Kelly W.K. The History of Russia: from the Earliest Period to the Present Time. Volume 2
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A.D.
1763]
AFFAIRS
OE
COUELAND. 15
kingdom,
and be
divided
into
palatinates
like
Poland.
"When
the
last dnke forsook his
religion
and his
country,
and
the
whole race was on
the
eve of
extinction,
the
Courland
nobles
were
anxious to
escape
from
the
terms of
the
bond.
With
this
view
they
called
in the
natural son of
Augustus
II. to their
aid,
who became afterwards so renowned as a
Trench
marshal.
Count
Maurice of
Saxony
was
acknowledged by
the Poles
and
the
Courlanders,
but was
prevented
by
the Russians
from
taking
possession
of the
duchy
destined
for
him,
and the
Russian
troops kept possession
of
the
territory
which
had
been
formerly
governed
by
Peter's
niece as the widow
of the last
duke.
This duchess
Anne
no
sooner became
empress
of
Russia,
than the
republic
of Poland
and their
king Augustus,
or his
minister
Briihl,
were
compelled
to
recognise
the Rus-
sian
power
as a
right.
The
empress
continued to
annoy
and harass
the
nobility
of
Courland until
they
were
at
length
constrained
to elect
her favourite Biren as
their duke
:
this choice was also sanc-
tioned
by
Augustus
III.
after
the
death
of
the
last of
the
Kettlers. The Poles
entirely gave
up
all claims to
the
incor-
poration
of Courland with
their
kingdom,
and
only required
that the
duke,
who
had been
appointed by
Russia,
should
receive the
territory
as
a fief of Poland.
Biren
accordingly,
by
his
plenipotentiary,
sought
and
obtained the investment
in
Warsaw
in
June,
1739.
His
overthrow,
which
took
place
shortly
afterwards,
and his exile
to Pelim in
Siberia,
could
not
deprive
him
of
his
right
to
an
independent
duchy,
which
was even
acknowledged
as a fief
of Poland
by
the
Russians
themselves
;
but to this
they
paid
no
attention Avhatever.
His
efiects in
Mittau,
Libau,
and
"Windau were
sealed
up,
and
his feudal
superior,
Augustus
III.,
interested himself
in his
favour in
vain.
The
guardians
of
the
unfortunate
Ivan
III.,
whom
\une
had
appointed
her
heir,
and
especially
Anthony
Ulrich
of
Brunswick,
were
determined
to force
upon
the
acceptance
of
the
Courlanders
prince
Louis of
Brunswick
—
the
same who was
afterwards
called the
Brunswick monster
of
Holland,
whither
he
fled. This
plan
was
frustrated
by
the
revolution of
November, 1741,
by
which
Elizabeth
was
rai.-cil
to
the throne.
This
empress
for
a
long
time
gave
no
indication of
her views
respecting
Courland,
but
there
was
16
HISTOEY OF
RUSSIA.
[CH.
XXXIX.
nothing
whatever said of
Biren,
although
Elizabeth
suffered
him to
go
from Pelim to Jaroslav.
The Eussian
troops
con-
tinued to retain
possession
of
Courland,
and the
government
of the
duchy
received
their commands
directly
from
Peters-
burg.
The
revenues were
one while the
prey
of the
Eussian
officials,
and
at another were sent
to Eussia
under
the
pre-
tence of
liquidating
Biren's debts.
At
length
it
appeared
as
if Elizabeth
was
desirous
of
leaving
her share
of
the
spoil
to
the
family
of
king Augustus
III.,
although
she had
hitherto
paid
not
the
slightest
attention
to the
application
of
the
king
of Poland and
the
petitions
of
the
Courlanders
in
favour
of
Biren.
In the
beginning
of the seven
years'
war,
Augustus
III.
sent his third
son,
prince
Charles
of
Saxony,
to
Petersburg.
The
empress
was
very
much
pleased
with the
young
prince,
and in order to show
her favourable
disposition
towards
him,
caused it to be made
publicly
known
that Biren should
never
again
be
recognised
as duke of Courland.
She
herself
then
requested
the
king
of
Poland to invest
his son
Charles with
the fief
of the
duchy,
and her
ministers,
Gross
and
Simolin,
in
November,
1758,
urged
the
senate
of Poland to
support
their
king
in this
affair. Prince Charles
was
in fact
invested
with the
duchy
with the full
consent
of the senate
;
but
neither the
grand-duke,
who was heir to
the
throne,
nor his
wife,
acknowledged
the
legality
of
the investment.
