Brown S.D., Lent R. (Editors). Career development and counseling: putting theory and research to work

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CHAPTER 17

Promoting Career Development and

Aspirations in School-Age Youth

Sherri L. Turner and Richard T. Lapan

HE PRIMARY GOAL

of this chapter is to discuss how professional school coun-

selors, career counselors, career educators, and psychologists can support

the career development and aspirations of K-12 students so that the stu-

dents are in a more advantageous position to create satisfying, productive, and

self-fulfilling adult lives. While limited research exists concerning the career de-

velopment of young children, relationships among personality variables, voca-

tional interests, vocational aspirations, and career orientations have been found

in children as young as 8 years old (Whiston & Brecheisen, 2002). Several studies

have yielded evidence supporting the hypothesized relationships among person-

ality and career variables in adolescence as well (Creed, Patton, & Bartrum, 2002;

L. M. Larson & Borgen, 2002). The results of these and other investigations (see

Rojewski, Chapter 6, this volume) have led researchers and practitioners toward

the goal of more thoroughly understanding the career development needs of this

population and toward establishing the underpinnings of empirically supported

career interventions.

Career development, as the word suggests, is a developmental learning process

that evolves throughout our lives (McDaniels & Gysbers, 1992). The term also per-

tains to the interventions used by practitioners to facilitate age- and situation-

propriate career behaviors across a person’s lifetime (Herr, 2001). We contend

that both aspects of career development need to be considered when preparing

school-age youth to creatively and proactively manage the significant challenges

they face. School-age youth need to learn a set of skills that will assist them in

their efforts to establish satisfying life structures across their life spans (Super,

Savickas, & Super, 1996).

At the heart of providing career development services to children and adoles-

cents is the recognition of their need to develop more adaptive, resilient, and

proactive approaches to their present situations and possible future career

selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986; Savickas, 1997). Lapan (2004) argued that youth

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are

more likely to develop such an approach to the present and future if they can

accomplish the following separate, but interrelated, tasks:

1. Develop positive career-related self-efficacy expectations and attributional

styles (Albert & Luzzo, 1999; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994, 2000).

2. Form a vocational identity by engaging in more self-directed career explo-

ration and planning activities, setting effective educational and career

goals, and making a commitment to reach these goals (Flum & Blustein,

2000).

3. Learn effective social, prosocial, and work readiness skills and behaviors

(Bloch, 1996).

4. Construct a better understanding of self, the world of work, and how to best

fit in the work world (Parsons, 1909).

5. Crystallize personally valued vocational interests (Strong, 1927).

6. Be empowered to achieve academically and become self-regulated learners

(Arbona, Chapter 22, this volume; Lapan, Kardash, & Turner, 2002).

Although drawn from different theoretical perspectives, young people who ac-

complish these tasks gain adaptive advantages as they enter a world of work char-

acterized by rapid and unpredictable changes (Savickas, 1995), a high demand for

personal responsibility and self-determination (Watts, 1996), and an expectation

that people should be both agentic and adapt flexibly to new challenges without

losing their core identities (Flum & Blustein, 2000).

CAREER DEVELOPMENT TASKS

In the following sections, research supporting each of these career developmental

tasks is briefly reviewed and summarized. Then, career interventions that can be

used to promote the career development of K-12 youth are reviewed. These inter-

vent ions can offer a basis for providing contextually responsive career counseling

for all young people (Lapan, 2004; Lee, 2001).

EVELOPING

OSITIVE

AREER

-R

ELATED

ELF

-E

FFICACY

XPECTATIONS

AND

TTRIBUTIONAL

TYLES

Self-efficacy expectations refer to “beliefs concerning one’s ability to successfully

perform a given behavior” (Betz, 1994, p. 35). Self-efficacy is task-specific; in the

context of this chapter, self-efficacy refers to a person’s belief that he or she can

successfully engage in academic or career-related tasks (Bandura, 1977). Self-

efficacy expectations have been shown to be predictive of both academic and

career outcomes among children and adolescents. For example, self-efficacy has

been associated with subject matter interests, such as in math, science, and

English (Lopez, Lent, Brown, & Gore, 1997; P. L. Smith & Fouad, 1999). Self-efficacy

expectations have been positively linked to intermediate career developmental

tasks, such as career planning and exploration, and overcoming personal chal-

lenges in academic and occupational settings (Lapan, Gysbers, Multon, & Pike,

1997; O’Brien, Dukstein, Jackson, Tomlinson, & Kamatuka, 1999). Self-efficacy has

been found to be correlated with both majority and minority youths’ interests, as-

pirations, expectations, goals, career pursuits, and career trajectories (Bandura,

