Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)
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724 document 29 (the beginning of 1541)
ѳ҃ [9]: А тотъ поминокъ маеть его милость царꙋ посылати по поло-
вицы, то естъ на день Светого Ꙗна, месеца июлѧ
e
двадъцать четверъ-
того днѧ, а дрꙋгꙋю половину <ꙋги> впоминку маеть его милость ему
посылати на день Всих Светых, месеца ноѧбра первого днѧ.
ı ҃ [10]: А не маеть царъ многих гонъцовъ своих до Королѧ Его
Милости слати, бо Господаръ Его Милость
f
шкода великаѧ ꙋ скаръбе
его милости сѧ дееть. Нижъли коли потреба вкажеть с которымъ
деломъ, або зъ вестьми до Королѧ Его Милости посылати, тогъды
маеть царъ слати гонца самодрꙋга, а набольшъ самотретего.
g
а҃ı ҃ [11]: А естъли бы царъ гонъцовъ своих ꙋ великих почътех слалъ, а
было бы их ѡсобъ двадцать або большъ, тогъды Король Его Милость
с тогожъ впоминъку царева маеть их ѡтъправовати. А коли царъ
великого посла своего до Королѧ Его Милости пошълеть, тогъды
з нимъ не маеть быти больш людеи, ѡдъно чоловековъ десѧть або
двадцать, а набольшъ полътретѧдцать; а Король Его Милость кажеть
тых [з] скарбꙋ своего ѡтъправовати, што бꙋдеть волѧ его милости
господаръскаѧ.
в҃ı҃ [12]: А естъли бы зъ ведомомъ царевымъ, або и без ведомо[с]ти
царевы которые люди малые або великие в панъство господаръское сѧ
прокрали, а ѡни бы, пошедъши, звоевали, ино царъ маеть их самых
головами поимавъши до его милости послати, и домы их розграбити.
А пакъ ли бы ѡни сами головами ꙋвошъли, и ѡнъ жоны и дети их
маеть до Королѧ Его Милости послати; а што ѡзмуть статъковъ, то
зыскавъши назадъ верънути. А естъли бы царъ на то пилности вчи-
нит не хотелъ и таковых людеи не повъстегалъ, а которые бы люди
або царевичи в земълю господаръскую ꙋвошъли и шкодꙋ вчинили,
тогды того годꙋ, котораѧ
h
сѧ таѧ шкода станеть, не маеть его милость
ѡного впоминъку цареви давати. Нижъли коли цар бꙋдеть справедъ-
ливе тые вси речи сполънѧти, его милость господаръ маеть ему ѡныи
ꙋпоминокъ давати.
г҃ı ҃ [13]: А на тые вси речи, которые на томъ списку суть выписа-
ные, великии посолъ царевъ, кнѧз Алигачи, душею царевою и самъ
ѡтъ себе которое его милость
i
присѧгу вчинилъ, ижъ маеть царъ
водълꙋгъ ѡное намовы то все справедъливе держати и полънити, и
маеть водълꙋгъ того списку доконъчанье свое до его милости при-
слати, лечъ ширеи доконьчанье маеть быти выписано по тому, ꙗко и
иншие доконьчаньѧ.
e
Sic; it should read июнѧ.
f
It should read: Господару Его Милости.
g
e passage ends with a sign denoting etc.
h
It should read которого.
i
It should read: его милости.
document 29 (the beginning of 1541) 725
Translation:
Such an agreement between His Royal Majesty and Sahib Giray Khan has been
designed in Cracow through [the mediation of ] the great envoy Ali Hadji;
2
[thereaer] it should be written down in broader words at the heading, as [it
was usual] in the previous letters of agreement:
1) It has been settled between the hospodar [i.e., Sigismund] and the khan that
Sahib Giray Khan should by a friend to the friends of His Royal Majesty and
of the son of His Majesty, the young king and grand duke Augustus, and an
enemy to the enemies of eir Majesties, and he should face any enemy jointly
with eir Majesties, the hospodars.