The
grand-duke,
who
only
thought
of
Iiolstein,
when he
became
Peter
III. was anxious
to
confer
the
duchy upon
one of
his
own
relations,
a
prince
of the
Iiolstein
family
:
prince
Charles,
however,
was now
in actual
possession
of
the
territory!
Peter
recalled Biren
from Jaroslav to the
court,
and restored him
all that
was
still
remaining
of his vast
wealth,
but at
the
same
time declared
to him
expressly,
that he
would never
replace
him
in
possession
of Courland.
He
gave
him
indeed
a
promise
of
compensation.
Catharine
II.,
however,
no
sooner
came
to the throne
than she
declared herself
favourable
to
Biren's
claims,
and founded her
support
upon
the fact
that
king
Augustus,
at the investment of his
son,
instead of
fol-
lowing
the counsel of
128
senators,
and
appealing
to
the
constitution
of
1736,
which
conferred on
him
the
privilege
of
nominating
the duke
of
Courland,
rested
his decision solelv
A.D.
1763]
AITAIES OF COTTELAND.
17
upon
the
Russian
exclusion
of
Biren,
whose
right,
moreover,
he
acknowledged.
Catharine
was
in a condition
to
give
complete
effect to
her
wishes
without
having
recourse
to
any
extraordinary
means
;
for
the Russians
had still
kept
possession
of Cour-
land,
and had even
regarded
the whole of
Poland as
a
Russian
province
during
the seven
years'
war.
The whole
administra-
tion
of the
country
had been
usurped
by
the
Russians,
who
quartered
their
armies
upon
the
people,
entered into
contracts
and
raised
contributions,
and remained
there even
after the
conclusion
of the
peace.
Two thousand
men stationed at
Graudenz
held the
Poles
in
awe,
and fifteen thousand
marched
to
Courland,
to drive
out
prince
Charles,
if
necessary,
by
force of arms.
The treasuries were sealed
up,
all
payments
prevented,
all
the
public
offices
taken
possession
of,
and
the
duke,
cut
off from
all resources and
supplies,
was
besieged
in
his
own house as
if it had been a fortress.
Charles,
however,
relying upon
Polish
protection
and
support,
continued
in
Mittau,
with a
view
to call
together
the
nobility
of the
duchy,
when Biren came to
Riga,
in
order
from that
city
to summon
an
assembly
of the estates.
On this
occasion
every
legal
and
diplomatic
form
was
carefully
observed,
in
order that at least
that
might
not have
the
appearance
of
being
done which
was
done
in
reality.
Kayserling
was first directed
to
employ
every possible
means,
as he went
through
Mittau to
"Warsaw,
to
induce
prince
Charles to
give way
;
the estates of his
partisans
were next
seized
upon,
and
his
own
archives,
houses,
and stores
were
occupied
by
soldiers,
whilst the Courlanders
endeavoured to shelter themselves under the
form,
that
the
decree for
summoning
the
estates could
only
be issued
from some
place
within
the
territory
itself,
and
not from
Riga,
where Biren was
then
staying.
This
objection,
how-
ever,
was removed
by
Biren's
coming
to
Mittau,
although
Charles
still remained in
the
city,
and
thence
issuing
the
summonses,
on the 25th
of
January,
1763,
for a
general
assembly
of
the estates.
The estates
accordingly
met
; Charles,
who was in some
measure a
prisoner
in
his
own
house
in
Mittau,
insisted
that
his
father,
who had
invested him with
the
duchy,
was
the
only person
who
had the
right
to recal the
grant
;
but
Simo-
VOL. II.
c
18
HISTOET OF
RUSSIA.
[CH.
XXXIX.
tin,
Catharine's
agent,
commanded the
estates to
administer
the
public
affairs in Biren's
name. There were
now
two
dukes
residing
in Mittau at the same
time,
one
under
the
protection
of the
Russians,
the other as
their
prisoner
;
and
the estates of
the
country,
as well as
the Polish senators
who
had
been
sent
for Charles's
protection,
found
themselves
in
a
very
singular
position.
The
Russians,
who were in
fact
and
by
force of
arms masters of
the
country,
commanded
the
estates
to
acknowledge
Biren alone
as duke
;
whilst the
Poles,
to
whom
the feudal
supremacy belonged
both
by right
and
agreement,
ordered
them not
to
recognise
Biren's
claim,
but
to
maintain
that of
prince
Charles.