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Promoting Career Development and Aspirations in School-Age Youth 419

Barbaranelli, Vittorio-Caprara, & Pastorelli, 2001). Moreover, self-efficacy is theo-

retically associated with personal agency, which may be more fundamental than

the actual skills and circumstances that encompass young people’s career develop-

ment in that self-efficacy can “motivate people to create opportunities and acquire

capabilities they do not yet possess” (Ford, 1992, p. 124).

As to academic and career-related self-efficacy, researchers have given us clues

about how to develop these expectations among K-12 youth. In four empirical

studies, Bandura’s (1977) four learning sources of efficacy information (perfor-

mance accomplishments, vicarious learning, the management of emotional

arousal, and social persuasion; see Lent, Chapter 5, this volume) have been signif-

icantly associated with the development of social (Anderson & Betz, 2001), aca-

demic (Chin & Kameoka, 2002), math (Lopez & Lent, 1992), and career-related

(Turner, Alliman-Brissett, Lapan, Udipi, & Ergun, 2003) self-efficacy. In the

Turner, Alliman-Brissett, et al. study, parents’ provision of efficacy information

along each of these learning source dimensions (i.e., parents’ instrumental assis-

tance to facilitate their adolescents’ performance accomplishments, parents’

reer-related role modeling to facilitate their adolescents’ vicarious learning,

parents’ emotional support to facilitate their adolescents’ management of emo-

tions, and parents’ social persuasion in the form of verbal encouragement) was

positively related to adolescents’ efficacy to engage in academic and career plan-

ning, knowledge of self and others in career and academic contexts, understand-

ing of the relationships between academic achievement and occupational

opportunities, and early career decision making. The results of this study led

Turner, Alliman-Brissett, et al. to recommend further investigations into how ex-

tended families, teachers, and school and career counselors can provide opportu-

nities for adolescents to continue to develop career-related self-efficacy beliefs

using Bandura’s schema to focus their efforts.

Research on attributional styles also offers potential implications for the de-

velopment of self-efficacy and related psychological variables (Luzzo, Funk, &

Strang, 1996). Positive self-attributional styles refer to young people’s confidence

that their own skills, abilities, and efforts will determine the bulk of their life

periences, including their educational and career success. More specifically,

people with positive attributional styles attribute their successes to themselves,

while people with negative attributional styles attribute their failures to them-

selves. Positive attributional styles have been related to a decrease in the percep-

tions of career barriers among children and adolescents (Albert & Luzzo, 1999).

Among high school adolescents, significant positive relationships were found

tween optimistic attributional styles and career maturity (i.e., vocationally

ma-

ture attitudes, behavior, and knowledge that characterize adaptive career de

velop-

ment during late adolescence and early adulthood; Powell & Luzzo, 1998). Among

African American adolescents, positive attributions and work salience were

shown to partly mediate the relations of sex, socioeconomic status, and educa-

tional level to career maturity (Naidoo, Bowman, & Gerstein, 1998). Among

British final-year school leavers, self-attributions for employment success were

found to relate to use of positive job search strategies (Furnham & Rawles, 1996).

One study examined the effects of attributional retraining on the self-

attributions of college students (Luzzo, James, & Luna, 1996). After viewing an

eight-minute video presentation designed to foster internal, controllable attri-

butes for career decision making and to challenge faulty attributional beliefs,

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perimental group participants displayed more positive career beliefs and attri-

butional styles and exhibited significantly more career exploratory behaviors

than did control group participants. While this type of training has not yet been

evaluated among K-12 students, we suggest that developmentally appropriate at-

tributional style training may positively affect the career development of this

population as well.