2) And whichever towns, estates, lands, and waters the hospodar’s Muscovian
enemy took unjustly and in violation of his oath from the great kings: His
Majesty’s father Casimir and His Majesty’s brother, and also from His Royal
Majesty, [now] Sahib Giray Khan should—having invoked God’s help—take
[back] all these towns from the said Muscovian enemy of His Majesty, and
restore them to His Royal Majesty. And he should assist His Majesty against
this enemy and all other enemies.
3) Moreover, Sahib Giray Khan should let His Royal Majesty and His Majesty’s
descendants hold in peace:
– rstly Kiev along with lands and waters;
– Luc’k with its tümens along with lands and waters;
– Smolensk with its tümen along with lands and waters;
– Polack with its tümen along with lands and waters;
– Podolia with its tümens along with lands and waters;
– Sokolec’
3
with its tümens along with waters and lands;
– also Zvynyhorod
4
along with lands and waters;
– Braclav with its tümen and revenues;
– Kačybej and Majak along with lands and waters;
5
2
Apparently identical with Ali Hadji, a courtier (içki bek) of Sahib Giray Khan, who
thereaer participated in the failed campaign against Muscovy in 1541; see Tarih-i
Sahib Giray Han, pp. 61–62 and 200 (French translation); cf. also Zajcev, “ ‘Pozabyv
Boga, i naše žalovan’e, i svoju dušu . . .’ (Priključenija knjazja Semena Fedoroviča
Bel’skogo),” in: idem, Meždu Moskvoj i Stambulom, p. 157, n. 134. e present docu-
ment is undated, but its dating is enabled by a comparison with neighboring docu-
ments registered in the Lithuanian Register as well as the fact that Anikij Hornostaj,
the royal envoy who accompanied Ali Hadji back to the Crimea, returned to Poland-
Lithuania already in July 1541. Ali Hadji rst negotiated in Cracow and then traveled
to Vilnius in order to take an oath in the royal presence; cf. Document 30, n. 1.
3
Cf. Document 8, n. 4.
4
Cf. Document 8, n. 5.
5
On Kačybej and Majak, cf. Document 8, notes 6–7.
726 document 29 (the beginning of 1541)
– also starting from Kiev along with the Dnieper upstream
6
to its mouth;
– Sneporod and Hlyns’k along with [their] people;
7
– Žolvaž
8
and Putyvl’ along with lands and waters;
– Byryn, Synec, Xoten’, Losyčy, Xotmyšl, and Oskol along with lands and
waters;
9
– Kursk with its tümen;
– Jagoldaj, son of Saraj with its tümen;
10
– Putyvl’, Radogošč’ and Myloljub along with lands and waters;
11
– Mužeč,
12
Starodub, Ljubeč, and Brjansk;
– Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and Tula along with lands and waters;
13
– Berestej, Retan’, Kozel’sk, Pronsk, Volkonsk, Spažsk, and Donec;
14
– the castle of Dašov, the ruined castle [Ruth. horodyšče] of Balykly,
15
Tušyn,
Nemyrov,
16
Uhrom with its tümen,
17
Momyš,
18
and an island [referred to as
Fedorov],
19
all with their lands and waters;
20
– Pskov, Velikij Novgorod, Pskov,
21
and Perejaslavl’ Rjazan’skij, with their
tümen[s] and people along with forests, towns, all prots, [and everything]
that ows or streams—[giving all the above localities] to the throne of the
Lithuanian state.
4) And the merchants from His Majesty’s states: the Polish Crown and the
Grand Duchy of Lithuania, may freely take salt in Kačybej and, having paid
the tolls according to the ancient custom, bring [this] salt to Kiev, Luc’k, and
other towns, guarded by the khan’s men.
6
Sic; it should read “downstream;” cf. Document 27, n. 10.
7
On Sneporod and Hlyns’k, cf. Document 8, notes 8–9.