The
king
of
Poland,
it
is
true,
was desirous
of
summoning
an
extraordinary
diet
;
but
this
project
was
prevented by
Kayserling's
intrigues
among
the venal
Polish
magnates,
and
the threat of
ordering
still
larger
bodies
of Russian
troops
to march
into the
duchy.
Nothing,
however,
was
really
effected on the
part
of the
Saxon
prince,
and
Courland fell a
prey
to the
tyrannical
domination
of
Biren,
whose
title to
Courland
was
also
recognised
by
the
king
of
Prussia,
to
whom he
had ceded a
portion
of
his
Sile-
sian
possessions.
The Polish
deputies,
who had
been
sent
in
the
name of the
senate to
Charles,
were
ready
to draw
their
swords
in his
cause,
but all was
of
no
avail.
The
amount of
the
Russian
forces
in the
country
was
continually
increased,
and as
king
Augustus'
health
became more and
more
pre-
carious,
they
made
preparations
for
advancing
into
Lithuania
also
;
the
king,
therefore,
at
length
recalled his
son
from
Mittau.
Biren,
whose
mode of
government
was
exactly
like
that of
an
Indian
nabob or
rajah,
was
looked
upon by
the
Russians
precisely
in the same
light
as the
English
view
their
vassal
kings
in India
;
he
tyrannised
under
their
protection.
In this
way
he
prepared
the
Courlanders for
their
approach-
ing
annexation
to
Russia
;
they
had,
in
fact,
nothing
to
lose,
but
must
necessarily
gain
by
this event.
Poland
was
completely
ruled
by
the Russian
minister
Kayserling
in
Warsaw.
As
long
as
the
quirks
of the
law,
refined
cunning,
chicanery,
and
bribery,
were
alone
required,
Kayserling
needed
no
assistance
:
but
when
rudeness and
brutality
were
to be called
into
use,
Repnin
was
immediately
employed.
Repnin
was
Panin's
nephew,
and
afterwards
A.D.
1763]
VACANCY
OF
THE TH7RONE
OF
POLAND.
19
gained
a considerable
military
reputation.
During
the
seven
years'
war,
when
he
acted as
the
military
representative
commissioned
by
the Russian
government,
he
usually
spent
the
summer
in
the
French
camp
and
the
winter in
Paris,
where
he had been
fully
initiated
into all the
corruptions
and
licentiousness
of the
times of
Pompadour
and Du
Barry.
His uncle
Panin,
in the time
of
the
terrible
Orlofs,
endea-
voured
to
cover
the numerous
faults of
the
empress
with the
tinsel
of
glory,
and
Frederick
II.
anxiously
sought
for
one
power
in
Europe
which
would
enter into a close alliance
with
himself;
these
two circumstances
brought
Russia and Prussia
half-way
towards
a
mutual
good
understanding.
The contests
among
the
great
Polish
families,
and
their
connexion
with
foreign
princes,
had
never ceased
;
but after
the
death
of
king
Augustus
III.
the
Poles,
who
were
sup-
ported
by
the French on
the
one
side,
and
those who
were
in
the
pay
of
the Russians
on the
other,
carried
on an
open
war.
The
Czartorinskis,
Oginskis,
and Poniatowskis
were in
the
Russian
interest,
the
Radzivils
and Branitzkis
in
that
of
Prance
;
and
the two
parties,
supported
by
regular
armies,
took
the field
against
each other.
At this time
the Russians
were
in
Courlaud,
had a small
garrison
in
Graudenz,
and
they
collected
another
army
on
the
frontiers
of Poland
shortly
before
the
king's
death,
which
took
place
in
October,
1763,
and was
followed
by
a whole
year
of
complete
anarchy
;
for
it is
impossible
to
give
any
other name to
the intermediate
government
which
professed
to rule the
country
from
the
death of one
king
till
the
election
of
a successor.
Even
the
election of a new
sovereign
would
necessarily prove
insuffi-
cient
to
stay
this
anarchy
if he
were a man
without serious-
ness,
dignity,
wealth,
and
a
great
number of
partisans
in the
kingdom
;
and
such a man the Russians
were desirous
of
placing
upon
the
throne of Poland.
It was
flattering
to
the
pride
of the
empress,
that one of her
old
personal
favourites,
and
the
most
insipid
of
them
all,
should be elected.
