Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
384 part two—chapter three
[beg] of Saxony,
415
and aer we have performed and pro-
nounced ceremonial and friendly inquiries about his health,
the auspicious monarchic announcement is that:”)
What strikes one on comparing these inscriptios with the ones con-
tained in the instruments addressed to the Polish kings by the Otto-
man sultans,
416
is the greater familiarity between the khans and the
kings, expressed by the oen used term “our brother,”
417
and the more
equal status of the two rulers, expressed by their respective titles. In
the Ottoman documents, the king’s name was preceded by the rigid
elqab (i.e., inscriptio) formula, worded almost identically in Ottoman
letters addressed to dierent Christian rulers, and the list of royal
domains was limited to a few provinces,
418
thus making a sharp con-
trast with the elaborate and extensive intitulatio of the sultan. On the
contrary, in the Crimean instruments the royal titles were modeled on
the genuine ones contained in the royal letters, sent to Baghchasaray.
is is illustrated by the fact that many geographic terms appear in
the Crimean documents in their Polish form. At times, the royal side
was even able to persuade the Crimean partners to acknowledge the
claims of Sigismund III, Vladislaus IV, and John Casimir to the throne
in Stockholm and refer to the Polish Vasas as the kings of the Swedes,
Goths, and Vandals.
419
e only direct Ottoman import into the royal
inscriptio composed in Baghchasaray can be seen in the instrument
from 1654, where John Casimir is referred to as the king of the whole
“Nazarene community” (millet-i nasraniye) whereas the latter term,
referring to the Christians, was commonly used by the Ottoman
chancery.
e Crimean khans apparently did not nourish much hope in
the possibility of proselytizing their neighbors, unlike the Ottoman
415
Pol. Saksonia is rendered in the Turkish text as Saqsonya.
416
Cf. Kołodziejczyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations, pp. 21–24.
417
On the term qarındaşımız or qardaşımız (“our brother”), expressing actual
or declared equality between two monarchs and also employed in the correspon-
dence between the khans and the Muscovian rulers, cf. Inalcık, “Power Relationships
between Russia, the Crimea, and the Ottoman Empire as Reected in Titulature,” pp.
375 and 387.
418
Typically, apart from Poland and Lithuania, also Ruthenia, Prussia, Mazovia,
and Livonia were listed.
419
Admittedly, for a time also the Porte respected these claims and in the Ottoman
‘ahdnames sent to Sigismund III and Vladislaus IV Sweden was listed among their
domains.
the crimean instruments 385
sultans, who expressed such hope at least in lip service. e Crimean
letters, addressed to the Polish kings, did not contain the standard Ara-
bic salutatio, known from the Ottoman letters sent to Christian rulers
and alluding to the addressee’s ultimate conversion to Islam.
420
e
salutatio, contained in the Crimean letters, was rather worded in com-
mon Turkish vernacular that can be heard even today on the streets of
Istanbul, but that was rarely used by the seventeenth-century Ottoman
chancery (i.e., nedir mübarek hatırıŋız yahşımısız hoşmısız?, “how is
your blessed health?, do you feel well?, are you doing well?”). To be
sure, some documents contained an Arabic formula that expressed the
wish that the king would live in peace until the Day of Judgment (dame
musalahatuhu ila yevmi`l-mizan), but—unlike the formula contained
in the Ottoman letters—it did not directly allude to his conversion.
e fact that Baghchasaray accepted the titles of neighboring rulers
more willingly than Istanbul does not imply that the Crimean chan-
cery mechanically copied these titles irrespective of their contents. In
a letter to Moscow, sent around 1660, the Crimean vizier Sefer Ghazi
Agha rejected the tsar’s haughty title of “the emperor of the West and
East” (Maġrib ve Maşriq padişahı) and mockingly remarked that, leav-
ing aside the East, in the West alone there was the Christian emperor
who distributed crowns to seven Christian rulers and, besides, many
lands in the West belonged to the Ottoman emperor.