8
Cf. Document 8, n. 10.
9
On these estates, listed in the same order, cf. Document 27, n. 13.
10
It should rather read: “the tümen of Jagoldaj, son of Saraj;” cf. Document 27, n. 14.
11
Cf. Document 27, n. 15; Putyvl’ is erroneously recorded twice, here and above
along with Žolvaž, in a corrupt form Botuly.
12
Cf. Document 27, n. 16.
13
On Mcensk, Ljubutsk, and Tula, see Document 8, notes 20–21.
14
On these localities and estates, see Document 8, notes 22–26.
15
On these two settlements, situated on the lower Boh, see Document 8, notes 31
and 28. Dašov was in fact the ancient name of Očakiv (Tat. Djankerman; Tur. Özü
qal‘esi).
16
Corruptly recorded as Memyžy; cf. n. 20 below.
17
e tümen of Uhrom, which could not be localized, appears in Documents 14,
20 (corrupt as “the tümen of Turov”), 24, and 27; cf. n. 20 below.
18
In the earlier documents recorded as Mušač, Mušal, Mušen, Mumyš, Myšen, and
Mamyš; see Document 27, n. 22.
19
For Fedorov, cf. Document 14.
20
e last four settlements, Tušyn, Nemyrov (alias Nemyr), Momyš, and Fedorov
(alias Xodorov or Fedorkovo), as well as the tümen of Uhrom, could not be identied,
but they were apparently situated in lower Podolia, between the Boh and Dniester riv-
ers; cf. Document 8, n. 32, Document 12, n. 23, and Document 14.
21
Erroneously registered twice: in a corrupt form as Busko (above) and here cor-
rectly as Pskov; cf. Document 27, n. 25.
document 29 (the beginning of 1541) 727
5) And if the subjects of His Royal Majesty suer any damage in Kačybej
from the khan’s men, the khan should compensate this damage to His Royal
Majesty.
6) Moreover, all the merchants from the Polish or Lithuanian state may come
with their merchandise to Perekop [i.e., the Crimean Khanate] and to Caa,
conduct their trade there and freely return home, having paid the ancient tolls;
likewise, the khan’s merchants may go to His Majesty’s state with the purpose
of trade, and freely return home, having likewise paid the customary tolls.
7) e khan should not send his troops—either large or small—to the two states
of His Royal Majesty: the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as
will be more broadly described in the letter of agreement.
8) As concerns the gis: in return for his [i.e., the khan’s] kindness, His Royal
Majesty should send him each year a gi worth 15,000 orins [zolotys] in
cloths, namely each piece [postaw] of London cloth
22
[considered] worth 33
golden orins [i.e., ducats].
9) His Majesty should send this gi to the khan by halves, namely [the rst
half] by St. John’s Day, by the 24th day of the month of June, and the second
half of the gi should be sent to him by His Majesty by All Saints’ Day, by the
1st day of the month of November.
10) And the khan should not send numerous couriers to His Royal Majesty
because it causes great detriment to His Majesty, the hospodar [i.e., Sigismund],
in His Majesty’s treasury. Only when he needs to notify His Royal Majesty about
some matter or news, then the khan should send a courier in the company of
one, or at most two men [Ruth. samohodruha, a nabol’š samotreteho].
11) And if the khan sends his couriers with large retinues numbering twenty or
more persons, then His Royal Majesty should give them allowance by deducing
it from the gi due to the khan. And when the khan sends his great envoy to His
Royal Majesty, then he should not be accompanied by more than ten, twenty,
or at most twenty-ve men; and His Royal Majesty will order to give them as
much allowance from his treasury as it pleases His Majesty, the hospodar.
12) And if some individuals of low or high status [Ruth. ljudi malye abo velykye]
sneak into the hospodar’s state with the khan’s knowledge or without, and raid
it, the khan should capture them and send to His Majesty, and conscate their
houses. And if they escape themselves, he should send His Royal Majesty their
wives and children; and if they capture any goods, he should take them back
and restore [to the king]. And if the khan does not wish to display diligence and
restrain such people, and if some individuals, or the sultans [Ruth. carevyčy,
22
On the terms postaw and “London cloth,” see Document 26, n. 5.