It
was
also
quite
in accordance with the
policy
of
her
minister,
since
this
event
would furnish him with
an
opportunity
of
showing
that the
empress
could
make her creatures
kings,
and
also
that a Russian minister was
a
more
powerful
man
than
a
king
of
Poland.
c
2
20 HISTOET OF
BUSSIA.
[CH.
XXXIX.
Stanislaus Poniatowski was the
suitor for
the
throne
whom
the Russians
favoured,
and it
was at that
time
gene-
rally
believed
that this favour
was shown
because
he
had
been the
paramour
of
the
empress,
then
grand-duchess
;
but
it
soon
appeared
that
he
was
elected because
he
was an
accomplished
courtier,
and
neither a statesman
nor a
war-
rior. Stanislaus was
born to be a
high
chamberlain
or court
marshal,
or to fill some
such
office,
but he
possessed
none
of
the
qualities
befitting
a
king.
He had
made
himself
master
of all the arts and details
of
ceremony
and
levees,
and
was
able to
converse
admirably
in
various
languages upon
the
newest and most fashionable
music,
the
poets
or
artists who
were in
vogue,
upon
decorations,
operas, plays,
and
actresses
;
but
every
manly
virtue,
every
thought
worthy
of a
noble
mind,
was
foreign
to his nature.
In
order
to
secure the election
of
Stanislaus,
Catharine
at
length
made
approaches
to an
understanding
with
the
king
of
Prussia,
with
whom,
up
till
this
time,
she had
shown
a
disinclination to enter into
any
close
alliance. Frederick
immediately
recalled
his
minister
Grolz from
Petersburg,
because he did not
possess
the
confidence
either of
Catharine
or
Panin,
and sent
in
his stead count
Solms,
who
concluded
a defensive
alliance
between Eussia
and
Prussia for
eight
years,
and which
Catharine
II.,
after
she
had attained
her
object,
was with
great difficulty prevailed
upon
to
renew
for
a similar
period.
This
was
that
unholy
alliance
which,
from
1764 till the
present
day,
has
proved
the
source of all
the
misfortunes
of the
European
nations,
because
it
has
served
as
a model
for all the treaties which
have been since
con-
cluded,
by
means of
which the fate and
internal
administra-
tion of the weaker states
have
become
wholly dependent
on
the
compacts
and arms of
powerful
foreign
nations. This
first
treaty
was
against
the Poles
;
and
those
by
which
it
has
been
followed,
and
which have
been
drawn
up
after
its
model,
have
been concluded
against
the
liberties
of
the
nations
;
and
in
this
way
the
seeds
of
discontent
and
discord
between
the
governed
and those
who
govern
have
continued
to
grow
and
fructify
till the
present
day.
As soon as
the
rights
of
the
bayonet
were
once
made
good
against
Poland
and
Turkey, they
were also
regarded
as
good against
the
free-
A.D.1764]
SECRET
ARTICLE
BETWEEN
RUSSIA
AND PRUSSIA. 21
dom
and
rights
of
the
people.
The
oppressed
have
gnashed
their
teeth
in
despair,
and
waited
for the
visitations
of
the
divine
vengeance,
which
has
followed
close
upon
the foot-
steps
of
those
insolent and
tyrannical
oppressors
of
five-and-
twenty years,
and
will one
day
overtake
them,
as
sure as the
world
is under
the
superintendence
of an
overruling
Provi-
dence.
The
public
conditions
of
the
treaty
concluded
between
Eussia
and Prussia
in
April,
1764,
contained
nothing
sur-
prising
or
offensive
;
the two
parties
pledged
themselves
to
maintain
each other
in the
possession
of
their
present
terri-
tories
(which
wa3
very
important
for
Prussia
with
respect
to
Silesia),
and
agreed,
in case
of
an attack
upon
either,
reci-
procally
to
furnish
10,000
infantry
and
1000
cavalry
as
auxiliaries.
In
case
Russia
should
be
attacked
by
the
Turks,
or Prussia
by
the
French,
a
yearly
contribution
in
money
was
to be substituted
for
the
auxiliary
troops.