421
420
Perhaps with one exception; cf. n. 390 above. Nevertheless, most of the Crimean
instruments issued between 1592 and 1654 contained the ending formula saluting
“those who had followed the right path [i.e., Islam],” which was also typically present
in the Ottoman letters addressed to “indels;” on this formula, see below.
421
Cf. Inalcık, “Power Relationships between Russia, the Crimea, and the Ottoman
Empire as Reected in Titulature,” p. 381; the undated letter is published in Materialy
dlja istorii Krymskago xanstva, pp. 872–875. e reference to the Christian emperor
obviously alludes to the Habsburg emperor and the seven German (in fact, one Bohe-
mian) electors, although the letter mistakenly species that their number included
the kings of Poland, Sweden, Denmark, Spain, and Transylvania. In the letter, the
tsar is assigned an even lower position than it is suggested by Inalcık’s translation: the
Crimean vizier compares the Russian ruler not with the Habsburg (Inalcık: “like you
there is a Christian Padişah who crowned seven kings”) but with those petty rulers
who were crowned by the Habsburg: “he [i.e., the Habsburg emperor] crowns seven
Christian padishahs who are like your padishah; [. . .] each one of them is a padishah
like your padishah” (seniŋ padişahıŋ gibi yedi Hrıstyan padişahına tac giydirir [. . .] her
biri seniŋ padişahın gibi bir padişahdır).
386 part two—chapter three
Expositio-narratio and dispositio; manifestatio
e expositio-narratio typically invoked the divine assistance in facili-
tating the khan’s ascent to the throne and expressed his wish to restore
the ancient friendship that had once reigned between his forefathers
and the addressee’s predecessors. As late as 1520, Mehmed Giray
recalled the assistance, once received by Tokhtamısh and Hadji Giray,
who had arrived in Lithuania on sweating horses, chased from the
Horde by their enemies. Interestingly, the Crimean tradition credited
only Vytautas as the trusted ally of the two khans, while the name
of King Vladislaus Jagiełło, who had been Vytautas’ suzerain and the
addressee of Toktamish’s famous yarlıq of 1393, had been obliterated.
Jagiełło’s name was reintroduced only in 1514 (and only in Mengli
Giray’s şartname regarding Poland) on the initiative of the Polish
Crown chancery.
422
While Tokhtamısh was no longer mentioned aer 1520, the mem-
ory of Hadji Giray and his friendship with the Jagiellonian rulers was
invoked as late as 1601, and the memory of Mengli Giray was still
invoked by 1637 (both Hadji and Mengli Girays are also mentioned
in the instrument of Qalga Islam Giray from 1640).
In its later part, the narratio typically recalled the events that had led
to the issue of the current document, including the previous embassies
and treaties. For instance, the instruments of 1599 and 1607 contained
references to the Treaty of Ţuţora (1595), entered on the initiative of
the royal side because the treaty contained clauses favorable for War-
saw, especially the one providing for a joint Ottoman-Crimean-Polish
patronage over Moldavia.
e actual political clauses were usually recorded in the dispositio.
Yet, sometimes the khans merely conrmed the contents of the pre-
vious instruments, whose clauses were quoted in the narratio (like
the donation of lands to Lithuanian rulers attributed to Tokhtamısh).
422
e mutual relations between Jogaila (Vladislaus Jagiełło) and Vytautas have
been subject to heated disputes between the Polish and Lithuanian nationalist histori-
ographies. While some Polish historians have condemned Vytautas’ natural political
ambitions towards a greater autonomy or perhaps full sovereignty, even branding it
as treason, a number of their Lithuanian colleagues have accused Jogaila of having
sold out Lithuanian national interests in exchange for the Polish crown and regarded
Vytautas as a model Lithuanian patriot. In fact, the mutual charges exchanged between
the elites in Vilnius and Cracow and their war over historical memory can be traced
back to the 15th century, as it is illustrated by the above case.
the crimean instruments 387
Unlike in the Ottoman documents, where the narratio and dispositio
were sharply divided by the expression buyurdum ki (“I have ordered
that”), in the Crimean documents the elements typical for the narra-
tio and dispositio were oen mixed. In some cases, fragments typical
for the dispositio were introduced by such Turkish formulas as imdi
(“now”), hala (“now”), or işbu ‘ahdnamemizni vėrdim (“I have given
our present ‘ahdname, [providing that:]”), but even aer these formu-
las elements typical for the narratio could reappear.