728 document 29 (the beginning of 1541)
i.e., Tatar princes], enter the hospodar’s land and commit damage, then in the
year when this damage occurs, His Majesty will not have to give the said gi
to the khan. But if the khan justly fullls all the said conditions, His Majesty,
the hospodar should give him the said gi.
13) Ali Hadji Bey, the khan’s great envoy, has sworn to His Majesty with the
khan’s soul and on his own upon all the conditions that have been written
down in this dra [spysok], [and engaged] that the khan should justly keep
and fulll everything according to this agreement, and he should send to His
Majesty his letter of agreement, being in accord with this dra, but written
more broadly, as the other letters of agreement [used to be written].
DOCUMENT 30 (THE FIRST HALF OF 1541)
e oath by Ali Hadji (Alihača), the Crimean envoy,
sworn in Vilnius
Ruthenian copies:
A. RGADA, fond 389 = Litovskaja metrika, no. 28, fol. 40a–40b.
Published in Metryka Vjalikaha Knjastva Litouskaha. Kniha 28 (1522–
1552). Kniha zapisau 28, p. 94.
A.* 18th-century Latin script transcription: AGAD, Metryka Litewska,
no. 213, pp. 425–427.
Прысѧга Алигача именемъ господара его, цара Сагап Киреѧ Воюна,
королю польскому и великому кнѧзю литовскому Жикгимонту, и сынꙋ
его милости Авгꙋсту ꙋчиненаꙗ:
Ꙗ, Алигача, присꙗгаю душею господара моего, волного цара Сагапъ
Киреѧ Воюна [на] ал-Куран, на бересатъ,
a
через Бога вышнего
имѧ, и через Ахмета
b
пророка нашого, и через сто и двадцать и
чотыри тисѧчи, и через триста и тринадцат пророков нашихъ, братꙋ
господарѧ моего, королю польскому и великому кнѧзю литовскомꙋ,
его милости Жикгимонту, и сыну его милости, королю польскому и
великому кнѧзю Авкгустꙋ, то все держати и справедливе полнити во
всемъ водлугъ тое намовы, которꙋю есми с Паны Радами Королѧ Его
Милости вчинилъ, и списокъ ѡное вмовы до господара моего пос-
лалъ, и тепер перед самымъ Господаремъ Его Милостью тую вмову
приимꙋю.
А господаръ тежъ мои мает и то принѧти, и тꙋю всю теперешнюю
вмовꙋ маю
c
держати и полнити, Королю Его Милости на тыи вси речи
листъ свои присꙗжныи послати.
Ꙗкожъ и ꙗ самъ душею моею Королю Его Милости Жикгимонту, и
сынꙋ его милости, молодомꙋ королю присегаю на томъ, ижъ господаръ
мои, вольныи цар маеть королем ихъ милости добра хотети и приꙗти,
и ничого на ихъ милости господареи, и на ѡбои панства их милости,
Корꙋнꙋ Полскую и Кнѧзьство Великое Литовское, лихого не мает
мыслити. И сынов своих царевичов, и людеи своих маеть внѧти, и не
дати ѡбоимъ панствомъ его милости шкоды чинити. И приꙗтелю их
милости маеть быти приꙗтелемъ, а неприꙗтелю неприꙗтелемъ.
a
Perhaps it should read: берекат, i.e., “the divine blessings” in Arabic and Turk-
ish; cf. Document 21, n. a and Document 25, n. a.
b
It should read Махмета as in the present document below, or Махамета as
in Document 21.
c
Apparently it should read мает.