ORMING A

OCATIONAL

DENTITY

Vocational identity refers to the integration and crystallization of an individual’s

energy, aptitudes, and opportunities into a consistent sense of the uniqueness of

himself or herself and fit into the vocational world. An adolescent’s vocational

identity gives clarity and stability to his or her current and future career goals

(Holland, 1997) and sets forth the career direction he or she will pursue. Voca-

tional identity is related to the concept of ego identity (Erikson, 1968) and is

achieved through the same cognitive processes as ego identity (i.e., exploration,

observation, reflection, commitment). Vocational identity has been shown to be

clearly achieved before ideological, political, or religious identity (Skorikov &

Vondracek, 1998). This finding is indicative of the leading role that vocational

velopment plays in adolescent identity formation.

Significant associations between vocational identity and many desirable career

outcomes in adolescents have been demonstrated. For example, higher levels of

cational identity have been associated with more congruent college major

choices among gifted high school students (Leung, 1998) and with greater career

certainty and career choice commitment among high school adolescents (Ladany,

Melincoff, Constantine, & Love, 1997; Schulenberg, Vondracek, & Kim, 1993). The

achievement of vocational identity in adolescents has also been associated with

the strengthening and solidifying of reality-based vocational aspirations (Sarriera,

Silva, Kabbas, & Lopes, 2001); vocational choice orientation, planning about pre-

ferred occupations, and formation of success-creating work attitudes (Wallace-

Broscious, Serafica, & Osipow, 1994); and positive mental health indicators,

including self-esteem and psychological adjustment (De Goede, Spruijt, Iedema, &

Meeus, 1999; W. W. Munson, 1992; Skorikov & Moore, 2001).

An intensive review of the research literature revealed only one reported ca-

reer intervention designed to increase adolescents’ vocational identity (Schmidt

& Callan, 1992). In this study, high school students were assigned to receive indi-

vidual career counseling, personal counseling, or career counseling combined

with career information. Compared with controls, students in all three treatment

conditions demonstrated a significant increase in their level of vocational identity

from pretest to posttest, suggesting that personal counseling, career counseling,

and career information can each be useful ways to assist adolescents in the suc-

cessful achievement of their vocational identity.

EARNING

FFECTIVE

OCIAL

, P

ROSOCIAL

AND

ORK

EADINESS

KILLS

Work readiness skills are composed of general employability skills (e.g., the abil-

ity to accept responsibility and make sound decisions), social competency skills

(e.g., the ability to appropriately initiate conversations and appropriately regulate

emotions), and prosocial skills (i.e., voluntary behavior intended to benefit an

other;

Eisenberg & Fabes, 1992; Lapan, 2004). Intuitively, one might think that learning

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Promoting Career Development and Aspirations in School-Age Youth 421

these skills is a natural function of the socialization process. Yet in today’s com-

plex world, with understaffed schools, fluctuating economies, increasing family

and educational transitions, increased residential mobility, and

increasing demo-

graphic and cultural diversity, counselors concerned with the ca

reer develop-

ment of children and adolescents may need to take a deliberate and proactive

stance in the development of these career-related competencies.

Both career researchers and governmental policymakers have recommended a

number of work readiness skills (Bloch, 1996; see Juntunen, Chapter 24, this vol-

ume). For example, the Job Training Partnership Act of 1982 identified those work

readiness skills believed to be necessary in the retraining of displaced workers.

These skills include maintaining regular attendance, being punctual, displaying

positive work attitudes and behaviors, completing tasks effectively, presenting an

appropriate appearance, and demonstrating good interpersonal relationship

skills. Lapan (2004) outlined a comprehensive set of skills to help children and

adolescents maximize their career potential, including:

1. Social competence (i.e., the ability to build effective relationships).

2. Diversity (i.e., the ability and flexibility to successfully interact with

coworkers, clients, customers, or students from different cultures).

3. Positive work habits (including sound judgment, responsibility, dependabil-

ity, punctuality, attendance, life-planning and management skills, and

recognition of and adherence to the legal and ethical standards that govern

your profession).

4. Personal management skills (including positive self-attitudes, cleanliness,

appropriate dress, both verbal and nonverbal communication skills).

5. Entrepreneurship (including leadership, creativity, desire, motivation, and

openness to opportunity).

Research has shown that adult workers who possess adequate work readiness

skills experience greater work satisfaction (Meir, Melamed, & Abu-Freha, 1990).

Other investigators have found that greater work readiness skills lead to more

integration into the work environment (Ashford & Black, 1996), a stronger com-

mitment to the organization in which the individual is employed (Fisher, 1985),

more successful job performance (Ashford & Black, 1996), fewer job turnovers,

and greater workplace rewards (Wanberg & Kammeyer-Mueller, 2000).