The
real virus of
this
treaty,
from
which
sprang
all
the evils
that
have afflicted
and
desolated
Europe
from
that
time
till the
present
day,
is
pressed
into
a secret
article,
which
we
subjoin
:
"It
being
for the interest
of
his
majesty
the
king
of
Prussia
and
of
her
majesty
the
empress
of
all
the
Russias,
to exert their
utmost care
and
all
their efforts
for
maintain-
ing
the
republic
of Poland
in
its state
of
free
election,
and
that
it should
not
be
permitted
to
any
one
to render
the said
kingdom hereditary
in
his
family,
or
to
make
himself
abso-
lute therein
;
his
majesty
the
king
of
Prussia and
her
impe-
rial
majesty
have
promised
and
mutually
engage
themselves,
in the
most solemn
manner,
by
this secret
article,
not
only
not
to
permit
any
one,
whoever
he
be,
to
attempt
to divest
the
republic
of its
right
of
free
election,
to render
the
king-
dom
hereditary,
or
to
make himself
absolute
therein,
in all
cases
whenever such
attempt
should
be
made
;
but
also to
prevent
and to
frustrate,
by
all
possible
means,
and
in
com-
mon
consent,
the
views and
designs
that
have a
tendency
to
that
end,
as soon as
they
shall be
discovered,
and
even,
in
case
of
necessity,
to
recur to the force
of
arms,
to defend
the
republic
from
the
overthrow
of
its constitution
and
its
fun-
damental laws.
"
The
present
secret article shall
have
the
same
force
and
22
HISTOEY OF RUSSIA.
[CH.
XXXIX.
vigour
as if it had
been
inserted word for word in the
prin-
cipal treaty
of defensive alliance
signed
this
day,
and shall
be
ratified at the same time.
"
In
virtue
whereof
two similar
copies
of it
have been
made,
which
we,
the
ministers
plenipotentiary
of his
majesty
the
king
of Prussia and
of her
majesty
the
empress
of all the
Russias,
authorised to that
purpose,
have
signed
and sealed
with
the
seal
of
our
arms.
"Done at
St.
Petersburg,
the
11th
of'
April
(the
31st
of
March,
O.S.),
1764.
"
C. DE SOLMS. PANIN. GaLITZHT."
The
king,
whose
election had been
promoted by
this
treaty,
had
no
other
dependence
for his
support
than
a reliance
upon
foreign
aid
;
for
he
was held
in
no
estimation
by
the Polish
nobility,
who
constituted what
they
denominated
the
repub-
lic. The
Polish
nobles were
divided
into
four
classes,
the
highest
of which
was
composed
of the first
families,
who
were in
possession
of
principalities,
and had
the
right
of
maintaining
a
standing army
;
the second class
possessed
waiwodeships,
starosties,
and
bishoprics
;
the
third,
castle3
and
special
jurisdictions
;
and
the
fourth,
which
was
very
numerous,
was
proud,
but in a
servile
condition,
dependent,
and
partly
as
poor
as
beggars.
Stanislaus Poniatowski was indebted
for
the distinction
which
he
enjoyed
to a
fortunate
marriage
which
his
father
had
contracted,
by
means of
which
he
became
nephew
to
the
high
chancellor
Czartorinski, who,
together
with his
nephew
of the same
name,
stood at the head
of
the Polish
govern-
ment. The
high
chancellor
was, moreover,
in doubt
whether
he should decide in
favour
of his
son-in-law
Oginski
or
his
nephew
Poniatowski,
but
in either
case the
government
would continue
to be
in
the hands
of
the two
Czartorinskis,
because,
although Oginski
and
Poniatowski,
according
to
Rulhiere's
account,
emulated each other in the
practice
of
court
intrigues,
yet
neither the
one nor the
other
was
capable
of
performing
any
other
services
to the
state
either
in
peace
or in war.
*
The immediate and
necessary
consequence
of the alliance
between Russia and Prussia was
the maintenance
of
the old
A.D.
1764]
POLISH
ANAKCHY. 23
constitution,
the
pernicious
nature
of which
may readily
be
inferred
from a few of its
leading
features.*
There
was first
of
all no
tiibunal
in
Poland
which
could
enforce its decisions
against
all
persons,
or treat
all men as
equal
before the
law.
The
whole
course
of
legislation
might
be
effectually
impeded
by
a
single
voice,
which
right
was denominated
the
liberum
veto.
No
systematic
arrangement
of the finances was
pos--
sible
;
and
therefore,
as well
as
for other
reasons,
the
standing
army
could
not
be
brought
into
a
condition
corresponding
to
the
demands of the time. The whole trade of
the
community
was
carried on
by
Jews,
whilst
the mass of
the
population
was
poor
and
miserable,
neither
obedient
to the
king
nor the
law,
but
rendering
a slavish service
to
some
licentious
and
corrupt
magnate,
or to some
contemptible
and rude noble-
man.