730 document 30 (the first half of 1541)
А посла теперешнего великого, пана Ѡникеѧ Горностаѧ, и иныхъ
послов и гонцовъ, которыи бꙋдꙋть [ѡт] Королѧ Его Милости до
Цара Его Милости ходити, нѣ маеть их задерживати, ани соромоты
ни легъкости не маеть Его Милость Цар самъ, ани кнѧзи, и вланы,
и врꙗдники его милости посломъ и гоньцомъ Королѧ Его Милости
чинити, ани грабити их, ани слугъ их.
И естли то господаръ мои сполънить, Боже ему помози, а естли
того не сполънить, Боже ему не помози, и нехаи бꙋдет ѡтдален ѡт
ласки божеи и законꙋ Махмета пророка нашого, и тыхъ всихъ вышеи
писаных пророков нашихъ, и нехаи бꙋдеть ꙗко неꙗвныи поганин, и
нехаи бы жадныи его сынъ, и по немъ бꙋдꙋчи, на томъ царстве, на
которомъ ѡн царꙋеть, не царовали, але ꙗко Богъ правдивыи и спра-
ведливыи, нехаи ихъ скинеть изъ столца ѡтцовского, а неприꙗтелѧ
ихъ нехаи Богъ на томъ столцы пановати вчинить на вечныи часы.
Писан . . .
Translation:
e oath by Ali Hadji
1
in the name of his khan, Sahib Giray Bahadır [Ruth.
Vojun],
2
sworn to Sigismund, the king of Poland and the grand duke of Lithu-
ania, and the son of His Majesty, Augustus:
I, Ali Hadji, swear with the soul of my lord, the free
3
khan Sahib Giray
Bahadır, by the Koran, the divine blessings,
4
the name of the highest God, our
prophet Muhammad,
5
and our 124,000 and 313 prophets
6
to the brother of
my lord, His Majesty Sigismund, the king of Poland and the grand duke of
1
On Ali Hadji, a courtier of Sahib Giray Khan, and on the dating of the present
document, see Document 29, n. 2. e oath must have taken place in Vilnius, where
King Sigismund resided between 24 May 1540 and 19 May 1542; cf. Gąsiorowski,
“Itineraria dwu ostatnich Jagiellonów,” p. 267.
2
In Sahib Giray’s tamġa impressed on a document from 1523, when he reigned
in Kazan (1521–1524), he is referred to as Sahib Giray Bahadır Han. Hence the term
Vojun (“warrior”), found in the Ruthenian translation, apparently reects the Turk-
ish term (also a proper name) Bahadır (lit. “hero”). Admittedly, in two later vari-
ants of Sahib Giray’s tamġa impressed on documents from 1549–1550, when he was
the Crimean khan (r. 1532–1551), the word Bahadır is missing and he is referred to
merely as Sahib Giray Han; cf. Mirkasym Usmanov, Žalovannye akty Džučieva ulusa
XIV–XVI vv., pp. 145 and 153–154. Another possibility is that the term vojun reects
the Turkish epithet el-ġazi, referring to a Muslim ghter and found in the introduc-
tory formula of Sahib Giray’s yarlıqs. Perhaps not by coincidence, the phrase Ebü`l-
Feth el-ġazi Sahib Gėrey Han sözüm was translated in Russian as “Pobedonosnogo
voitelja Saxib-Giraja xana slovo;” cf. Usmanov, “Termin <<jarlyk>>,” p. 226.
3
On the expression volnyj car (“free khan”), reecting the ancient Mongol-Tatar
notion of sovereignty, cf. Document 10, n. 3.
4
e obscure word beresat has been tentatively read as berekat; cf. n. a above,
Document 21, notes a and 5, and Document 25, notes a and 3.
5
Cf. n. b above.
6
On the number of prophets and messengers as recorded in the Muslim tradition,
cf. Document 21, n. 6.
document 30 (the first half of 1541) 731
Lithuania, and to the son of His Majesty, Augustus, the king of Poland and
the grand duke, to keep and justly, entirely fulll everything that I have agreed
upon with the Lords Councilors of His Royal Majesty and of which agreement
I have sent a copy to my lord; and now I accept this agreement in the presence
of His Majesty, the hospodar [i.e., Sigismund].