In his analysis of Ottoman documents, Anton Schaendlinger dis-
tinguished a separate diplomatic section and proposed to refer to it as
the manifestatio. It was usually entered between the narratio and the
dispositio and expressed the sultan’s wish to provide for global welfare
and peace.
423
In the Crimean documents, it is dicult to single out a
manifestacio that would be always entered in the same place, but one
encounters some typical expressions that refer to the desired eects
of the peace introduced between the two parties. One such sentence,
found in the instruments from 1513 and 1520, provides that upon wit-
nessing the peace between the two rulers, their friends would rejoice
and their enemies would go blind (Tur. dostları söyünüb düşmanları
soqur bolub). e two instruments from 1592 contain another typical
formula, declaring that “if an orphan, a widow, or ragged beggars were
to travel between the two countries wearing golden crowns on their
heads, they would not experience any harm or damage from anybody”
(Tur. ėki curtnıng arasında öksüz oġul ve tul hatun ve yırtca yarlılar
başlarınga altun tac urub yürür bolsalar kim kimesnedin zarar ve ziyan
körmey).
424
423
Anton Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymans des Prachtigen an Karl V., Fer-
dinand I. und Maximilian II. aus dem Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv zu Wien (Vienna,
1983), pt. 1, pp. XXV–XXVI; for the manifestatio in the Ottoman ‘ahdnames sent
to Poland-Lithuania, see Kołodziejczyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations, pp.
19–21.
424
See Document 35; similar expressions can be found in Documents 34, 40, and
44 (in the two latter ones entered aer the sanctio; cf. notes 440 and 442 below), and
in the letter, sent by Qalga Mehmed Giray (the future khan Mehmed II Giray) to
the Polish king, Henry Valois, in 1574: ėki curtumuznıng arasında öksüz oġul ve tul
hatun altun tac başıġa urunıb yürür bolsa bizim ve sizning devletinde kimesne zarar
etiŋürmes; see AGAD, Dz. tat., k. 65, t. 116, no. 692.
388 part two—chapter three
Sanctio
Because a typical yarlıq was formally addressed not to a foreign ruler
but rather to this ruler’s as well as the khan’s subjects, its sanctio
might also refer to these subjects and not to the direct addressee. For
instance, Hadji Giray’s “donation yarlıq” from ca. 1462 warns that
if the inhabitants of the lands “granted” by the khan to Casimir “do
not obey, nothing good awaits them.” Likewise, Mengli Giray’s yarlıq
from ca. 1473 stipulates that if “they do not wish to serve our brother
as they had before, then we should raid them, enslave, and return to
our brother.” A similar warning, addressed to the inhabitants of the
lands “granted” to King Sigismund, is contained in Mengli’s “donation
yarlıq” from 1507.
Another type of sanctio, contained in şartnames and ‘ahdnames,
was the issuer’s solemn engagement or oath to respect the conditions
of peace. In 1480, Mengli Giray swore that if the king kept his oath
given to him, the khan would sooner leave his kingdom than let any
harm be committed to Casimir’s people or lands, and that by breaking
his oath he would renounce God, Prophet Muhammad, the Koran,
and other holy books venerated by the Muslims. e subsequent sanc-
tios, recorded in the Crimean instruments, were as follows:
1507 (şartname) Естли вы сюю прозбꙋ словъ моихъ, ты корол
Жикгимонът, братъ мои, и з литовъским
ꙋ головахъ кнꙗзем бискꙋпом, и с паны, на
присꙗзе своеи твердо стоꙗ правъдꙋ вчините,
а иначеи не вчините, такежъ мы, из сее
присꙗги нашое и сознаныхъ словъ нашихъ мы
естли иначеи вчинимъ, вышънего единого Бога
ѡтъреченъ тот бꙋдеть и Пророка нашого
свꙗтого Магамета в Божего посланъца
проклатъ бꙋдеть.