The nobles consisted of some hundred
thousand fami-
lies,
who
were
in
part
miserably
poor,
in
part
dependent
on
a
few
grandees
;
the
latter,
with the word freedom
incessantly
on
their
lips,
boasting
of
freedom,
were
haughty
and
impe-
rious,
and
unworthy
of
exercising
the
legislative
functions
which
they enjoyed.
Supported by
foreign
aid
and
foreign
money,
they
were
ready
at
any
instant
to
draw their
swords
and
enter into the most
desperate
and
bloody
feuds for
the
possession
of
the
highest
places
of honour
and distinction in
the
kingdom.
These
grandees
possessed
lordships
and
prin-
cipalities,
had millions
of
revenue,
and thousands
of
other
nobles
in their service
under
the most various
titles
and
pretences ;
were
suffered
to maintain
troops
; and,
in
con-
sequence,
were for
the
most
part
deeply
involved
in debt
;
—
men,
opinions, right
and
justice,
all were
openly
venal.
On
the
king's
death a
republican
administration
of the
•
The
threatening
representations
of Prussia and Russia
prevented
the
estates
from
venturing
to
alter even those
glaring
defects concern-
ing
which
all
parties
were
agreed.
As if the inevitable
anarchy
re-
sulting
from
the liberum
veto was not
enough,
the
army
was
completely
under
the
control
of
the
commander-in-chief,
the administration
of
jus-
tice under
that
of
the
high
chancellor,
the
administration
of the
public
moneys
under that of
the
grand treasurer,
and the whole
regulation
of
the
police
in the hands
of
the
grand
marshal
;
and
none of
these
func-
tionaries could be called
to
any
account
by
the
king,
or receive
any
orders
from the
head of
the
state.
What
remained
to
the
king
as
Uis
prerogative
?
24
HISTOET OF BTTSSIA.
[CH.
XXXIX.
kingdom
continued
from
October, 1763,
till
September,
1764
;
and
this,
as
may
be
supposed,
led to a
complete
dis-
solution of all
the
bonds
of
order and law. The son
of
the
late
king,
who
might
have been
brought
forward in
opposi-
tion to the
Eussian
favourite
Stanislaus
Poniatowski,
died
soon
after
his
father,
so
that Stanislaus was
the
only person
who
had
any
views to
the throne
;
but
he had determined
and
vigorous
opponents
in the
Eadzivils and
others,
who
at
length
ventured to
have recourse to arms
against
the
Rus-
sians who
were in
the
country.
In
March, 1764,
the
Rad-
zivils,
and
Branicki
the
commander-in-chief,
drove
the
Rus-
sian
general
Chmutof and
his
troops
out
of
Graudenz.
This
furnished the
Russians with
an
opportunity
and
pretence
for
intermeddling
in
the
dispute,
which,
according
to
Polish
custom,
could
only
be decided
by
force
of
arms,
because
it
was usual in
Poland,
in all
cases of
political
contest,
to form
bodies
named
confederations,
whose
chiefs
wielded
military
power,
and
in
which
the
liberum
veto
was not
held
good,
but
everything
was determined
by
majority
of votes.
These
chiefs
made
good
their
cause
by
the
power
of
the
sword,
so
that
whoever
was
vanquished
in the field
was
adjudged
to
be
in
the
wrong.
The
only
means,
therefore,
of
restoring
peace
to the whole
kingdom
was to form a
general confederation,
whose chief
should
exercise a
species
of
military
dictatorship,
and be able to
root out
all other confederations.
The two
Czartorinskis
adopted
this
course in
order to
promote
the
cause of
their relation Stanislaus.
Supported
by
the
Russians,
they
first defeated Radzivil and
his
con-
federates in
July,
then
Branicki
and
the
army
of the
crown,
and
finally compelled
them to take
refuge
in
the
Turkish
dominions. This
was no
sooner
effected than
Stanislaus
Poniatowski
was
elected
king
in
September,
1764,
under
the
protection
of
the
Russians and of
the
Czartorinskis,
who
were at the
head of the
general
confederation. The 'main
instruments,
however,
in the
affair
were
Russian
troops
and
Russian
money.
Some time
previous
to
this
election,
Catharine
left
Peters-
burg
to make a
tour in
Livonia
and
Courland.
On her
way
she
visited Cronstadt
;
and
thinking
to
give
the
foreign