And my lord should accept this too, and he should keep and fulll the whole
present agreement, and he should send to His Royal Majesty his oath-letter
conrming what has been said [above].
Also I personally swear with my soul to His Royal Majesty Sigismund and to
the son of His Majesty, the young king, that my lord, the free khan, should wish
well and be friendly towards eir Royal Majesties, and should have no bad
intentions against eir Majesties, the hospodars, and the two states of eir
Majesties: the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. And he should
restrain his sons, the sultans [Ruth. carevyčov, i.e., princes], and his men and
not let them commit any damage to the two states of His Majesty. And he
should be a friend of eir Majesties’ friend, and an enemy of their enemy. And
he should not detain the present great envoy, Pan Anikij Hornostaj,
7
or other
envoys and couriers who will come from His Royal Majesty to His Majesty the
Khan; nor should His Majesty the Khan or the beys [Ruth. knjazy], ulans, and
ocials of His Majesty commit any ignoble or inconsiderate acts to the envoys
and couriers of His Royal Majesty, or rob them or their servants.
And if my lord fullls this, may God assist him; and if he does not fulll it,
may God deny him assistance, and may he be separated from the divine grace
and from the law of our prophet Muhammad, and from all our above written
prophets, and may he be like a false-hearted heathen, and may none of his sons
and descendants reign in the kingdom in which he reigns, but—as God is true
and just—may He remove them from the ancestral throne, and may God make
their enemy rule on that throne forever.
Written [. . .]
8
7
On Anikij (Onikiej) Hornostaj, see Document 19, n. 4.
8
e datatio and locatio are missing. In fact, while recording the texts of the oaths,
Lithuanian chancery clerks usually did not record their date and place.
DOCUMENT 31 (SEPTEMBER 1542)
e donation yarlıq cum şartname sent by Khan Sahib Giray
to King Sigismund
e original document is missing.
Polish translation:
A. Bibl. Kórn., ms. 222, pp. 126–129.
B. Bibl. Czart., ms. 62 (Teki Naruszewicza), pp. 243–247.
Sahipkireia cara pakta roku pańskiego 1545 z Zygmuntem etc.
a
Poczynamy bożym imieniem i proroctwa Jego Miłości Machometa Proroka!
Iż teraźniejszego czasu, chwała miłemu Bogu, na miescu
b
ojca swego carem
ostaliśmy, jako ociec nasz Menligirey
c
car, i brat nasz Machmetgirey
d
car, tak
i od nas, Sahipgireya
e
cara:
Od prawej i od lewej ręki naszej, i od wszelkiego państwa naszego ułanom,
kniaziom, murzom,
f
ruskim państwom, zamkom, miastom, czerńcom, biel-
com, i wszelkim
g
aby było jawno, iż przodkowie nasi na potnym
h
koniu do
wielkiego kniazia Wytolta
i
i do wielkiego króla Kazimierza, do państwa litew-
skiego w gościnę przyjeżdżali i wielką uczciwość mieli. I przodkowie nasi z
wielkim królem Casimirzem
j
w bratskiej
k
przyjaźni byli, i między sobą dokoń-
czenie i przysięgi dali. My także, w wielkiej a w dobrej przyjaźni brackiej z
wami, bratem naszym, wielkim królem Zigmuntem
l
i synem waszym, mło-
dym królem i wielkim książęciem litewskim, i daliśmy to dokończenie nasze
i przysięgę pod złotą pieczęcią naszą: w głowach to jest Kiyow,
m
Cerkassy,
Wielkie Luczko z państwy, Połoczko, Brasłow,
n
Ostreho, Olenisko,
o
Choten,
a
B. Sahipkireia cara tatarskiego pakta, roku pańskiego 1545.
b
B. miejscu.
c
B. Menligerey.
d
B. Machmetgerey.
e
B. Sahipgireia
f
In both copies written erroneously: ułanów, kniaziów, murzów; for the same error,
cf. Document 28, n. f.