(“If you, my brother King Sigismund, along with
the lords, beginning with the Reverend Lithuanian
Bishop [of Vilnius], [fulll] my above worded
request and—keeping rmly your engagement—
take an oath and do not break it, neither will we
[break it], and if we break our present oath and
the crimean instruments 389
conrmed words, [we]
425
will be repudiated by
the highest and only God and cursed by our holy
Prophet Muhammad, the messenger of God”)
1514 (October) На то присѧгаем Богꙋ, и вѣрою, и Мꙋхамедем,
пророком нашимъ Его Милостью, и
черезь сто тисѧчъ и двадъцат и чотыри
тисѧчъ пророков, иж через сес нашъ листъ
докончалъныи што есмо мовили, инако не
маемо быти.
(“We swear to God by the faith, His Excellency our
prophet Muhammad, and by the 124,000 proph-
ets
426
that we will not violate our present letter of
agreement or anything that we have uttered”)
1514 (November) Et aczoche questa nostra perpetua confederacione
et vera fraternetate, et ferma et comone amicicia,
facta fra noi, Menliguerei Imperatore, et anco fra
li nostri glioli et nepoti, et tucto il gran consiglio
del senestro et del destro lato nostro, et de tocti li
duchi, satrape, mursczi, et fra tucti gli altri qua-
lunche subditi se siano de lo nostro stato, et de
quale ordene et condecione che se siano, dal una, et
fra lo Serenessemo Prencepe, Signor Sigisimondo, re
de Polonia et gran duca de Lefania, fratello nostro
carissimo, et fra lo stato de la Sua Regal Serenetate,
zoe fra li consiglieri del Reame de Polonia et del
Gran Ducato de Lefania, de qual se voglia ordene
et condicione, et qual se sia suo subdito, dal altra
banda, debea stare ferma et stabele, promectemo
et ne oblegamo tucte le cose promesse secondo lo
ioramento el quale havemo facto con tucti li nostri
glioli et nepoti, et prencepalmente con lo illustre
Machmethcherei Soltano, gliolo nostro, integra-
mente servare et inconcussamente tenere, sencza
nesson dolo, et sencza fraude nessona del mondo.
Et che tucte le sopradecte promesse serveranno
425
Ruth. tot budet’ (lit. “such individual will be”) obviously refers to the khan.
426
According to a Muslim tradition (hadith), recorded in the collection of Ahmad
bin Hanbal, Allah sent 124,000 prophets to the earth, including Prophet Muhammad;
cf. Document 13, n. 3.
390 part two—chapter three
anco tucti li nostri praedecti subditi, ne iammai
faremo mal nessono a li dominii de la Sua Sere-
nessema Maiestate, ne al Reame de Polonia, ne al
Gran Ducato de Lefania, ne iammai li lasseremo
far male nessuno da li nostri subditi, ma come vero
fratello et sencero amico, in tucte le cose tracteremo
sempre et humanamente, et amicabelemente a la
Sua Serenessema Maiestate. Così sempre noi aiute
Dio, et [cento]
427
vente quatro milia prophete, et
Machmectho Mustapha.
1520 (yarlıq cum И тепере присегаемъ ѡт Бога подлугъ веры
şartname) нашое, и ста и двадцати тисѧчъ и чотырох
тисечаи пророков, и нашого Его Милости
правого пророка Магъмет Масмоѳа:
428
воллаги биллаги ѡ толълаги. На томъ
докончанъи с правдою твердо стоимъ, то
вѣдаючи вѣрьте.
(“And now we swear by God, according to our
faith, by 124,000 prophets, and by our righteous
prophet Muhammad Mustafa: by God, with God,
and through God!