A small body of literature suggests that work readiness skills are developed

within family and classroom environments. For example, Naimark and Pearce

(1985) hypothesized that children learn skills within the family that can be

transferred to the workplace, such as goal setting, decision making, scheduling,

budgeting, leading, nurturing, and communicating. Harkins (2001) suggested

that work readiness skills can be learned through direct instruction and should

be infused into classroom curriculum. H. L. Munson and Rubenstein (1992) sug-

gested that school personnel, such as school counselors and career educators, are

in an ideal position to contribute to a student’s sense of work, work values, work

habits, and work behaviors.

A more extensive body of literature suggests that work readiness skills are de-

veloped through children’s friendships and peer group interactions. For exampl

researchers have shown that, within peer groups, children have opportunities to

learn (1) social skills, such as successfully exchanging information, being clear

in communication with others, and engaging in appropriate self-disclosure

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(Gottman, 1983) and (2) prosocial skills, such as empathy and treating others

with justice and kindness (Youniss, 1980). Gaining these social and prosocial

skills can facilitate greater workplace stamina and adjustment (Ladd & Kochen-

derfer, 1996) by promoting such worker characteristics as stability, resilience,

self-esteem, self-efficacy, and adaptability (Rigby & Slee, 1993). We maintain that

psychologists, counselors, and career educators can help shape children’s family,

school, and community contexts in ways that promote the growth of those critical

work readiness skills that are the foundation for a wide range of work readiness

behaviors in adulthood (Lapan, 2004).

ONSTRUCTING A

ETTER

NDERSTANDING OF

’

ELF

THE

ORLD

ORK

AND

’

IT IN THE

ORK

ORLD

Constructing a better understanding of oneself, the world of work, and how one

best fits into the world of work has been the foundation of vocational psychology

since Frank Parsons (1909) first introduced these concepts. Since then, both career

development researchers and counselors have focused on helping career clients

understand their own abilities, interests, values, and personality styles; the

specifics of current labor market information; and how to make better and more

satisfying career decisions. However, in the past several years, researchers have

noted that children and adolescents experience special challenges in constructing

their career pathways. Three of these challenges, discussed in this section, are

gender-based circumscription of vocational aspirations, career decision-making

readiness, and school-to-school/school-to-work transitioning.

Gender-Based Circumscription of Vocational Aspirations Gottfredson’s Theory of

Circumscription and Compromise (Gottfredson, 1981, Chapter 4, this volume)

has generated more than 50 research reports, dissertations, and published dis-

cussions. These studies generally have shown that children and adolescents tend

to circumscribe their vocational interests, self-efficacy expectations, outcome ex-

pectations, and prestige expectations according to their social valuation of occu-

pations as gender inappropriate (Gottfredson & Lapan, 1997; Lapan, Hinkelman,

Adams, & Turner, 1999). This process of circumscription (i.e., continual narrow-

ing of occupations an individual will consider) and compromise (i.e., eliminating

the most preferred options for less compatible ones) can result in young people

sacrificing the fulfillment of their “internal unique selves” by choosing occupa-

tions that they perceive to be more socially acceptable (Gottfredson, 2002). Cir-

cumscription of vocational aspirations has been shown to begin in early

childhood (Henderson, Hesketh, & Tuffin, 1988), with children identifying seg-

ments of the occupational world as unattainable. The process continues through-

out middle and later adolescence, during which time adolescents make vocational

preparation decisions that can affect their ability to enter into more prestigious,

lucrative, or congruent occupations (Leung & Harmon, 1990; Mendez & Craw-

ford, 2002). One of the most disturbing outcomes of the circumscription process is

young women’s frequent avoidance of the more highly paid and higher prestige

math, science, and technology-based careers (Lapan & Jingeleski, 1992).

Career Decision-Making Readiness Piaget (1977) theorized that sometime during

early adolescence (approximately age 12), young people undergo a fundamental

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Promoting Career Development and Aspirations in School-Age Youth 423

shift in the way they view the world by moving away from concrete thinking to-

ward more abstract, logical thinking. During this stage of cognitive development,

adolescents begin to think more scientifically, design and test multiple hypothe-

ses, and manipulate objects, operations, and future outcomes in their minds.

