between 70–150km away,
such as Zambujal, Leceia, and Vila Nova de São Pedro, over 50 percent of the ground-
stone tools were made of amphibolite; at Leceia, almost 80 percent were made of
amphibolite (Lillios 1997). Thus, the value and importance of this stone was widely
recognized throughout southern Portugal in later prehistory.
The association between amphibolite tools and slate plaques becomes closer when
one compares their color (dark grey, green, or blue), luster (shiny) and their form
(trapezoidal). Furthermore, in the few representations of hafted adzes in late prehis-
toric Portugal, many of the same features as the slate plaques appear, such as the bipar-
tite compositional structure, the horizontal bands between the top and base (probably
depictions of hafting), and even the triangle motif (figure 7.2a) (Larsson 1998; Lillios
1997;Vasconcellos 1922:292). For these reasons, I suggest that the slate plaques semi-
otically referred to the amphibolite tools that were so important to the economic and
social life of ancient peoples in the Alentejo.
It is also clear that some plaques were meant to depict beings, whether humans,
animals, or deities (figure 7.2b).The arms, eyes, and noses on these plaques are quite
unambiguous. If Iberian plaques represent part of some relatively coherent visual com-
munication system, axes may well have acted as metaphors for humans (Tilley 1999),
much as Battaglia (1983, 1990:133–5) argued in her study of the Sabarl Islanders of
Melanesia. In the context of the agricultural and complex societies of late prehistoric
Portugal, in which the symbolic and social potency of axes as transformative objects
would have been great, the metaphorical fusion of axes and humans seems eminently
reasonable. Plaques may have taken on more anthropomorphic qualities under con-
ditions of social stress, such as war and/or social stratification, when new leaders
emerged who assumed greater control over the means of economic production and
social reproduction.
How can we explain the decoration of the plaques? The answer lies, I suggest, with
the anthropomorphic plaques. Although rarely noted in published references, many of
the “beings” represented are clearly wearing clothing (figure 7.2b). Furthermore, the
decorative motifs on these clothes are also those found on the non-anthropomorphic
plaques. There are also some plaques that, with their decorated borders, are evocative
of woven rugs or blankets. Thus, it seems logical to consider textiles such as cloth-
ing, blankets, or carpets as the inspiration or basis for the decorative motifs on the
slate plaques. There is a great deal of evidence, such as loom weights and spindle
whorls, for a thriving textile industry in the Late Neolithic and Copper Age of Iberia
(Castro Curel 1984; Cardito Rollán 1996). Furthermore, all the motifs found on the
plaques are weaves easily reproducible by card or tablet weaving or on a simple loom
(Held 1978; Barber, personal communication 2002). Finally, there are the few pre-
served textiles themselves.Two fragments of linen (including a fragment painted with
horizontal bands) have been found covering metal axes in two Portuguese Copper
Age burials (Formosinho et al. 1953/1954;Viana et al. 1948).
I would like to suggest, however, that the primary function of the design on the
slate plaques (as is also so often the case with clothing) was to communicate the