429
We rmly keep this sworn
letter of agreement, thus you should know and
trust”)
1520 (şartname) İmdi bu şartnamemizde yazılġan barça sözleri-
miz üstüne çınlıq birle beng turar üçün men özüm
Mehmed Gėrey Han oġlum Bahadır Gėrey Sul-
tan başlıġ barça oġlanlarım sultanlar taqı barça
oġlanlar biyler mirzalar ve içki daşqı barça nök-
erlerim sizge beng ant şart ėtermüz Tengrining adı
üstüne taqı dinimizden taqı yüz ming yigirmi tört
ming peyġamberden taqı bizim peyġamberimiz
Muhammad Mustafa hazretinden kim vallahi ve
billahi ve tallahi sizning birle arı çın köngülden
dost qarındaşımuz bu şartname içinde yazılġan
427
e word cento (“hundred”) must have been omitted by mistake; cf. n. 426
above.
428
In should read Мастоѳа or better Мустаѳа.
429
e Arabic formula vallahi billahi tallahi is correctly rendered (in Tatar pronun-
ciation) in the Cyrillic text.
the crimean instruments 391
barça ėlingizge memleketingizge şehirleringizge ker-
menleringizge salalarıngızga barça sizge sanlu ėlingizge
kününgüzge barça kişileringizge bizden oġlanlarımdan
oġlanlar biylerden mirzalardan içki daşqı nöker ėşimden
qazaqlarımızdan barça bizge sanlu kişilerimizden
yamanlıq bolmaġay bu şartname sözimizden özge türlü
bolmaġaymuz.
(“Now, in order to keep eternally and truly all our
words written in our present şartname, I personally,
Mehmed Giray Khan, [along with]—to begin with my
son Bahadır Giray Sultan—all my sons, the princes
[sultans], also all the ulans, beys, and mirzas, also all
my servants [nökers] in the inner [i.e., court] and outer
service, we swear to you an eternal oath by the name of
God, by our religion, by 124,000 prophets, and by our
prophet, His Excellency Muhammad Mustafa, that—by
God, with God, and through God!—truly and with all
our hearts we should be friends and brothers with you,
and no evil should befall on your entire country, king-
dom, all cities, towns, and villages listed in this şartname,
or on your numerous people
430
and all your men from
us, our sons, ulans, beys, mirzas, those in the inner and
outer service, our cossacks, and all our numerous men.
We should not behave in a manner that diers from
our words [contained] in this şartname”)
1527 (khan) И содиночивъшысѧ, есьмо со въсею радою нашою
подлугъ своих книгъ прысѧгу вчинили: воллага
вельбилꙗга. И ѡказꙋючы тое братъство и
прыꙗзнь нашу, которꙋю хочемъ вчинити, и посла
нашого великого на то нарадили, и прысѧгънули,
и послали есьмо до тебе, брата нашого, сии
наши листы великии прысѧжъныи тым посломъ,
нашимъ добрымъ а верънымъ слꙋгою [. . .]. И што
тотъ слꙋга мои бꙋдеть ѡтъ мене тобе, братꙋ
моему слово мовити, ты бы, братъ мои тому
верыл, бо мои слова бꙋдеть тобе говорыти. Бо
какъ Богъ ѡдинъ естъ на небе, нехаи бы межы
430
e possessive dative ėlingizge kününgüzge derives from ėl kün, i.e., “people.”
392 part two—chapter three
нами такъже ѡдно слово и прысѧга твердаꙗ была. А
ты бы, братъ мои прыꙗзнь и присѧгу тверъдо держал,
такъ какъ и ꙗ, а словꙋ своему паномъ бы еси был.
(“And in unity, along with our council we have sworn by our
[holy] books: by God and with God!
431
And in display of our
brotherhood and friendship that we want to bring about, we
have appointed our great envoy, we have sworn, and we have
sent you our present great oath-letters through this envoy, our
good and loyal servant [. . .]. And whatever words this servant
of mine passes to you, my brother, you, my brother, should
trust, as these will be my words. Just as there is one God in
heaven, so let there be one word and rm oath between us. And
you, my brother, should rmly keep the friendship and oath as
I do, and you should be the master of your word”)
1539 I pieczęciem swoje przyłożył, walahi wie billahy wi tellahy,
przysięgam Bogu jedynemu i Machometowi Prorokowi.