Physical maturation, experience, and socialization allow young adolescents to

envision not only what they will be like in the future, but also how they will im-

plement what they conceive themselves to be.

Building on Piaget, information processing theorists have argued that cognitive

development can be strongly influenced through cognitive interventions (e.g., in-

formation sharing, knowledge construction, learning critical thinking skills; e.g.,

Case, 1991; Siegler, 1991; Vygotsky, 1978). Career theorists who adhere to an infor-

mation processing approach advocate sequential training in problem solving as a

prerequisite to adolescent career decision making. For example, Sampson, Peter-

son, Lenz, and Reardon (1992) proposed that adolescents be trained in the cycle of

information processing skills used in career decision making, which consists of:

1. Problem identification.

2. Analyzing the causes of the problem and the relationships among the prob-

lem components.

3. Synthesizing possible courses of action through elaboration and crystal-

lization.

4. Evaluating each course of action.

5. Implementing and executing a plan of action.

They also argued that adolescents should be assessed as to their career decision-

making readiness before career counseling as a way to improve the value of ser-

vice delivery to them (Sampson, Peterson, Reardon, & Lenz, 2000). Although there

is disagreement in the research literature about when adolescents attain the

cogni-

tive maturity to make career decisions, there is general agreement about the

value of improving students’ problem-solving and career decision-making com-

petencies (Patton & Creed, 2001).

School-to-School/School-to-Work Transitioning Helping children and adolescents

know how to best fit into the world of work also is accomplished through facili-

tating their school-to-school/school-to-work transitioning. Transitioning has

been described as a prolonged and increasingly complex process for young per-

sons (Bynner, Chisholm, & Furlong, 1997; Jones & Wallace, 1992). Transitioning is

typically characterized by few institutional supports, the prolongation of educa-

tion, and a multitude of options that combine school, work, and family in unique

ways (Mortimer, Zimmer-Gembeck, Holmes, & Shanahan, 2002). Al

though the

literature is sparse in this area, researchers have shown that transitioning can be

accompanied by negative thoughts and emotions that may diminish children’s

and adolescents’ ability to achieve, explore, and plan at the

level of their abilities,

especially for students who are already vulnerable. For ex

ample, transitioning

from grade school to junior high school has been associated with decreases in

self-esteem in ethnically diverse adolescents living in poverty (Seidman, Lam-

bert, Allen, & Aber, 2003). Transitioning from primary to secondary school was

shown to be accompanied by fears of bullying, getting lost, increased workload,

and more challenging peer relationships in a British sample (Zeedyk et al., 2003).

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Among young adults, the deployment of maladaptive strategies, such as passive

avoidance and external control attributions (i.e., a sense that one’s personal des-

tiny is controlled by others rather than oneself), was associated with increased

difficulties in dealing with school-to-work transitions (Maeaettae, Nurmi, &

Majava, 2002). This avoidance behavior could arguably be said to begin in child-

hood, which suggests that earlier interventions might provide young people

with the cognitive-behavioral strategies to more successfully pursue school-to-

school and school-to-work transitioning.

Researchers and theorists have suggested ways to help children and adolescents

engage in school-to-school and school-to-work transitioning (see Juntunen &

Wettersten, Chapter 24, this volume). For example, Phillips, Blustein, Jobin-Davis,

and Finkelberg White (2002) argued that the use of resources in an adolescent’s en-

vironment (e.g., supportive available adults, siblings, peers) is associated with

clearer transitional plans. Lapan, Tucker, Kim, and Kosciulek (2003) found that the

career development activities recommended by the School-to-Work Opportunities

Act—school-based learning, work-based learning, connecting activities (e.g., job

shadowing), and stakeholder support (e.g., from teachers, counselors, parents)—

predicted grades, interests, expectations, goals/actions, and person-environment

fit among high school students. Shanahan, Mortimer, and Krueger (2002) proposed

that helping adolescents recognize connections between school and work might as-

sist them in preparing for school-to-work transitions. Worth (2002) suggested that

assisting adolescents to enhance their flexibility in decision making might help

them to better adapt to more precarious employment situations and to increase

their opportunities in a quickly changing labor market.