g
B. wszystkim.
h
In B. mistakenly written polnym; cf. Document 1, n. c.
i
B. Witolta.
j
B. Kazimierzem.
k
B. braterskiej.
l
In B. here and hereaer: Zygmuntem.
m
B. Kiiow.
n
B. Brasław.
o
B. Ostroholensko; cf. n. 5 below.
document 31 (september 1542) 733
Luczicen, Chotensko, Kozielsko, tumen Sareyewycza
p
—Jakateńską ziemię,
Batulą, Radonisko,
q
Brańsko, Starodub.
Te zamki od brata naszego ten nieprzyjaciel zdradliwym postępkiem zabrał.
A gdy da Pan Bóg, nam dopomoże, te zamki do swych rąk wziąć, te zamki
do was, brata naszego postąpiem
r
bratu naszemu, młodemu królowi. I z nim
dobrą bracką przyjaźń mając, temu nieprzyjacielowi naszemu i waszemu nie-
przyjaźń oddawać, my sami i syn nasz, Amynkirey soldan, ulani, kniaziowie,
murzowie, na tym dokończeniu przysięgli.
Przedtym które złe uczynki między nami były, te z myśli swych wypusz-
czamy. I chcemy wiarą i prawdą dzierżeć, a przyjaciele nasi aby to słysząc
radowali się, a nieprzyjaciele aby się bali.
A gdy między nami takowa przyjaźń będzie stała, tedy z państwa lytews-
kiego
s
kupcom wolno przyjeżdżać, i państwa polskiego także kupcy mają
przyjeżdżać. Żeby do naszego państwa wolno przyjeżdżali i odjeżdżali, i po
państwu naszemu
t
gdzie by jedno chcieli, kupowali, przedawali, a im nie ma
nikt żadnej krzywdy i szkody czynić. I wedle ustawy myto oddawszy, na czorce
u
sól wolno ludziom was, brata naszego, brać, i gdzie chcą przedawać, do któ-
rychkolwiek zamków waszych. A za
v
tą bracką przyjaźnią kupcom waszym,
i którzy posłowie przyjeżdżać mają, i posłowie, którzy by przyjeżdżać mieli,
tym kto by krzywdę czynił, takowe mamy karać, aby brat nasz takowych złych
ludzi
w
w swoim państwie karali. A dla przyjaźni braterskiej, jeśliby z Lytwy
albo z Polsky
x
hultani
y
i bogaci
z
do Prekopu przyjadą,
aa
nikt im na przesz-
kodzie
ab
być nie ma, wedlia
ac
obyczaju z towarów myto oddawszy, wolno by
targowali.
I tak rok które dokończenie pan Hornostay przyniósł, i którego by roku
mieli wojować, tego roku upominków dać nie macie. Tym obyczajem pisano.
Synowie nasi, caraczeyowie
ad
stąd
ae
z wojski naszymi bez wolej
af
naszej nie
pójdą. A jeśliby ktokolwiek z wojski naszymi, albo my sami którego roku
p
B. Saraiewicza.
q
B. Radomsko
r
B. postąpim.
s
B. litewskiego.
t
B. po państwie naszym.
u
On the Turkish term çorqa see n. 11 below.
v
B. tak.
w
B. ludzi złych.
x
B. z Litwy albo z Polskiey.
y
A loanword from Ruthenian, where hol’tjaj means “a landless peasant,” but also “a
poor man;” the phrase bohatym y holtjajnym (“the rich and the poor”) can be found in
the analogous fragment of the proposed treaty formula from 1535 (cf. Document 27).
z
In B. corrupt as bojarzy.
aa
B. przyjadą do Prekopu.
ab
Corrupt in A.; written correctly in B.
ac
B. wedle.
ad
In B. corrupt as carowiczowie.
ae
Missing in B.
af
In B. here and below woli.