(“And I have appended my seals, by God, with God, and
through God!
432
—I swear to God and Prophet Muhammad”)
1542 Przysięgamy Jedynemu Bogu, Jego Miłości Machometowi Pro-
rokowi, to jest: wallahy wie billahy wi tellahy—przysięgliśmy, o
tym wiercie.
(“We swear to one God and His Excellency Prophet Muham-
mad: by God, with God, and through God!
433
—thus we swore
and thus you should believe”)
1552 И на всемъ на том присегу есмо ꙋчинили на
справедливости, и ꙋпометавъши на вышнего единого
Бога, и на пророка нашого Магмедъ Мостаѳꙋ, ведлꙋгъ
законꙋ нашого присегаемъ то моцъне держати: воллаги
во биллоги ва теллоги. Наша присега на томъ ест.
Вамъ, брату нашомꙋ присегу свою моцъне держати
бꙋдемъ, и слово наше ѡтъ тое присеги нашое николи не
ѡтменъно бꙋдеть.
431
e Arabic formula vallahi ve billahi is rendered (in Tatar pronunciation) in the
Cyrillic text as vollaha vel’biljaha.
432
e Arabic formula vallahi ve billahi ve tallahi is correctly rendered in the Pol-
ish text.
433
e Arabic formula vallahi ve billahi ve tallahi is correctly rendered in the Pol-
ish text.
the crimean instruments 393
(“And we have taken oath upon the sincerity of everything
[that has been written] above, and having invoked the supreme
and one God, and our prophet Muhammad Mustafa, we swear
according to our law to rmly keep it: by God, with God, and
through God!
434
Such is our oath. We will rmly keep our oath
to you, our brother, and our word will never deviate from our
present oath”)
1560 My sami, Dawletgirei car w głowach, i z synem naszym Mach-
metgireiem gałgą, i z synmi naszymi carowiczami, kniaźmi, cara-
czeyami, ułany, i inszymi murzami ile ich jest wszelkich, którzy
przy nas są wierni a dobrzy słudzy nasi, przysięgę swą na tym
czynimy i uczyniliśmy: Przysięgamy na prawdę temu Bogu, który
stworzył niebo i ziemię, na naszym Alkoranie, bratu naszemu
iż wierność okazujemy, i potomkom waszym w sprawiedliwości
i w dobrej wierności być chcemy; i obiecujemy wszelko wedle
tego dokończenia naszego pełnić; i państwom waszym, brata
naszego, jako Korony Polskiej, tak i Wielkiego Księstwa Litews-
kiego, i wszelkim zamkom waszym, wsiom, włościom, i wszemu
państwu i ludziom waszym, i wszelkim ukrainom waszym, w
żadnej rzeczy szkody się nie stanie; z wami, bratem naszym,
wielkim królem Zigmuntem Augustem, iż we wszem chcemy w
braterskiej a dobrej przyjaźni być na wieczne czasy, jako w tym
dokończeniu naszym znamienicie i jaśnie jest napisano. Na tym
wszystkim przysięgęśmy uczynili na sprawiedliwości, a wspom-
niawszy na najwyższego jedynego Boga, i na proroka naszego
Machmeta Mustafę, według zakonu naszego przysięgamy to
wszelko dzierżeć wedle tego dokończenia naszego: wallahi we
billahi wi tellahi. Nasza przysięga na tym jest. Bratu naszemu,
wielkiemu królowi Zigmuntowi Augustowi przysięgę swą mocno
dzierżeć będziemy, i słowo nasze od tej przysięgi naszej nigdy
odmienne nie będzie.
(“We, Devlet Giray Khan—to begin with, along with our son,
the qalga Mehmed Giray, and our [other] sons, the sultans,
[and] the beys, qaraçıs, ulans, and other mirzas—as many as
there are–, who stand by us as our loyal and good servants,
434
e Arabic formula vallahi va billahi va tallahi is correctly rendered (in Tatar
pronunciation) in the Cyrillic text.