RYSTALLIZING

ERSONALLY

ALUED

OCATIONAL

NTERESTS

Many theorists have highlighted the importance of interests in young people’s ca-

reer development (Holland, 1997; Super et al., 1996). Additionally, researchers

have noted the strength of young people’s career interests in predicting their sub-

sequent career behavior (Hansen, Chapter 12, this volume). Deci and Ryan (1985;

Deci, 1992) argued that career interests provide intrinsic motivation, are related

to self-determination, and are very closely tied to the career actions that adoles-

cents take. The foundation of career interests is hypothesized to be based on such

factors as young people’s self-exploration of their own abilities, self-efficacy ex-

pectations, and values (Holland, 1997; Lent et al., 1994, 2000; Super et al., 1996).

The crystallization of interests implies the formation of young people’s ca-

reer interests into a defined and somewhat permanent structure. Career inter-

ests are developed and clarified by related experiences (Hansen & Swanson,

1983), and often crystallize at the point of educational and vocational transi-

tions (Mortimer et al., 2002). The crystallization of interests occurs when ado-

lescents recognize that they must make choices about how to fit into a complex

world (Sharf, 2002). At the point of crystallization, adolescents begin to weigh

their values, for instance, choosing occupations that are altruistic, or ones that

are expressive of their personal moral views. The crystallization of interests in-

volves a clarification of vocational goals and implies a commitment to preparing

for and pursuing specific occupations. During subsequent developmental

stages, this initial commit

ment is reanalyzed with continuing reflection on the

value of previous occupational choices (Cochran, 1997).

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Promoting Career Development and Aspirations in School-Age Youth 425

Researchers have suggested that not all children and adolescents have the op-

portunity to crystallize personally valued vocational interests (Hackett & Byars,

1996). Social forces, such as uneven educational opportunities, uneven environ-

mental supports, discrimination, and cultural and gender-based valuing of vari-

ous careers (see Gottfredson, Chapter 4, this volume) may seriously hinder the

crystallization of personally valued interests. Indeed, recent research has shown

that the value systems underlying young people’s vocational interests are sys-

tematically tied to social origin and early experiences, are highly influenced by

the social manifestations of race and gender, and change the most when adoles-

cents come to terms with the limits of their opportunities (M. K. Johnson, 2002).

We suggest that career counselors are in key positions to help all young people

crystallize personally valued interests (1) by designing strategies to help them ex-

plore the underlying dimensions of their interests and expand their awareness of

vocational possibilities; and (2) by working for community awareness, social jus-

tice, and advocacy for children and adolescents who may be disadvantaged in the

marketplace because of their race, socioeconomic status, or gender.

MPOWERING

TUDENTS TO

CHIEVE

CADEMICALLY AND

ECOME

ELF

-R

EGULATED

EARNERS

Self-regulated learning is defined as an active, constructive process whereby learn-

ers set goals for their learning and then attempt to monitor, regulate, and control

their cognitions, motivations, and behavior (Pintrich, 2000). Zimmerman (2000)

construed self-regulated learning as the monitoring of the individual’s own plan-

ning, performance, and the expected and real outcomes of any learning activity,

whether interesting or uninteresting. Self-regulated learning promotes both aca-

demic achievement and lifelong learning (Lapan, Kardash, et al., 2002).

Researchers have shown that self-regulation promotes goal motivation and

rection (McWhaw & Abrami, 2001), effort intensity and task performance

(Boekaerts, 1997), academic performance and achievement (Pintrich & de Groot,

1990; Wolters, 1999), and positive self- and other-expectations (Zimmerman,

2000). Further, schools, families, and communities can work together to promote

and enhance self-regulated learning in K-12 youth through identifying programs

that effectively promote academic achievement, instituting mutual accountability

structures and practices, and supporting the learning of children from different

social contexts (Lapan & Kosciulek, 2001). Researchers have provided initial data

and strategies outlining how career professionals can work with community/

career partnerships (e.g., Lapan & Kosciulek, 2001; Lapan, Osana, Tucker, & Kosci-

ulek, 2002), as well as provide other types of career interventions, to enhance the

career development of all students. It is to these topics that we turn next.

INTERVENTIONS THAT FACILITATE THE CAREER

DEVELOPMENT OF CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS

As can be seen from the previous section, there are many junctures at which ca-

reer professionals can intervene to promote children’s and adolescents’ career de-

velopment and many key points on which to focus. In this section, we discuss the

relative value of various types of interventions, and then describe in detail se-

lected examples of the interventions that we believe to be particularly promising,

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